Newspaper Page Text
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
Publisficd under the sanction of the Vermont Jlili-Slavery Society.
CHAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
MOflirFXIIiBJ, VERMONT, AUGUST 17, 1S39.
NATIONAL ANTI-SI.AVEKY CONVEN.
Albany, July 31, 1S39.
Pursuant to the call a larg-e number of tlie
citizens of the United States met at the 4th
Presbyterian Church in the city of Albany, on
Wednesday, the thirty-first day of July, 1S39.
The meeting was called to order by W. L.
Chaplin, chairman or the committee of arrange
ments, by reading the call.
Mr. Chaplin then proceeded to nominate Al
-van Stewart of N. Y. for President offthe Con
vention, and he was unanimously chosen.
The following' persons were chosen as Vice
1 residents, viz :
William Jackson, of Massachusetts ; David
Root, of New Haven ; Nathan Winslow, of Maine;
Elias Manchester, of New York ; Litidley Coates,
of Pennsylvania ; James G. Birney, of N. York;
James Paul, of Pennsylvania ; Thomas Garrett,
of Delaware ; israel Smith, of New York ; Mar
tin Pope, of New York ; Jonathan P. Miller, of
Vermont; Willis Ames, ot Rhode- Island ; A. M.
Collins, of Connecticut; Amos Farnsworth, of
Massachusetts ; Samuel Plumb, of Ohio; Samu
el Aaron, of New Jersey.
Joshua Leavitt, of New Jersey, Chauncey L.
Knapp, of Vermont, and Henry Gibbon?, of Del
aware, were appointed Secretaries.
Opportunity being given by the President for
that purpose, prayer was offered by Joseph R.
Robinson, of New York.
William L. Garrison moved that the word
" freeman" be so construed as to embrace " all
persons" present who adopt the principles of the
American A. S. Society.
Lost by a large majority.
Lewis Tappan announced that John Scoble, of
London, was present, and moved that he be invi
ted to take a seat on the platform, and to act as a
corresponding member of this Convention.
On motion of Joshua Leavitt, it was resolved
that a Business Committee of nine members be
appointed. The Chair announced the following
as the committee :
Samuel Webb, of Pennsylvania ; H. B. Stan
ton, New York ; Orange Scott, Massachusetts;
Zephaniah Piatt, Michigan ; John G. Whittier,
Pennsylvania ; Win. L. Garrison, Massachusetts ;
David Root, New Hampshire ; C. P. Grosvenor,
Massachusetts ; Joab Seety, Vermont.
William L. Garrison and Joab Seely declined
serving on the committee, and were excused. The
vacancies were filled with the names of Josiah
W. Hale, of Vermont, and Aiutin F. Williams, of
James G. Birney stated a case of three colored
men who are now demanded by the Executive of
Virginia, on a charge of having enticed away n
slave, as requiring immediate attention. He of
fered the. following preamble and resolutions on
the subject, which were adopted, and referred to
a committee of three members, with power to pre
sent them to the Governor of New York, in such
way as they deem proper.
" Whereas, it is made known to the Anti-Slavery
Convention now assembled in the city of Alba
ny, by the public journals, that certain persons,
named Peter Johnson, Edward Smith, and Isaac
Gary, citizens, it is presumed, of this State, have
been arrested in the city of New York, on the
charge of inducing a man, who is claimed as a
slave in the State of Virginia, to attempt his es
cape from said state to another, where he might
recover and enjoy his liberty, and of peacefully
aiding him in doing so ; an.d that said persons are
now confined in prison-, awaiting the issue of a de
mand to be formally made by the Executive of
Virginia on the Executive of the State of New
York, requiring said persons to be delivered up
to the agent of said Executive'of Virginia, in or
der to their being transferred to the jurisdiction of
that state there to be tried by laws which have
stripped more than one third of the population of
all their rights, civil, social, and political by laws
which, regard as criminal, and punish as such, the
expression of the opinion that man cannot right
fully be held as property by his fellow, and that
slavery is an unrighteous condition of things by
laws totally repugnant to the Declaration of Inde-
Eendence, and administered by those who do not
esitate publicly to assert that the sentiments of
Liberty embodied in that fundamental document
are but a " rhetorical flourish ;" and whereas the
surrender of a citizen of one rovereign State to be
tried by the laws of another, involves in it the ex
ercise of a power of the most delicate and respon
sible nature one, which it is believed, no Sove
reignty ought ever to exercise, except in cases of
crime, acknowledged to be such by all civilized
people, and under all forms of society and govern
ment ; and whereas the peaceful liberation of the
victims of bondage has been considered by the hu
mane, the enlightened, the refined every where,
and at all times, as one of the noblest and most
winning achievments of a generous spirit; There
fore, Be it resolved, as the sentiment of this conven
tion, that for the Executive of the State of New
York to deliver up the said persons to the author
ities of Virginia would be a virtual sanction of the
laws which punish humanity and philanthropy as
A'rime, a departure frem the line of conduct here
tofore observed in such cases by equal sovereign
ties in their intercourse with each other a cruel
abandonment of the citizens to the mercies of
those who charge them with disturbing the peace
and permanency of an institution built on the ru
ins of all Right a letting down of the dignity of
.u C5.. r ivt ir!. i ' . ?, '
uiu oiaiu in iitw i urn u sunjugauon oi me spir
it of liberty to the practice of oppression.
And be it further resolved, that, in the name of
our forefathers who stopped not to pledge their
lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor to the
maintenance of the Declaration of Independence,
and in behalf of every friend of American liber
ty now struggling for enlargement from the ser
pent folds of southern slavery, this convention
protests against the surrender of the citizens afore
said, about to be demanded by the authorities
Resolved, That James G. Birney, Lewis Tap
pan and William L. Chaplin be a committee to
present the above preamble and resolutions to his
Excellency William II. Seward. Governor of the
State of New York.
James G. Birney, Lewis Tappan nnd William
Li. Lhaplin were named as the committee.
The following members were appointed a com
mittee to prepare and report an address to the cil
izens of the United States on slavery, in its polit
ico 1 bearings, with the appropriate remedy:
Joshua Leavitt, of N. Jersey; Ellis Gray Lo
ring, Mass.; Dr. Farnsworth, Mass.; L. P. No
ble, J Y .; Myron Holley, N. Y.; Thomas Earle
Penn.; C. L. Knapp, Vt.; E. W. Clark, N. Y
On motion of S. Webb, it was voted that we
will adjourn at one o'clock, to meet at three o'
clock P. M.
Henry B. Stanton, in behalf of the busines
committee, reported the following preamble and
resolutions, which were accepted and taken up fo
Whereas, the spirit of slavery pervades, to a
great extent, Church and state in our country,
making the one a scandal and reproach to Chris
tendotr the other, a libel upon republicanism
and uniting both in the bans of an unholy alliance
repugnant alike to unadulterated Christianity and
genuine Democracy: .therefore,
Resolved, That we solemnly call upon all those
of our fellow men who love the principles of un
defiled religion, to neglect no opportunity for pu
rifying the cnurches or sects with which they may
bo connected, from the pollutions of a system ut
terly hostile to the precepts of the Gospel of
Christ, and to the fundamental doctrines of every
religious sect; and upon ail our fellow citizens
who value free political institutions for themselves
or their children, to neglect no opportunity, wheth
er of petition, remonstrance,' or rebuke at the ballot-box,
to cast out from the political parties with
which they may be associated, a spirit which
tramples in the dust the purest principles of both
Conservative and Radical Republicanism.
Adjourned till 3 o'clock, P. M.
3 o'clock, P. M.
The Convention met pursuant lo adjournment.
Opportunity being afforded, prayer was made by
John Cross, of New York. The minutes of the
morning'session were read and approved.
On motion, a'Commitlee of Finance was ap
pointed, consisting of Edward Corning, William
Jackson, and S. J. Penniman.
The Business Committee reported the follow
ing resolutions, which were accepted and taken up
for consideration, and were debated till the hour
of adjournment :
1. Resolved, That we will neither vote for, nor
support the election of any man for President or
Vice President of the united States, or for Gov
ernor or Lieutenant Governor, or for any legisla
tive office, who is not in favor of the immediate
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
2. Resolved, That every abolitionist who has
a right to vote, be earnestly entreated to lose no
opportunity to carry his abolition principles to the
polls, and thereby cause our petitions to be heard i
through the medium of the ballot-box.
Whereas the subject of nominating distinct anti-slavery
candidates for offices in the gift of the
people, has been presented to this Convention,
Resolved, That it be recommended to abolition
ists to adont such course in their respective sec
tions of country, in regard to this matter, as will,
in their judgment, best subserve the cause ot im
mediate abolition. i '
Lewis Tappan. by consent, offered the fallow
ing resolution, which was adopted :
Resolved, That the members of this Conven
tion will commemorate the anniversary of Eman
cipation in the British West Indies to-morrow
evening, August 1st, in this church ; that John
Scoble, of London, who has recently arrived in
this country from a tour of the West India Islands,
be invited to address the Convention, and make
statements respecting the success of the working
of freedom in the British Colonies ; that such oth
er exercises take place as may be provided by the
Business Committee ; and that public notice be
given in the morning papers.
Adjourned till half-past seven this evening.
Evening, July 31.
The Convention met; opportunity was embra
ced to oiler prayer by C. W. Denison, of N. Y.
The proceedings of the afternoon were read and
The resolutions under consideration at the ad
journment, were resumed, and the debate was
continued till the hour of adjournment. James
G. Birney offered the following amendment to
Res. 2 : .
" Resolved, As the opinion of this Convention,
that it is the duty of abolitionists, who are voters,
to exercise. their franchise to influence Congress
and the State Legislatures, so that they shall do
what they constitutionally can, for the abolition of
slavery throughout the land."
The report of the Committee on Finance was
made the order of the day at clever o'clock to
Thursday, August 1, 1839.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment.
Prayer was made by Daniel Wise, of Mass. The
records of last evening were read.
A letter was read from Thomas Morris, of Ohio,
explaining the reasons of his unexpected deten
tion from the meeting.
Cincinnati, July 22, 1839.
Dear Sir, It was my intention to have been with you
at the National Anti-Slavery Convention, at Albany, on
the 31st inst., and I had made preparations to leave this
place for that purpose on this morning; but the slate of my
health and Bomestic affairs have prevented me. I rejoice,
however, that the abolition of slavery throughout the civil
ized world, is no longer problematical- It seems to be al
most universally conceded, that this stupendous fraud up
on a portion of the human race is fast drawing to a close,
and the great question with us is truly, what measures are
best suited to accomplish this desirable end in the United
States. In our otherwise free and favored country, slave
ry seems to have erected its strongest hold, and is not only
strivina to covern the councils of the country, the pi ess
and the pulpit; but even mind itself is attempted lo be
made subject to its rules; and I should almost despair of
successful resistance, did I not Bee embodied in the cause
of freedom more moral worth, more talent, mnro patriotism
more love of country, more dovotedness to principles, than
is embodied in any other cause in the United Slates. Yes.
I repeat it, the gentlemen who are now, in our own coun
try engaged in the anti-slavery cause, seem to me, to pos-
sess more moral worth, more talent, more patriotism and
lovo of country, than any other body of men in the United
Slalos, not even excepting the public councils of the nation.
It is true they are yet in the minority ; but if 1 am not mis
taken, in every ago and country of the world in which men
have been compelled, by oppression, to strike for freedom,
they hare been at first but few in number and a persecuted
race. But where they have been sincere, making truth
and justice their guide, success has universally been the
final result of their efforts. With us the slave has no pow
er of action, nor can we consent that his freedom shall be
the purchase of his own arm; a merciful Providence, in or
der to prevent such dreadful catastrophes in our beloved
country, hat brought to his rescuo, and united for his de
liverance, the warmest hearts and soundest heads of the na
tion; and Ihey present to the world, the new, strange and
cheering phenomenon, of men enjoying all the blessings of
liberty themselves, yet willing to devote their time, their
means, their all. to procure for the oppressed and down
trodden slave, thoso natural rights to which ho is entitled
and which we promised to all men as the chief corner stone
of our republican edifice. I he moral power of such men
is sufficient for this work, but that moral power must op
perate by means; and the elective franchise is the great,
not the only means to make it effectual. Political action is
necessary to produce moral reformation in a nation; and
that action with us can only he effectually exercised through
the ballot box. And surelv the ballot box can never be
used for a more noble purpose, than to restore and secure
to every man his inalienable rights. It seems to me to be
almost an impossibility, that a man can be in favor of per
petuating American slavery, and yet bo a friend to the prin
ciples of our government. If the ballot box, then, is hon
estly and independently used, it alone will soon produce
the extinguishment of slavery in our country.
1 am happy to say to you, and to those who, Willi you,
are endeavoring to restore the slave to his long lost rights,
that in the West, the cause of freedom is onward; men
speak as well as think on this subject; mind is meeting
mind, and mutual confidence aud mutual support will be the
I sincerely regret that I am denied the pleasure of meet
ing the friends of liberty in convention at Albany; but there
is much to do here, and 1 find it not in my power to comply
with the numerous requests to attend meetings in different
parts of my own State. Though the friends of the slave
are scattered throughout our vast country, yet they seem to
be actuated by the same impulse this I trust will afloru
perseverance and give encouragement to all.
I am, with respect,
Your obedient servant,
William Lloyd Garrison presented his Protest
against certain proceedings ; which was read, and
ordered to be laid on the table, and printed with
the doings of the Convention.
The undersigned, a member of the National
Anti-Slavery Convention, now in session in Al
bany, respectfully asks leave to make the follow
ing Protest, and to have it published with the pro
ceedings of the Convention.
He protests, in the first place, against the man
ner in which this Convention has been called to
gether by the Committee of Arrangements, as un
precedented, exclusive and proscriptive in its phra
seology, (" such freemen1'' only, instead of all per
sons, without distinction of rank, sex, or color,
who agree in the principles contained in the Con
stitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
beina' invited to assemble) and also os unwar
ranted by any instructions which were given to
said Committee by those who appointed them.
He protests, in the second place, against the as
surance given by said Committee in their call, that
all " extraneous matters" would be kept out of the
Convention"; because it was not competent for
them to decide, in advance, upon the character of
the proceedings of this body; because they could
not tell, and therefore were unauthorised to deter
mine, what would be said or done on this occa
sion ; because such an assurance was needless, if
not purposely invidious, -as it ought always to be
taken for granted that abolitionists, iii their asso
ciated capacity, will act in good faith with each
other, and not drag in foreign questions for dis
cussion, to the confusion and derangement of the
anti-slavery organization ; and because it implies,
what is not true, that anti-slavery conventions have
not heretofore been strictly of an anti-slavery char
acter. He protests, in the third place, against the as
sumption of the respected President of the Con
vention, that the object of this Convention is main
ly, if not exclusively, political; because no ex
pression of sentiment, on this point, justifying such
an assumption, has been made, either by the A
mcrican Anti-Slavery Society, or any of, its aux
iliaries ; and because the undersigned believes,
that the grand object of this Convention, in the
eyes of American abolitionists, was to examine
the question of slavery as much in its religious as
its political bearings; to bring the artillery of truth
to bear as powerfully upon a corrupt Church as
upon a corrupt State ; and lo enforce the obliga
tions resting upon those abolitionists who are
church-members, as strictly as upon those who
use the elective franchise.
He protests, in the fourth place, against the con
duct of the Committee of Arrangements, in refus
ing lo explain, for the satisfaction of such delegates
present as might be in doubt on the subject, whom
they meant to include or exclude by the word " free
men" whether they meant by it legal voters, or
men only, or all persons, who are abolitionists,
without respect to sex, clime, ,,ar condition. In
declaring that they had no explanations to make
on this subject, the undersigned is constrained to
regard such conduct as not only extraordinary,
but as contrary to that frank and magnanimous
treatment of each other, and of their opponents,
which has ever characterized abolitionists; and
as evincive of a spirit of moral timidity, which is
afraid to take the responsibility of its own acts.
He protests, in the last place, agianst the, vote
of the Convention, by which one half of the most
devotedv powerful and successful advocates of en
slaved humanity, to wit, the ami-slavery women
of the United States, were declared to be dis
qualified or incompetent to sit as equal beings, in
this assembly, or participate in its proceedings, for
the sole reason that they are WOMEN. For the
first time in the history of the anti-slavery enter
prise, it has been authoritatively decided by a body
of professed abolitionists, that the anti-slavery plat
form is not broad enough to contain all "persons"
who ore in favor of immediate and unconditional
emancipation ; that human beings, without refer
ence to sex, cannot properly bo allowed to consult,
deliberate and act together, for the deliverance of
those who are held in slavery ; and that the call
of a committee, inviting "freemen" only to meet
in National Convention, is in accordance with the
wishes of the American Anti-Slavery Society
which recognizes women as equally entitled, by
me terms oi its uonstitution, to participate in it:
proceedings with the oilier sex. In view of th
extraordinary decision, on the part of those who
protess to believe that, in Christ Jesus, there is
neither Jew nor Greek, neither male nor femal
but all are one and that it is the duty of all per
sons to " remember those that are in bonds as bound
with them," und to labor unitedly fur their deliv
erame.; the undersigned is comne ed to retrnrd
the present Convention as defective in its orirani
zation, exlusive in its spirit, and therefore not in
strict accordance with the genius and scope of the
All which is respectfully submitted.
Wi. Lloyd Gahhison.
Albany, July 31, 1S39.
The unfinished business was then resumed, and
the discussion continued until the arrival of th
hour assigned for the report of the Committee of
The Finance Committee reported a statement
of the plans and wants of the American Anti-Sla-
Whereupon it was resolved that a subscription
and collection be now taken for the treasury of the
American Anti-slavery Society. I his business
occupied the Convention till the hour of adjourn
The Business Committee reported several reso
lotions, which were laid on the table for future
Adjourned till three o'clock this afternoon.
Thursday, Aug. 1, 3 o'clock, P. M.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment
Prayer was made by Edward Corning of N. Y.
The proceedings under the report of the Fi
nance Committee was resumed, and about 4,300
were subscribed to the funds of the A. A. S. So
ciety. The discussion of the resolutions was resumed
and continued until the hour of adjournment.
Adjourned till eight o clock to-morrow morning.
Friday, Aug. 2, 1S39.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment.
Opportunity being given as usual, prayer was
made by Augustus Littlejohn, of N. Y,
1 he proceedings of yesterday were read and
Letters were read, giving reasons for not at
tending the Convention, from E. C. Delavan, of
N. Y., and Theodore Sedgwick, of Mas.
Balls-ton Centiie, July 28ih, 1839.
Gentlemen, I have your letter, inviting me to attend
the National Anti-Slaverv Convention, to be held at Albany
on the 31st inst, and expressing a belief that the anti-Slave
ry experience I have acquired during my late visit lo J.lirope
might be servicable. My return home has been so recent,
ana I have so many duties pressing upon me in consequence
of my long absence, that I fear it will be out of my pow er
to be present. My time, while in Ureal Britain, w as ne
cessarily so taken up with temperance, that I had but little
leisure to attend to any other subjects, yet whether I desir
ed it or not, I hardly recollect an interview with a single
individual, where the subject of American slavery was not
ntroducod, and our melancholy position before tho world
freely set forth. It is not for me in 6ay whether my visit
abroad has advanced the great cause of temperance, but
sure I am that in no case could I have had a particlo of in
fluence, in this cause, had it been known Ihat I was in
any degree an apologist for slavery as it exists in the Uni
ted Slates. There appears to be but one opinion now a
mong Englishmen of all sects and politics with regard to
American slavery; all agree in proclaiming it to be a sys
tem at war with every principle of Christianity and justice,
unworthy of a people boasting of their equal rights and lib
erty, a heinous offence against the slave, aud a crvinir sin
Such is the feeling on this subject in England, that I am
convinced that no clergyman, no matter how talented, or
how popular at home, would be received with favor by his
own denomination, were it known that he was opposed to
(ho immediate, unconditional freedom of the colored man.
Were the ministers of Christ and piofussing Christians in
Great Briiain, as enlightened and thorough on the subject
f temperance, as they are on that of slavorv, alcohol
which in a great measure through their influence, holds
600,000 British subjects, in Great Britain alone, in bond
age;, sending 60,000 of them yearly to a drunkard's grave,
and a drunkard's eternity would soon, as a beverage, be
expelled the land. They now see as with a single eye
Bince thev have freed their own slaves that to hold a fel
low man in bondage always was, and eve.r will be sinful,
and deal out in no qualified terms their denunciations a-
eainst us for continuing it. Yet the same individuals, if
using the drunkard s drink, rise up at once if thev are ad
monished as to their habits. The peop'e of England are
fully determined to give us no quarter until slavery is end
ed. They intend to press us hard; so long as they do it in
spirit of benevolence and Christianity, I hope they will
persevere, we, in tne same spirit anu wnn equal energy
and zeal, must press them on the subject of their groat na
tional sin, their slavery to strong drink a slavery which
destroys both body and soul. That the deliberations of the
Convention may not only be harmonious, but result in some
well digested plan of action which will, eventually, break
the fetters of the enslaved, is the prayer of
xour brother, in the cause of freedom,
Edward C. Delavan.
LETTER FllOM THE HON. THEODORE SEDGWTCK.
Stockoridoe, 23d July, 1839.
Messrs. Joshua Leavitt and II. B. Stanton,
Gentlemen, 1 received your' letter of the 20th June
last, in behalf of a committee, requesting my attendance
at the National Anti-Slavery Convention, to be hold on
the 31st of July inst., and in case I rouhi not attend, de
siring an expression of my views. Although your call is
not confined to the members of the Society, of which I am
not one, but is extended to air who embrace the principles
which you consider as lying at the foundation of reform j
still with my particular impressions, there are. objections
to my attendance, the nature of which, in reply to your
courteous invitation, I am not disposed to discuss.. I must
be allowed, however, to say, injustice to myself, that I
am not in the least deterred by a disinclination to express
niv oninion fearlessly as to tho aim of your Hociety, winch
I conceive lo be just, wise, and great, or of its members,
many of whom I know to be those true-hearted, disinteres
ted, noble-minded people, from whom I hope never to he
separated. I agree with you therefore, perfoctly, when
von say that you consider, " that the abolition of slavery
by peaceful and constitutional means, is the greatest polit
ical interest of the nation," It is not because you are un
popular, mobbed, persecuted, haled J it is not because the
majority is not with you, that I am not. Popularities and
majorities are very uncertain tests, either of a man's duties
or his lasting interests. Nearly every great moral reform
has in the onset boon rebuked as fanatical and unpopular.
So far, then, from declining to attend your convention
through an unwillingness lo discuss the subject of slavery
openly and boldly, I should considor it the duty of evory
good man to avail himself of such an opportunity, unless
he thought there were unanswerable objections on other
grounds. For I have ever thought the protestations of the
southern people against a free discussion of the subject of
slavery, as being an improper interference with their "pe
culiar institutions" as wholly destitute of foundation in
law, in the constitution, or the proper practices of a free
L'overnmrnt. And as I take this right to bo unquestiona-,
h n. mill flwi . ..
b'e, and the
own person I shall ever defend it, and I will here lake thq
iMorty of stating (he grounds upon which, in mv opinion
the defence ought to bo put a subject which I fear is no
thoroughly understood. The constitution is a charter 'of
freedom ; the. freedom of the press, and of speech, are tha
great pillars upon which tho whole fabric rests. ' But this,
is not all. The constitution in providing for it amend
ineiit, hns by that act alone guaranteed the fullest discus.
..1..ur.intui iu ii as siavisii and odious , in my
sion of every principle contained in it for, how can any
thing be amended without being considered, and how can
any thing be considered without being discussal? Tho
only question, then, is, whether the discussion be sober.
constitutional, or violent, incendiary, and revolutionary ;
for if so, it is -war in disguise and no southern communis
ty ought to endure it. Nor is this all for though the con-i
stitution has provided for its amendment, there are excep
tions and where it deolares, that it shall nat be amended
there it may he said, that thero is an end of discussion
for why talk about altering a compact, when it is a part of
the stipulation, that it shall not be altered ? For the same
reason, why not be allowed to talk about the amending of
it, when it expressly provides, that it may be amended ?
The exception to which I refer is this. The constitution
provides, that no amendment 'which shall bo made prior to,
the year 1808, shall affect the first clause in the. ninth
section of the first article ) which clause declares, that Con
gress shall not prohibit the importation of slaves prior to
I olio. Here, then it is plain, that the constitution as pal
pably prohibited tho discussion of slavery in the one case.
as it allows it in the other. It is not true, then, that sla
very is the " peculiar institution" of the South; it is our
institution. also; we have allowed itj'we have consented
that slave property shall he represented; Ihat it shall in
part choose our representatives, senators, and president; it
is a part of the compact. But it is a part, an article of the,
constituticn that may be amended; and it is clear, that ev
ery attempt to abolish slavery is virtually an endeavor to,
amend the constitution. Abolition meetings, therefore,
can have no other design than to induce the slaveholding
states to consent for our mutual benefit to abolish this part
of the compact, and thus ensure emancipation. There are
other grounds upon which it is impossible to consider tha
discussion of American slavery as unconstitutional, or op-,
posed to the principles which bind us together. Slavery
in every form is ami-democratic, not, to be sure, accordi
ng to tho creeds or slang of partv, but accord in a to thoso
eternal principles, which will survive all party. And I
must confess, that 1 long since hoped, that this question
might have been so treated, as to be removed from all par--ty
influence, and committed lo that great mass of democrat
ic citizens of all parties, in whose hearts the fire of liber
ty is ever burning, however much their judgments may
for a while be confounded by party intrigue, attachments.
and appeals. Nor do I believe that abolition doctrines will
make any sure progress, till this can be effected till sla
very is considered in its true light, as an old poison left in
the veins; as fostering the worst principles of aristocracy,
of pride, and aversion to labor; as therefore the natural en
emy of the poor man, the oppressed man, the laboring man.
In this sense, it is not a fanciful question about the equal'
My ol tne tilac and white races, never perhaps to be set-
cd to. the satislaction of all, but whether absolute domin
ion over any creature in the image of a man, be & whole
some power in a free cpuntry ; whether this be a school ir
which to train tha young republican mind; wh.utb.er slave,
blood and frco blood can course healthily togelher in thq
same body politic. With the true lovers of freedom, there-j
fore, of democratic government, of the race of man, rich or.
poor, high or low, and the sincere haters of oppression, and
of every degree of privileged inequality, and cruelty, therij
can be no question about the right to discuss slavery.?
Whatever may be present appearances, and by whatever,
names parly may choose to call things, this question must
hnafly be settled bv the Democracy of the country. It is,
plain to me, therefore, that the subiect ought for the orcs-
ent at least to be transferred from Congress to the great
body of the people, on account of their superior purity,
disinterestedness, and reasonableness, great a solecism as
that may appear; and treated with tha reason, moderation
and generosity which is due to our southern brethren, in
the unhappy predicament in which they are placed; and in
such a way, that the pestilent spirit of party, which in tho.
United States is poisoning the minds of tho people, per
verting their judgments, and degrading the nation in thq
eyes of the whole world, may not touch it.
With great respect, your ob't serv't,
On motion of E. D. Culver,
" Resolved, That no member of this Convention,
be permitted (unless by special leave of the con-;
vention) to speak more than ten minutes at one,
time, nor more than once on the same subject un-;
der debate, until all others, who may wish to' speak,
shall have had an opportunity so to do,"
On motion of A. St. Clair,
" Kesolved, That this Convention will finally
adjourn at four o'clock this afternoon, and if ne-j
cessary will sit continuously until that hour.''
The discussion was resumed on the resolutions,
After discussion, James G. Birney moved the pre-,
vions question, but the call was riot seconded.
The debate was continued, and at eleven o'clock
the previous question was again moved and or-,
dered. The question was taken cm the first reso-
lution, nnd the yeas and nays being called for,
were ordered, and were as follows ; yeas 233, nay
10. So the resolution was adopted. "
jMaink. S. Silsbee, I. Winslow,
N. Hamp. J. Woodward, W. H. Haywood, J,
13. Perkins, B. Wood, II, K, W. Clarke, E. F,
Vermont. -J. Stdman, J. P. Miller, C, I4
Knapp, J. Sco'ey, G. P. Walton, O. L. Shnfierv
J. P. Neweomb, D. Roberts, G. Beckley, N. Saf
ford, B. Shaw, L. Bottom, E. Webster, J, W,
Hale, L. Brainnrd, C. C. Frost, P. Kavasales,
Mass. W. L. Garrison, J. V. Hiiries, A. St.
Clair, E. G. Loring, J. C. Webber, G. W, Sim
monds, G. M. Tuthill, T. Kinc, J. Haydcn, J.
Reid, D. Sanders, M. S. Iiend, N. Snow, J. Hor
ton, O. ScoU, G. II. Smith, W. Little, J. Taber.
J. Bailey, R. Hackett, R. B. Hubbard, P. Abbott.
11. Cnmmings, W. Morse, C. V. Grosvenor, B,
N. Bullock, I. Kittridge, P. Richardson, S. Good-.
hue, G. W. F. Mellen. '
Conn. W. Leavitt, A. B. Kuntingtotr, F. V.
Guun, G. Sharpe, R. Warner, A. Granger, E. D.
Hudson; F. Bush, D. Plumb, G.- Read, L. Beersj
Jr., W. Lvman, S. Doming, J, G. Baldwin &. F
Willims,'E. D. Kinney, J. S. Hall, E. C Tut,
tie, L. Tuttle. G. C. Wilson. .
R. Iskanu. W. Ames. C. D. Green, W. M.
Chncc, A. W, Pitt, W. Chac.e.
Nkw York. E. P. Freeman, I. S'mth.( Q:
Kirk, .1. L. Hodge, E. W. Goodwin, S. Myers,
S. Parks, C. Hempinstall, M. Holley, W. W.
Brewster, W. W. Pattnu, L. Tappan, L. R. Sun
derland, E. E. Miles, J. W. Hill, J. E. II. W'al
I n, H. Dresser, J. L. Ambler, J. G. Birney, J.
Pierce, C. V. Denison, J. P. Turney, P. Hudson,
T. W. Rayner, E. Fisk, R. Goss, II. B. Stanton,
R. G. Williams, J. Downing, E. B. Stick'ney, D.
Metcajf, S. Matloon, P. B." P;irry, E. Richards'.
T. Marshall, C. Anderson, B. Folts, J. R. John,
son, G. W. Paul, II. F. Garnet, J. Rrqua, D. L.
Starr, D. Canfield. S. Thompson. T. B. Watson,
S. Thomas, Jr., J. Pratt, W. L. Chaplin, L. Lee)