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ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers. Published under the sanction of the Vermont Jlnti-Slavery Society. - CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP Editor
VOLUME I. MOIVTPELIKK, VEUITIOIVT, SEPTEHREEl 7, IS39. NUMSSER 3G.
From the Emancipator.
DEBATES IN THE ANTI-SLAVERY CON
VENTION.
(continued.)
Mr. Cornish again addressed the Convention
still further insisting on the ground he hid before that was the political power ; and a pull altogcth
money power. boud ap
talten. er and that was the'
Mr. Birney said he differed very materially in plause.1
opinion from the brother last up. There would The Convention adjourned to Thursday morn-
be force an his argument, if only p. single effort ing, 'J o'clock.
was to be made. If there was but one election to Thursday Morning, 9 o'clock.
the resolutions, it was sometimes necessary to names ana our money, ana moor tor your cause
make the Pro slavery politicians fear ; and this by night or by day, it you don t bring it into
was the effectual way to' do it. He stated the politics. That is our idol take nway our
result of such a course in his own county as hav- gods and what have we more?" Thu
ing compiled a Pro Slavery candidate to back out men's political power was practically their idol
and a whole-souled abolitionist "and no mistake," and tlie prevailing sentiment was that their vote
to take his place (laughter and applause.) The belonged to their party. In such a state of things
three means to insure victory, were moral power, what good would ever be effected by a mere re
political power, and money power; a strong pull, fusal to vote for any but an abolitionist? Mr. S
wqnted language to dehne its supreme lnaenmte-
ness fa laugh. 1 Now the abolitionists were the
first body of men in the world who had ever pro'
posed to -take political power from this degraded
use, and apply it to eradicate the great moral evils
of the land. We had in this country two millions
be decided, then Mr. B. would say, go for the best The Convention met and was opened with of law makers ; i. e. of voters. They had been
candidate of the two ; but elections were to recur prayer. . in a mass to the polls, and generally vote in such
vear after year, and the advocates of the abolition The President reminded the members of the a manner as to promote the prevalence of intern-
cause were now laying down a permanent system convention, that this was the 1st of August, 1839; porance, advance the interests of slavery, and ben-
. 1 . - r t i f . I.i TT-r-ri-Ti- . . i i-.. ii-. r .1 1 1 T. .1
oi operation aaequuie ior ine wnoie country, un- me i ii Alt UiNlii ot emancipation to nan a minion eiu a iew aspiring inuiviuuais. u was pruposeu
til slavery is finally abolished. It would almost of their colored brethren in the West India Islands, by abolitionists to consecrate this power to higher
always happen tiiat ot two candidates set up, one Mr Stewart said he had considered that day.a year ends : and the question before this convention was
would be rather more favorable to the principles ago.as the best day that had occurred in the lapse of how the force of the abolition men could he
of abolitionists than the other; but yet, when e- time since the Saviour was upon earth. He knew brought to bear directly on the polls for this pur
lected, he might not do a single legislative act to of no era that could compare with it; no act had pose.
lorward their cause, it was plain they might go so developed before the world the iorce ot divine mere were two modes which might be pursu-
on forever voting lor such men, and accomplish ascendancy of the principles of humanity as had ed. Une was to pass the resolution now before
nothing toward the destruction of slavery. As the act of the British Legislature, emancipating the Convention, and then let each man choose oftt
long as it was found that they would be thus put the enslaved population of the West India Colo- his own course, lhe abolition vote was to be
off with a single grain of abolition in a candidate, nies. It was a clorious SDectacle to see a mighty used wholly irrespective of party their Questions
and even that admixture too small and weak to and ancient nation rising up, as one man, for a about sub-treasury and national banks were noth-
showitselt in action,the parties would never set up great principle of morals and civil polity, and in ing in comparison to it, the mere cob-houses of a
a genuine abolitionist. The Rev. brother had ask- an hour setting half a million of bondmen free ! distempered imagination not to be named in the
ed whether they were going to insist upon perfec- Where was the threatened violence that was to same day. Well ; October came, and the aboli
tion, before they would vote for a candidate pre- follow ? What masters' throat had been cut ? tionists were waiting for the'two great parties in
sented to them: certainly not. but would that Who could shew even a spotted' garment ? What the country to nominate abolition candidates'
gentleman vote for a man to be Professor in a col- soul had been sent unannoinled and unanealed to they were sitting at home, wailing for the moving
lege who would openly avow himself to be for a its last account by this great net of mercy ? Hap- of the waters. 1 ho Whig managers came to them
little lying, a little stealing, a certain amount of py, happy day ! Mr. S. was glad that in Provi- and enquired, " what do you abolitionists ask ?"
drunkenness, though not the very utmost amount dence it had so happened that this anniversary co- Why, we want all the members of Congress, and
possible? He knew he would not. Would he incided with the time of the meeting of an Anti- the State Assembly and Senate, every man of
vote for a man as pastor of a church who advoca- Slavery Convention gathered from all the free them. " That is a pretty considerable demand,
ted slavery in the slightest degree ? He would States of this union ; and he was still more grat- but if we comply with it what will you do for us ?
not. So neither did abolitionists demand peifec- ified at another coincidence, no loss providential, Will your men be true to us when they get to Al
tion, but they did demand for their cause what he meant that the convention should have been bany and Washington?" Why, what do you
was reasonable, and what all admitted, theoreti- favored with the presence of a distinguished stran- mean? "Will they vote our Senator? We
cally, to be right. Was it right, ivould any man ger, a British philanthropist, just returned from a have got a Senator, who, though no abolitionist is
soberly contend it was right, for one man to take tour of benevolent enquiry in the immediate scene a very good man ; will your men vote for him ? "
the labor of another without compensation; to of this great triumph of freedom. By no means; we can only go for a full blooded
chain and scourge to death, and shoot and burn ? The time of the convention was taken up for abolitionist. " Well, will they vote for our comp
to separate husband from wife, and parent from more than an hour in a discussion of the conduct troller? our Secretary of State? our Treasurer?
child? Were these things right ? Could there be of Governor Seward in relation to the applica- our Canal Commissioners ? " Are they abolition
any dispute about them ? There could not. There tion of the Governor of Virginia for three colored ists ? " No." Then we can't vote for them. " Not
was not; and all Mr. B. asked was, that those men. if the power of the State must otherwise pass in-
tvho admitted these things to be wrong, and wish- Mr. Israel Smith, V. P. having by request tern- to opposite hands ? " No. " Well, what will you
ed to bring them to an end, should act according porarily assumed the chair, Mr. Alvan Stewart do for us in Congress? Will your men vote for
to their own principles. Though the catalogue addressed the Convention upon the first resolu- Clay ?" No. " Will you then vote for our Speak
of abolitionists was small, yet were it a hundred tion. er ? for our Clerk ? for our Printer ?" Are they
times as long, if it was just and right, they might Mr. Stewart said he had heard many important pro-slavery men? "Why yes rather so."
properly enough require conformity to it at the remarks in the able speeches of members on this Then we can't vote for them. "What not if
hands of every legislator. If we required any- resolution : but his objection to them all was this, the politics of the union shall turn upon the vote ?"
thing of questionable propriety, Mr. B. would say that no definite mode had been pointed out for the No. " Then what motive have we to nominate
at once abandon it ; but until this could be shown, concentration of the political power of the aboli- .your men ? we gain nothing by it we might just
lie would not consent to abandon one grain of our tionists of the U. Stales, by which to render it as well nominate an adversary. But won't you
demand. He was for the first resolution as it available to the great object they had in hand, lower your terms ? Supposing we give you your
stood. He felt no difficulty in taking such a Merely to pass a general lesolution that they members of Congress and half the members of
course. Possibly he was not qualified to appre- would support no political candidate unless he the Assembly, will you vote the other half of the
date the difficulties felt by others, but for himself, it was a thorough-going abolitionist, and then to re- ticket ? " No. Abolitionists can only vote for the
was enough for him to know that a candidate, turn home and leave every man to pursue what- abolitionists we can do nothing for the rest of
whether Democrat or Whig, would not, when e- ever course he thought best for the cause, would, your ticket. "Why, you are very hard. This
lectea, carry out abolition principles : such a man he leared, lead to a want of union, and to diller- will maice mucn sirne among us. we nave
should not be his representative. ences and heart-burnings among those who ought some strongpro-slavery men among us and we must
As to the second Resolution, he would now of- to act as one man. This want of concentrated give them a part of the ticket enn't you vote for
fer the following as a substitute, to be adonted in action was their most fatal enemv. This was to a single man unless he's an abolitionist ? " No
its place. be dreaded more than the force of both the great not one. " Well, then, if you will not divide the
" Resolved, As the opinion of this Convention, political parties put together. The consequences loaf, what motive have we to nominate your men?
that it is the duty ot the Abolitionists, who are vo- might bo seen already in some of the counties of We are willing to divide with you. You may
ters, to exercise their Iranchise to iiilluence Uon- this state, where abolitionists had been mutually make as mucli noise about it as you please you
gress and the State Legislatures, so that they criminating each other. And so it would contin- may throw up abolition rockets all over the State
shall do what they constitutionally can for the ab- ue to be so long as they were left to draw their only vote our pro-slavery candidates in the As-
olition of slavery throughout the land, bow at a venture and shoot into the blue sky. sembly, and you may have the Congressmen.'
Mr. B. said, he offered this proposition in place lhe little handful of the friends of the slave would No we can do nothing but vote for abolitionists
of the other and with a view to bring about what be overwhelmed and lost in the general melee of Here- would be an end of our conference with the
he considered as indispensible to the success of contending political factors. What was wanted Whigs. Ihen would come the Van Uuren men
the Abolition cause. His brother Cornish seemed was a wise and universal system of action. And and they would put just the same questions and
to think that there was a separation between po- in view of the whole case, he was disposed to cry we must give them just the same answers. What
litical and religious action : Mr. B. looked upon out with a wiser man " who is sufficient for motive would they have any more than the Whigs
them as one and the same. The brother said, it these things ? " who should lay down the outlines to nominate abolition tickets ? Jn such cases such
must be religious action which would secure sue- of combined action for the entire abolition army ? a negotiation has ended in dividing the ticket
cess; very true, but we could not get right politi- Who should plan the attack and determine at the abolitionists have got a part of the nomination
cal action till there was first right religious feel- which angle the ancient, firm, blood-cemented and to secure that portion have voted the whole
ing ; when that was attained, you could not res- fortress of slavery could be attacked with the most It was by such a course that we go t brother Cul-
train men from right political action ; men were prospect of a breach ? This called for the wisdom ver and brother Gibbs herefrom the county of
not right, not only because they not, only did not of all the gray-headed generals of the camp. Washington. Lo catch our votes they put up two
feel religious duty as they ought, but because they It seemed to him that the lull scope ot our Gov- abolitionists and two who were not, and to carry
did not carry their religious duty to the polls, ernment was not fully appreciated. The great our men we had to vote theirs.
Now Abolitionists constituted a peculiar associa- principle that political power was moral power, Having thus considered one of the two courses
'tion a distinctive class in the community, stand- that it was the highest power which one man that might be pursued to bring abolition influence
ing by itself and separated alike from all political could use for the government of the conduct of to bear at the polls, he now proceeded to consider
.i ci. rrn i t i . r .1 -r! . ...I : .1 J:rr . A J : . 1 - .L
parties in me oiaie. incy naa cnaracterisiics 01 anoiner, was not suuiciemiy impressuu on many a uiuereni inuuu, unu gave 11 us ins ujjhuuu mm
their own ; and what were these ? He contended minds. He believed that the moral power of a rather than go home and leave matters as they
that the carrying out their views at the polls, as a representative government was to this day a great would stand after a naked adoption of the first res-
means of affecting the legislation of the country, but unexercised power in this country. What olution, it would be better to lorm a third party,
Was one of these distinguishing characteristics of we had yet to learn was to convert our political and set up an entire set of candidates of their own.
abolitionists. There were, he knew, some aboli- power into a great moral power : to bring the Not that his mind was fully reconciled to such a
tionists who differed with him on this point, and force of the ballot-box to bear on the existence course, but he would prefer it on the whole to lea
thcught that they ought not to goto the polls at and continuance of crime. By refusing to select ving every man to fish out his duty as he best
all ; not that it was a sin to ballot, but in view of any man as our representative who was not tern- might. 'The objection urged against the resolu
something else that lies beyond, He said (though perate himself and the friend of temperance in tion was, that the abolitionists were scattered sheep
many differed from him) that there was a differ- others, the vice of intemperance might ultimately that to pursue such a rigid course would be
nce perfectly irreconcilable between these two be driven from the land, And so of profanity, of gaining nothing, and would only render them a
classes of abolitionists. It was with a view to lead licentiousness, of slavery. By political power, general laughing-stock. There were, to be sure,
to uniformity of action he had offered his amend- which was a moral power of the highest charac- some firm men who by hard screwing they could
ment. It had been objected that the convention ter, these four evils might be abolished in the bring up to the point but when they got home
were about to violate conscience; not so, no force community. And if they were able, in one gen- they would find their faith very feeble, and their
was employed : every man was free to pursue the eration to achieve so great a deed, surely they feelings very cold in comparison to what they had
course he most approved. Where then was the would not have lived in vain. It was a moral tri- been while in the warm atmosphere of a Conven
yiolation of conscience ? where any threats utter- umph that would attract the wonder of the world, tion. Shooting into the air was discouraging bu
sed? was it intimated that unless men acted at Neither angels, nor the minds of "good men made siness, and they might wait till doomsday before
the polls they must be cast out of the abolition perfect " were sufficient to compute its value, no, either party would give them an abolition candi
ranks ? No'such thing. What compulsion then not if the powers of angels and archangels were date. The only alternative then came up, which
was there? arid how could any man say his con- multiplicable to all eternity. Political power, as was, the formation of a third party. To be sure
science was violated ? Dissenters from'tho cstab- hitherto exercised, had been directed to purposes, they were firm, but their numbers were small, and
lished church in Great Britain complained of this: chiefly of internal government; to questions of they affected the two great parties in the country
hut was it that the Church merelv expressed its peace and war ; to the safeguards of real property, no more than so many dead men, or so many al-
opinion of what ought to done ? Far from it : its for the collection and safe keeping of the revenue; iens. There were as many abolition candidates
nrpscrintinns of dutv were backed bv power and for the licensing of taverns, and encouraging the as there were counties in the State. INo less than
onTfirpprf hir nRnnltlRs. But here everv man was manufacture of ardent spirits ; for the advance- fifty set up last year for Governor. Someoftheir
ftp? tn take his own course with none to molest ment of a few ambitious men to office. The peo- number were Van Buren men, but the great ma
nr lunrW lIr. n miild not sav what the effect pie had been in the habit of doing up their election jority of abolitionists in the State were Whigs.
of this amendment would be : but this he could business as a job to be accomplished by a mnjority. The two parlies came down upon them with full
say, that if it were rejected, he should not consid- It had been so used as to produce a spceiesof idol- force. What ! Will you let us lose all our friends
er that any violence was done to his conscience atry. Men idolized their political parties. When for this ? Will you lose all your own ? Will you
by the rejection : and in like manner, if it should one came to them on uny moral subject and ask- sacrifice all your trade? No sooner did Novem-
be adopted, he hoped others would not consider it ed their co-operation, the reply generally was, "oh, bcr come than the pressure was horrible. The
ns nny violence done to theirs. yes, we are willing to do any thing only don't screws were turned with a power almost irresist-
Mr. Sawyer, of Ontario county, was in favor of bring it into politics; we will give you our ible, Tho consequence was that many abolition
ists gave silent votes and were as hushed asdeatl
for days after. All this. was for want of som
home, some rallying point, some well-digested
system of organization. For his own part, he di
not doubt that the people were heartily sick
both parties. The amount of corruption on hot
sides was great, considering the infancy of our na
tional life. There was an abundant foundation for
the formation of a third party. The doubt in th
minds of many was, whether they should at once
ucciare that the abolition question was paramoun
to all other considerations, and in all their acts, no
litical as well as other, they should determine to
act lor the slave, and at once appoint a great con
servative committee to speak for them. If they
were unueu uiey couia hold the balance ot power
But while they remain in their present condition
and were debarred from taking part with one par
ty or the other, they were as nothing. If they
wouiu lorm a tnira party, tney could throw lilteen
men into congress and thirty into the state Le
gislature. As things were, by simply consenting
to vote either ticket, they could control the elec
-i- a 1 .1 .1.
uon oi senators, some saia mat this was cor
ruption. Mr. S. did not know how that might be
One thing was certain, that many abolitionists
were so corrupt as to vote a ticket that had no ab
olitionist on it at all. For his own part, he regar
ded this business of voting as an agencv appoint
ed of God, and in the dilemma he would ask the
slave what he should do ? He would tell him
that in eight of the free stales they had so many
vote3 that they could fling a hundred men into
Congress if they would act wilh any of the parties
who wanted to elect their clerks and sheriffs, Sec
lor three years, but their candidates were nro-sla
very men. should he vote or shouid he not vote?
Would not the slave reply, " Do for us the best
you can ; strike high never vote a ticket unless
there are strong abolition men upon it." Here
they had a practical illustration. By electing ah
olitionists to Congress, they could change the
course ot trje national legislation and could illu
minate society far more effectually than by turn
ing their pockets inside out to sustain agencies.
With all their efforts the people did not get lisrht.
It was sedulously barred out. Other papers which
said nothing on the subject, turned the anti-slavery
papers irom the door. jJut these abolitionists 11
Congress could illuminate the nation ; their dis
cussions and debates and documents would reach
far and wide, and do more than all other things
to disseminate the truth. Let it once be known
that they never would vote a ticket unless it had
strong abolitionists unon it, and such men would
soon be put upon the tickets. When one party
found that this course was pursued by the other,
they would pursue it also, and then the abolition
ists could select the best men from both.
The great difficulty with regard to a third par
ty was that the abolition friends would become dis
couraged before they got. n plurality, stragglers
would be picked off and many true men would be
disheartened yet on the whole he preferred to
lorm a third party to act as they now did without
any organization or union. Whatever instrumen
tality Ijod was pleased to bless, Mr. s. was not
at liberty to decline. Some men said that they
would not condescend to hold a seat m Congress
f they knew that a pro-slavery man or a drunk
ard voted for them, while others feared that if
they formed a third party it would become cor
rupt. Well, if they did, they' would be no worse
than they are now. They now hoped to be nom
inated by one of the parties and where was the
great difference whether they were voted for by
pro-slavery men or by men of their own princi
ple?. As to taking that portion of a ticket which
a large central convention should say was right
the moment that should be known to be their plan
of tactics, political leaders would begin to look at
them. They would begin to perceive that to be
an abolitionist was one road to the gratification of
their ambition, and we must take the world as we
find it. The young ambitious aspirant would soon
be found buying anti-slavery books, and underta
king to examine the question anew. At present,
the upper classes of community eschewed them.
The taint of abolitionism was like the plague ; but
let abolitionists make it their interost to elect their
friends and to instruct them on the subject, and
their power would soon be felt. They must ei
ther resort to this course, or must form a third par
ty. . By acting under the resolution as it now
stood) they could do nothing, because they could
hold out to neither party a sufficient inducement
to put abolitionists in nomination. Mr. S. conclu
ded with an apology for the desultory character of
his remark, which, he said, were intended to be
rather practical than theoretical.
Mr. Samuel Webb, of Philadelphia, then ad
dressed the Convention in a speech of much in
terest, which our limits compel us to postpone til
next week.
The Convention now passed to the order of lhe
day, which was to receive the report of the Fi
nance Committee, the proceedings under which
we are obliged to postpone.
Thursday P. M.
The question recurred on the adoption of the
resolutions, and a discussion ensued which occu
pied the residue of the silling.
Mr. Stanton stated, that heretofore, the Exccu
tivc uommittee and the general meetings oi the
anti-slavery society, had advised. the friends of the
cause against organizing a dislinct parly with can
didatcs of their own ; but it was obvious from tna
nv resolutions which had been proposed to tne
business committee, and from private conversation
since the Convention had met, as well as the in
dicntions abroad, that the Abolition nnnd ot lhe
United States was in a traiiM'on slate. Gentle
men were present who felt very anxious indeed,
that the formation ol a third patty should be rec
ommended. Some went so far as to desire that
the Convention would nt once nominate politica
candidates others wished that a contingent nom
ination should be made, while others were enure
ly ol a dillerent mind. Under these circumstan
ces, the business Committee had not felt them
selves roady distinctly to recommend the adoption
of either of these courses, but thought it best to
leave each lection of country to adopt such course
as might seem best calculated to advance tne in
terests of the cause. Hence, they reported the 3d
resolution. "'
Mr. Reed of Auburn addressed the Convention
for a considerable time. After explaining wha
ns own course had been at the last election, when
he had concluded to support a ticket, and vote for
it, though not fully satisfied as to the qualifications
of all the candidates, he said that his main object
had been to press upon abolitionists in advocating
their cause the grand principle of action, which
had been recently recommended by Mr. Clay, in
advancing the interests of the Whigs namely, Jo
forget all private differences and to concentrate for
principle. This ho- said was the position he should
take. He had been abused on both sides by one
he had been represented as a sham abolitionist, by
the other as a fanatic and an ultra, who had but
one idea. He wa3 willing they should say any
thing about him, provided they did not call him
recreant to the cause of humanity. Mr. R. dis
sented from the resolution under discussion, and
should not vote for it, because he believed it would
practically amount to nothing. He was for hav
ing all abolitionists fix it as a sentiment in their
mind, that they would vote for no man who was
not prepared to go for abolition to the death. No
political considerations should prevent him from
taking this course. And he thought it ought to
be pursued irrespective of all parlies. To vote in
favor of those who came nearest to abolition prin
ciples, but yet were not abolitionists, would be to
accomplish nothing. Rather than pursue a course
ike this, he should prefer forming a third nartY.
but was not ns yet "prepared for that. Let everv
abolitionist abandon his political preferences the
very moment they interfere with these dis
tinguishing principles lethim hold himself pledg
ed to tho abolition cause, and bound to sacrifice all
else to promote it. If he was sure that ay can
didate was sound on this point, he would vote for
him, be his party principles what they might. Let
abolitionists steadily pursue this course, and they
will ultimately see both the parties in the country
revolutionized. As an illustration he referred to
the course adopted by the advocates of a certain
rail-road, who made it a sine qua non with everv
candidate, before he got their votes, that he should
pledge himself to vote for that road; and to this
object they made all other considerations yield.
By a steady adherence to this principle they would
carry their point. Let abolitionists do the same,
and they would carry theirs. Mr. R. made fur
ther references to the history of party m magement
in the state of New York especially, in relation to
the anti-masons, from all which he drew the same
general inference, that it was the true abolition
policy to put abolition first, and make it an indis-
icnsable requisite in all for whom thev voted.
The question must go to the ballot box at last.
modify it as they might. There at last the bat
tle must be nought, and taice what course they
would, it would ultimately lead to the formation
of a third party. Let the course he had laid down
be steadily pursued, and the two parties Would
nominate abolitionists for themselves and then
there would be a third party. So long as aboli
tionists talked and preached against slaverv, and
then voted for slave-holders, they would accom
plish nothing but let abolitionists be true to
themselves and their principles, and they wou'J
soon find that in many parts of the country they
held the balance of power. They formed the bona
and sinew of western New York, but they must
keep away from nil party caucuses and must hold
caucuses of their own. Multitudes of the votes
given at the last election, might as to all practical
good, have just as well been thrown into the dock.
but let abolitionists stick down their stake and
be true to their own cause, and though they might
get few votes this year, they would soon find that
there would be cringing iti certain political camps.
The democracy would in general be wilh the ab
olitionists. Everv slaveholder would eventunlk'
ose the name of a democrat, for slavery was that
;in of sins, and which, if it prevailed, must eat
out the democracy of the country. As to Clay
nd Oalhoun, and Jie would put Adams into the
mess, they had not one feeling in common with
the democracy of the United States. A man who
could buy and sell his fellow men, and like a cer
tain judge, declare that the Constitution had refer
ence only to white men, never could be a repub
i: ni r .: -r .1 j 1, .
1 ue luiumuuu 01 a uiiru party would lest
c abolition strength. It would be attended with
at least this good result, they would have no sham
11-. TT r 1.1.. ,
uoiiuonisis. lie iearen mat it they proceeded as
t present, they would be swallowed up, and there
would at last be nothing to resort to but the for
mation of a third party.
!lr. Loring, ol lioston, said that this discussion
as wholly unexpected. He agreed that the sla
very question must ultimately be decided at the
ballot box, but he doubted exceedingly the expe
diency of forming a third party, at least at the pre
sent time. At all events, if they must have such a
thing, he hoped it would not be the hot bedgrowtli
of a convention, but would be suffered to grow up
of itself, and be the natural result of cirsumstances
To form a third party at this- time, would be a
gainst the .sound lessons of all experience in the
conducting of great moral enterprises. How wa9
the glorious emancipation question carried in Eng
land ? The abolitionists there had no po'iical or
ganization, although there was one of lhe pro-slavery
men. They had carried their cause trium
phanily by treating it simply as a mora and reli
gious question. It was true they had spoken thro
the ballot boxes, but there the people had been
brought up to abolition instead of abolition froin
down to lhe people. Another example was fur
nished in the success of the temperance cause in
our own land. More had been done for it by le
gislation in Massachusetts than in any other State
of the U nion, and yet the friends of temperance
had never had a political organization there. The
measure was carried as a moral and religious
question it was the moral and religions sense of
iliepeop'..: which had spoken cut with a comman
ding energy. What was the difference between
the two causes ? Why might not the moral nnrl
religious tense of the people in all the free slates
of this Union, and in some of the slave slates too,
be brought to speak out on the subiect of slaverv.
as it had done on the subject of temperance ? Tho
course pursued by the anti-masons was a beacon
of warning on this subject. They find formed n
political organization, a third oariv. nnd in Alnn.
chuselts ot least they had made the msplvrs n h is.
sing and n contempt. They had begun by pres
sing anti-masonry a3 a moral und religious ques-

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