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THE VOICE OF FREED OM
From (he Emancipator.
OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF ABOLITIONISTS
HELD AT ALBANY, JULY "01, 1839.
To the Citizens of the Untied States.
A . . . . .
a numerous convention ot American citizens,
assembled under a call from the American Anti-
Slavery Society, at Albany, on the 31st of July
IttIO ,n -!,l. l ; r
can blavery upon the welfare and happiness of our
common country, and the duties which consequent'
y devolve upon us as American freeman in pro
moling the abolition of the system, embrace the
opportunity to spread before our fellow country
men, the free electors of the United States, the fol
We find that the encroachments of the Slave-
holding Power upon the liberties of the free citi
zens of the United States, and upon the free prin
ciplesand institutions they cherish, have reached
a height which gives just occasion of alarm : while
various deceptive and corrupting influences are at
work, calculated to mislead the people to their un
doing ; and the greatest danger arises from the
apparent unconsciousness of the public mind of
the existence of any danger or ot any departure
lrom the principles of liberty
The great principles of Liberty and of Human
Rights, in connection with civil government,
which are of universal application, but of special
obligation upon citizens of the United States, are
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that
all men are created equal, and are endowed by
their Creator with certain. inalienable rights; a
mong which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
" That to secure these rights," (not to infringe
them) " governments are instituted among men,
deriving their just powers," under God, "from the
consent of the governed, and hence, no govern
ment can derive, either from. the people or from
any other source, the just power to violate those
inalienable rights, or to transgress those funda
mental laws of nature and of God, by which the
rights of men are ascertained, guarded, and defi
That the grand end for which civil government
is instituted is "to execute judgment between a
man and his neighbor." In other-words, "the
rightful power of all legislation is to declare and
enforce only our natural rights and duties and to
take none of them from us. No man has a natu
ral right to commit transgression on the equal
rights of another, and this is all from which the
law ought to restrain! him.. Every man is under
a natural duty of contributing to the necessities of
society, and this is all the law ought to enforce on
him. When the laws have declared and enforced
this, they have fulfilled their functions."
" And that the true foundation of republican
government is the equal rights of every citizen in
his person and property, and in their manage
ment." Hence majorities have no just power,
to infringe the inalienable rights of minorities or
of individuals, either in constitutions or statue
laws : because it is the very object of government
to protect the few against the many, the weak a
gainst the strong, the wronged against the wrong
The people of the United States, when they
took their rank among the nations of the earth,
declared themselves bound by a decent respect for
the opinions of mankind, . to set forth the reasons
which justified so important ah inroad upon the
established order of things ; and a just regard for
the memory of our honored fathers forbids the
thought that in these trying times, they should ex
hibit any other than a true statement of the princi
ples and motives under which they acted. In the
Declaration of Independence, they grounded their
right to become a nation, not on their possession of
power to assert and maintain their independence j
not on their desire of liberty, and the determina
tion to live free or die ; not on any concession of
chartered privileges as Jintish subjects, entitled to
the immunities of Magna Charta ; but upon the
doctrine of inalienable ng'rts, conferred by the
Creator, and which they possessed in common and
on equal terms with all men., lo the mnintc
nance of a national sovreignty on these principles.
and the establishment of such a lorm ol govern
ment as should protect these rights, they solemnly
pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
honor. Tho successful establishment ofa nation
al sovreignty going forth under this banner, was
an era in the history of man. It carried terror to
the hearts of despots and hope to the bosoms of
the friends of liberty, when they saw a nation ri
sing up, thus pledged to support the great sslf-evi
dent truth of inalienable rights-or perish in its
The people of this country were therefore pre
cluded, not only by the nature of things, but by
their own free act and solemn vow, from estab
lishing a frame of government which should pos
sess any "just powers" but or the protection of
these inalienable rights, in conformity with the
laws ot equity and ol Uod. In forming the Con
stitution under which we now live, they either Jul
filled the pledge made in the Declaration of Inde
pendenoe, or they violated' it. If they fulfilled it,
then the government tney established is designed
for tho protection of the inalienable rights of all
men, and should be construed in conformity wiih
the principles of human liberty. If they did not
tultil that pledge, then, by their own showing and
by the laws of God, they forfeited their right to be
an independent nation, and vacated the Gueat
Divine Charter on which alone the constitution
ofa rightfd civil government can be founded;
and it follows, that we have a constitution possess
ing no "just powers" over the-people, and to
which the people consequently owe na allegiance.
Had the Constitution expressly recognized the
.. Declaration of Independence as a part of our fun
damental law, there would have been no pretext
for a denial of this position. The State of Mas
sachusetts, by incorporating the first sentence of
the Declaration in her Bill of Eights, abolished
slavery at a blow. The legal soundness of the
judicial deision which declared this result, has
never been questioned ; thus giving the force of
general consent to the doctrine that slave-holding
13 a crime against the first principles of all right-
fill government. . The framer3 of the Constitution
11.1 i . i
aouoiiess lntenuea to coniorm to uiose great prin
ciples, and ta redeem this solemn pledge. They
declare it to-be their object " to establish justice,
ensure the domestic tranquility, provide for the
common defence, promote the gencrul welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty to themselves arid
to their posterity." They provide expressly for
freedom of speech and of the press, guarantee to
every state in the union a republican form of cov
eminent, and to meet any possible defects and er
rors in the constitution, prescribe the mode of its
amendment. Although it cannot be denied that
they unhappily compromised the purity of thei
principles, by requiring the delivery of fugitives
trom slavery, and by allowing the stales to ne rep
resented lor iiirec-uitiis ot tneir slaves, yet Uiey
saretully avoided the usa of the word " slave
" slavery ;" they restricted the concessions in fa
vor of slavery to the original states; find they
provided lor the prospective abolition of the Aln
can slave trade, a measnre which was in that dm
believed to ensure the speedy abolition of slavery
itself. They also held out direct encouragement to
emancipation, by allowing a representation of the
whole population as soon as it should become free
The ordinance of Congress, forever prohibiting
slavery in the IN. W. lerntory, the actual aboh
. r l . . i . t
iiou oi slavery in several states, and the numer
ous manumissions that took place in the South at
that day, all illustrate the general impression then
prevailing, that slavery in this country woul
come to an end in a few years.
Whether it was that a portion of the South never
adopted with good laith the principles of rcnubh
can liberty ; or, whether the increased profits o
cotton have led to a general apostacv; or, in what
ever way the fact is to be accounted for, we find
that one-halfof the States of the Union, instead o
abolishing the slave system, have deliberately ex
tended and strengthened it by all the means in
their power. So great is this defection at the
South, that, for a series of years, and long previ
ous to the present movement nt the North, nu
merous laws have been enacted by the slave hoi
ding slates in defence ot the system, which are
gross violations of the Constitution of the United
States, and palpable infringements of rights guar
antied lo the citizens of other states ; depriving
all their own citizens, irrespective of color, ol that
freedom of speech which is secured to them by
the constitutions ol the slave states, as well as by
that of the United States, and which enters into
the very definition of the republican government
guarantied to every State in the Union.
Having thus subverted the civil and religious
liberties of their own citizens, who are not permit
ted to teach their neighbors to read the Bible, nor
allowed to investigate and discuss, among them
selves, the nature and policy of their own "pecu
liar institutions, they naturally become the fit in
strumenls to corrupt and enslave their fellow citi
zens of the non-slaveholdinsr states. Said the il
lustrious Earl of Chatham, exulting in his place in
tho British Parliament at the resistance offered by
these colonies,. ' Three millions of subjects in A-
merica willing to be slaves, would be fit instru
ments to enslave the rest." The Congress of the
United States, to whose legislation the whole na
tion is subject, ia thus composed, to a great and
controlling extent, of the representatives of a peo
ple who are not themselves free ; of legislators who
neither enjoy nor permit liberty at home, who nei
ther embrace nor understand the principles of lib
erty and inalienable rights, as laid down in the
Declaration of Independence, and who cannot be
supposed to seek or desire more liberty for the
people of the North than is enjoyed by their own
constituents at the south.
The Slaveiiolding Power, thus constituted.
having gained such concessions in the formation
of the frame of government, bv blusterin? and
threatening to leave the Union, has found the same
policy successful in gaining-all the material points
which seemed needful for the consolidation of its
dominion. The grossly oppressive and in some
respects unconstitutional Act of Congress of 1793
for the delivery of fugitive slaves, having no res
pect of color, and the Act of 1797, for the regula
tion of the domestic slave-trade through the U. S.
custom-houses, are instances in point. The en
tire ascendancy of the Slave Power, however, was
not secured until the celebrated compromise of the
Missouri Question. From that day, its aggres
sions have been limited only by the will of its di
rectors ; and it has controlled the general policy
of the Federal Government, in a manner highly
ui?graceiui to-ine nation, inconsistent Willi me
public interests, and dangerous to the liberties of
The prominent statesmen of the South, in the
early days of the government, such as Washing
ton, Jefferson, Wythe, nnd Henry, who manifest
ly favored the equal rights of the working men of
the rsorth, always expressed strong desires for the
extinction of slavery. Ihe modern school, such
as Calhoun, Leigh, M'Duffie, Pickens and Har
per, who have defended the perpetuity of the slave
system at the South, have generally manifested
their cnmplaisant'expcctation that something sim
ilar would be extended-to tho white laborers of the
The events of the last five or six years leave no
room for doubt that the Slave Power is now wa
ging a deliberate and determined' war against the
liberties of the free States. The rewards offered
by tho legislatures and governors of the slavcliol
ding States for the abduction of free citizens of the
free States, guilty of no crime but that of having
advocated thecause of universal liberty the fraud
ulent attempts to bring northern citizens lo trial
under the slave codes of the South, the demands
made on. the legislatures of the free States for the
despotic suppression of freedom of speech nnd ac
tion, the pillage of the United States Mail, and
the plot almost successful to establish a censor
ship, of the press, the stifling of the freedom of
.lebate in Lonjrress, the virtual annihilation of
the right of petition, the systematic control ex
ercised over public opinion in the North, through
mercantile cupidity and the venal servility of the
press, me- open demand of the Slave .Power, and
the subservient endeavors of its northern minions
to overawe the freedom of speech and of the press
and deprive ihe people of their inherent right of
assembling to discuss questions of public interest,
the hasty and crafty recognition of the indepen
dence of Texas, and the efforts, now suspended
but not relinquished, to annex to our union that
immense territory, laden irrevocably with the
curse ol slavery, tho appointment of slavehol
ders or of northern men known to be entirely sub
servient to slavery, to all offices whose functions
n any way nffuct the interests of slavery, the
prostitution oi the national diplomacy to base chi
canery, for the benefit of slaveholders, while ques
tions of great national importance are neglected
or postponed, the refusal to recognize ihe inde
pendence of Haiti, the plots ngainst nny attempt
to release Cuba from colonial bondage, the refu
sal to adopt any effectual measure against the Af
rican slave-trade, while professing to treat it as
piracy, &todcsire its extermination, the frequent
and injurious changes of the national policy res
pecting commerce, manufactures, and other sub
jects, in pnipablo subserviency to slavery, those
are a part of the innumerable proofs of the en
croachments of the Slavery Power, of its deter
m inations for tho future : of the ascendancy it has
already acquired, and of the utter impossibility of
securing the freedom of the North, without the
speedy abolition of slavery at the South. The
Constitution is in effect destroyed, and the Union
is virtually dissolved, so soon as it is made plainly
to appear that they no longer subserve and pro
tect these inalienable rights, which our fathers
proclaimed in the Declaration of Indenpedence.
And since the Slave Power is evidently wagin
a deadly warfare against those high principles
and objects and aims, and in tins contest it l
plain that cither slavery or liberty must give wny
it follows that opposition to slavery, and nctive
efforts for its suppression, are the appropriate an
indisnensible expression ol attachment either to
the Constitution or to the Union.
It is idle to suppose that the power of slave
ry can be curtailed, or its control circumscribed
bv any efforts which are not directly aimed at it
extirpation. The experiment of fifty years ought
to satisfy every mind, that slavery cannot maintai
itself in a free country except by making continua
encroachments upon liberty, lhere can be n
compromise. There is no standing still, no mid
die way or middle ground. No man can be con
sidered an efficient opponent of the political as
cendancy of the Slave Power, who is notwi
ling to engage in direct, open and determined ef
forts for the abolition of slavery itself. Cutting off
the branches will do no good, while the trunk of
the tree is guarded from harm and carefully nour
ished. The political dominion which slavery has
gained, is not only a principle source of corruption
and danger to the liberties ot the lree; it is also
a main pillar of support and tower of defence to
the system of slavery itself. Shorn of political
power, slavery would fall by its own weight, and
die of its own imbecility. And the political pow
er of slavery is only to be met by political action
on ine part oi me true irienas ou liberty, it is
to this duty that we now call your special atten
lion, and invite the co-operation of every freeman
That slavery, ifitfroes on unchecked, will soon
prostrate the liberties of the country, seems too
plain for argument. Ihe vital principle of liber
ty is the doctrine of the inalienable rights of per
sons. The vital principle of slavery is that "what
the laws declare to be property is property," an
therefore if the law declares certain persons to be
property, those persons no longer possess any rights
thus making property the paramount right of man
and its protection and advancement the supreme
and of government ; or in other words, adopting
covetousness as the vital principle ol human socie
cy. Who does not see that a people thus actua
ted cannot remain free ? J hey might retain th
lorms oi liberty, as ltome continued lor a ion"
time the farce of electing her consuls, bv tkc gra
cious permission of her emperors, but the rights
and liberties of the people are sola and gone. K
val candidates'and rival parties may arise, each
with words of liberty ; but (as we already see
among ourselves) each vicing with the other
subserviency to slavery.
It is to the stnir:les of the Slave 1'ower to
acquire, retain, extend and use its political ascen
dancy in the councils of the nation, that we owe
nearly all the violence of party warfare, and al
those fluctuations of public policy, so injurious
to the interests ol industry, to the stability of cred
it,, and to the progress ol improvement. Ihe
Slave Power has at length thrown offall disguise.
and boldly avows the principle of changing the
course ofpublic measures with a view to advance
the interests of slavery, by impairing other inter
ests. J hus, in the language of President Alon
roe, " we have found this evil to prey upon the vi
tals of the Union."
slavery, then, is the greatest political evil in
our nation, and should be treated accordingly,
ihe question of its abolition is the greatest politi
cal question now before the people for decision
And resistance to slavery is the highest pontica
duly now resting upon every freeman. From the
stronghold of political ascendancy in which it is
now so hrmlv entrenched, it must be driven out
and destroyed by the only force that can reach the
citadel the ballot box. We call, therefore, not
upon a select class of men, to act for the aggran
dizement ofa party or the success of a scheme.
But we call upon EVliKY MAIN, who cherishes
a love for Human Rights, to unite in destroying
this grand enemy of Human Rights ; upon ev
ery man who venerates the Declaration of Inde
pendence, to apply the principles of that Declara
tion in annihilating an institution which stigma
tizes those principles as an unmeaning flourish ;
upon every man who loves the Constitution of the
Union, to employ the powers secured by the Con
stituion, and the opportunities yet afforded by that
Union, in destroying a system winch has already
made the Union a rope of sand, and the constitu
tion a yoke of iron; upon every man who loves
lbcrty for himself, or desires to leave its blessings
to his children, lo employ the liberty he has left
n overthrowing the most dangerous system d
despotism the world ever saw.
r ellow Citizens of the United States :
Let us treat slavery as it really is, as the enemy
of the Constitution, the enemy of liberty, the ene
my of human rights, the enemy ol God and man.
Let us solemnly resolve that we will vote for no
man to nny office of trust or power, who either
holds sfaves or upholds slavery ; since no man is
worthy of office in a republic, who is too ignor
ant to comprehend or too base to maintain the first
principles of liberty. And because our public men,
of both parties, have gone so far in subserviency to
slavery, and are ?o accustomed to barter away the
interests of liberty for the honors of office or the
aggrandizement of party, that we know not whom
to trust, let us determine that we will support no
candidate who will not publicly avow Ins oppo
sition to s lavcry, his desire for its speedy & peace
ful extinction, and his purpose 16 use his best ef
forts, by all lawful and reasonable means, to en
courage and hasten its entire aboliiion. Let us
stand resolved to vote for candidates otherwise
suitable, who are known to be right on this ques
tion, notwithstanding they may differ from us on
any minor political questions.
Let us offer up our party spirit on the altar of
liberty. Our fathers, in the day3 of the revolu
tion, had their party differences, bur they suppress
ed them during the vital struggle. Let us imitate
their example. And whenever a sense of duty
impels us to expose what appears to us the erroni
ous principles, or oppose the injurious public meas
ures cherished by those who are united with us
in this holy cause, let us aim to do it in a manner
that shall not weaken the unity of spirit with which
we ought to press forward in this paramount ob
ject of our desires. And in case neither of the
political parlies are able or willing to present fit
candidates for office, let us give our votes, be they
few or many, for good men who are known lo be
right on the subject of slavery. The question,
whether such votes should be scattered or cast by
concert can be best determined by the discretion of
the friends of liberty in their districts, according to
the circumstances of each case. But by all means,
let the votes be given. Where majorities are re
quired, ihey may defeat or control elections, and
compel a regard to the interests of liberty. And
in the States where pluralities govern, they will
at least be counted, and will be a witness to party
men, of the numbers of free citizens who condemn,
and who will not partake of their base subservien
cy to slavery.
Why should not every citizen of the free slates
be ready to adopt this rule ? We ask our fellow
citizens of all parties seriously to consider, wheth
er every interest and object coming within
the scope of legislation, may not be more sefely en
trusted to enlightened and honest men who are
true to the the principles of republicanism, what
ever may be their views on minor points, than to
men of your own views on these points, but who
are penetrated by the spirit of slavery, or willing
to sacrifice the inalienable rights of men to the
claims of property. Men who are sound at heart
and in principle would "be just, rulingin the fear
of the Lord," and notlikely to carry an inexpedi
ent measure to dangerous extremes. On the con
trary, the venal parasites or cowardly vassals of
slavery cannot be safely trusted on any subject,
for experience proves thai they will sacrifice every
other interest to the demands of slavery.
We would not undervalue the other means
employed for promoting the abolition of slavery ;
but we are sure that the firm and faithful discharge
of our duty at the polls is absolutely necessary for
the pcacful accomplishment of the object. Slave
ry must come to an end. Its destiny is scaled, and
the only point submitted to our discretion respects
the means and the mode of its termination. The
issue is now joined between the great antagonists,
Liberty and Slavery. The controversy i3 to be
decided in the last resort, by the ballots of freemen,
or the brand and knife of insurgent slaves, goad
ed to madness by oppression, and driven to despair
of all human aid but that of their own right arm.
As American citizens, as friends of humanity, as
bound byTthe cords of a common country both to
the enslavers and the enslaved,' we ask you to
choose the alternative. Choose deliberately,
choose intelligently, choose firmly and stand by
. t .
f! T. TfiwAPP ( Secretaries of the
DSC. G. It. PIIEIiPS'
P I L LSa
A new and valuable remedy for all diseases
arising from impurities of the blood,
Morbid Secretions of the Liver
Also, a suBBisTUTE for CALOMEL, as a CATHARTIC
in FEVERS, and all Billious diseases, and
for ordinary Family Physic.
This popular Medicine which has received such general
approbation as a remedy for Dyspepsia, Billiovs and Acid
stomachs, Jaundice, Heartburn, Costiveness, tleaa-
ache &c. &c, and which is now prescribed by many of the
most respectable Physicians, is for sale by authorized Agents
in most of the towns in the United Slates, and at wholesale
by the Proprietors, Hartford, Conn.
A few only of the latest certificates can be inserted here,
for numerous others sec large pamphlets just published,
New Haven, Ohio, Dec. 4lh, 183S.
Gentlemen, Seeing the very high estimation held forth
by the Agent in this section, and by those who had the op
portunity of trying Dr. I'helps' Compound Tomato Pills
and being under belief of the firm having restored hcalthv
secretions of the glandular system more than once, by us
ing the Tomato Apple as a vegetable ; 1 have been induc
ed to try this medicine in various diseases. In the Autum
nal Intermittents, prevalent in this section of the States, I
have no doubt Dr. Phelps Compound J. omato Pills will, in
great measure, if not entirely supersede the use of Lai
omei,. 1 believe that in diseased liver they are more
prompt in their effect, and as efficient, as Calomel I have
tried them in various other diseases, as Jiheumatism, Dys
pepsia, Jaundice, &c, with the most happy effects. As
far as my knowledge extends, I have no hesitancy in rec
ommending them as a highly valuable family Medicine,
1 ours respectfullv,
From a gentleman of high respectability ; dated
New York, Nov. 6th, 1838.'"
To R. G. Phelps, Dear Sir : I have nsed vour Com
pound Tomato Pills, the past season, for the Liver com
plaint : and am happy to add, with decided benefit : and
therefore take great pleasure in recommending them ; as
well from a sense of gratitude to the benevolent Proprietor,
as with a view of serving the cause of philanthropy ; from
a sense of duty I owe the public to hearing my testimony
favor of this the world s invaluable medicine.
Six years since, I suffered from a malady, pronounced by
the concurrent opinion of a council of physicians, a chron
ic inflammation of the Liver; and underwent a skilful
mercurial treatment ; being confined for many months ;
and at length mainly restored to a tolerable degree of
health, though not without an apprehension that I should
be similarly afflicted. My fears have been but too well
confirmed by a recurrence of nearly all the symptoms of
this dreadful malady the past summer ; when accidentally
heard of vour rills, and learning something of their prop
erties and characters, and their rapidly increasing celebri
ty, I resolved on trying them. Feeling as I did, a repug
nance to resorting again to Calomel, and after ineffectually
and unsuccessfully trying other medicines professing a
pecific remedy for this complaint, I purchased a box of the
Messrs. Sands, Druggists,corner W illiam and Fulton streets
duly authorized agents ; they presenting me, to accompa-
y the box, a pamphlet containing a specification, direc
tions, &c; I had not taken one box of them before I hap
pily experienced their healing efficacy and curative e'fecls ;
and now that 1 have given them a thorough trial, can
cheerfully and unhesitatingly pronounce them the very
best remedy extant for any derangement or affection of the
Liver or Spleen, Billious Affections, Palpitation of the
Heart, or Dyspepsia in any of its forms : also as a good
family medicine, are the best with which I cm acquainted.
At my recommendation and solicitation many of my
friends and acquaintances have taken them as a family med
icine, with perfect success. I grant my permission to use
this as you please. Yours truly,
ISAAC W. AVEilY, 179 William street.
its effects as an alternative, in changing the action of the
glandular and absorbent systems, and in renovating the
constitution impaired by protracted disease ; although in
some cases it may take considerable time (as it does for all
remedies which operate as alternatives) to produce its full
and complete effects.
The accompanying remarks of Messrs. Chesebrough &
Leonard, will show that the statement of Mr. Vredenburgh
is entitled to our full confidence and is without exaggera
.Rome, April 27th, 1839.
G. JR. Phelps, M. D. Dear Sir Herewith we send
you the statement of Mr. Andrew Vredenburgh, a very
respectable farmer of this town. His case is considered
very remarkable one, and his statements may be relied up
on with the utmost confidence.
Your Pills have fully established themselves in this vi
cinity ; and the demand for them is constantly increasing.
If desirable, we can send you several other certificates of
cures effected by the use of your Pills.
We remain yours, &c.
Chesjcbrouch & Lkonakd,
Eaton, dated Brookfield, Ms.
-Your Pills are in great demand.
Second Letter from Dr.
March 29, 1839.
Dr. Phelps Dear Sir-
I have but a few on hand : no one who has taken them but
are perfectly satisfied with their beneficial effects in remov
ing disease, however long standing. I shall be at Hart
ford about the 15th of next month, and I will bring with
me a number of certificates frm persons of the first res
pectability, of cures which they have performed, some
ten, twelve and of twenty years standing. The one las
mentioned is a Mr. Luther Stowell of South Brookfield
who has had a carious ulcer of a most formidable kind and
has never been one day without bandaging his leg from the
foot to the knee. His certificate I shall bring with me.
Please send me six dozen boxes more, on the receipt o
this, and oblige, Yours, &c.
J. E. Eaton. JJ
SCjPFor a full account of this most interesting discove
ry, testimonials, mode of operations, &c, see pamphlets,
which may be had gratis of all who sell these Pills.
None are genuine without the written signature of G.
R. Phelps, M. D., sole proprietor, Hartford. Conn.
CAUTION. The unprecedented popularity of these
Pills has induced several persons to prefix the name of To
mato PilU to their various preparations, evidently with the
intention of deceiving those enquiring for Phelps' Tomato
Pills. The Public cannot be too cautious to avoid all these
anomalous ' Tomato Pills' and Extracts of Tomato,' nor
too particular lo observe that the original and only genuine
Compound Tomato Pills, are signed by the Proprieter,
G. R. PHELPS, M. D., Hartford, Conn.
JCPORDERS directed to SILAS BURBANK, Jr., or
G. VV. BARKER, Montpelier, Vt. General Agenst for
Washington, Orange, Calcaonia, Essex, Orleans, Franklin
Lamoille, Chittenden and Grand Isle Counties, will be
promptly attended to.
JOHN T. MIIiliER,
ARCHITECT & HOUSE CARPENTER,
Cy All orders promptly attended to. 12:tf
BROADCLOTHS, CASSIMERES & VEST
INGS ! ! !
R. R. RIKER,
State street, opposite the Bank)
HAS received from New York, a prime assortment of
Broad Cloths, Cassimeres and Vesting), of supe
rior qality and texture, which he offers to his customers,
and the public generally, on the most accommodating terms
Gentlemen wishing for clothing are requested to call and
examinehis stock of Cloths. Garments made up in tho
latest mode of Fashions. Black satin stocks, shirt bosoms
Collars .Rubber Pantaloon Straps, Tailors Inch Measures,
Drilled Eyed Needles, &c, for sale cheap for Cash.
Cutting done for others to make at short notice, and
warranted to fit. 19:tf
W. STORRS having received into ro-parlnership
JAMES R. and GEORGE LANG DON, will con
tinue business at the Langd on store recently occupied by
Baymkb & Storks, under the firm of STORRS &
LANGDONS. And the patronage of their friends and the
public generally, is respectfully solicited.
C. W. STORRS,
JAMES R. LANGDON,
Montpelier, April 1. 1839.
Boarding House !
FEW gentleman boarders can be accommodated with
board, with single rooms if desired, on reasonable
terms. A. CARTER.
Montpelier Village, Jan. 5, 1839. l:lf.
MILITARY STAFF UNIFORM !
ADE up aaccording the present mode, established for
the Militia of this State, by X. JR. RIKER,
(State street, opposite the Bank.)
May, 1839. 19:tf
M. T. BURN HAM would say to the oublie. iliat
ell cheap aa
AXES, ground and polished, which he will
the cheapest, or exchange for old axe poles.
fCy ohop nearly opposite the State House.
ADDLERY, Hard Ware, Neat's Oil, Patent Leather
&c. for sale by CUTLER & JOHNSON.
Montpeler, April 27th, 183
THE VOICE OF FREEDOM
Is published every Saturday mornine. at &'2 a year, ttav-
able in advance. If payment be delayed till the end of
the year, Fifty Cents will be added.
Advertisements inserted at the usual rates.
Subscriptions, and all letters relating to business, should
be addressed to the Publishers : letters relating to the edi
torial department, to the Editor. Communications intend
ed for publication should be signed by the proper name of
the writer. rCP Postage must be paid in all cases,
Agents of the Vermont Anti-Slavery Society, and oflicoro
of local anti-slavery societies throughout the state, are au-i
thorized to act as agents for this paper.
ItZJ Office, one door West from the Post-OfHce, State st,
From the Rev. I. Jr. Sprague, Pastor of the fourth
Congregational Church, Hartford, Conn.
Dr. G. R. Phelps,
Sir For several years past I have found it well to keep
in my family a bottle of castor oh and other simple mcdi
cines, and no doubt ther timely use has been greatly bene.
ficial in preserving our health. For some time past I have
made use of your Compound Tomato Pills, as a substitute
for those medicines, and have been so much pleased with
their mild, yet effective operation, that they have become
our family medicine, while others have been laid aside. I
prefer thein for myself and children, to any other medicine
I have ever used to correct the irregularities of the stomach
and bowels. Yours, &o. I. N. SPiiAGUE,
The following Letter, just receivod, illustrates in an in
teresting manner, the applicability of this medicine In Tu
mors and scrofulous swellings, and is another evidence of,
Brandon, Dr Hale.
Jamaica, L Merrifield, Esq.
Hubbardton, WC Denison.
JVorwich, Sylvester Morris.
Hartford, Geo. Udall, Esq.
Tunbridge, Hervey Tracy.
Strafford, W Sanborn, Esu.
Bar net, L P Parks, Esq.
Morristaum,Rev S Robinson
Morruville, L P Poland, Esq
Cornwall, B F Haskell.
Craftsbury, W J Hastings.
Westford, R Farnsworth.
Essex, Dr J W Emery.
Uunderhill, Rev E B Baxter.
Barnard, Rev T Gordon.
East Barnard, VV Leonard
Walden, Perloy Foster.
Starksboro', Joel Buttey,
St. Albans, E L Jones, Esq.
Rutland, 11 II Thrall, Esq.
Royalton, Beta Hull,
jPanville, M Carpenter,
(Hover. Dr Bates.
St. Johnsbury, Rev J Morse.
Muldlebury, M D Gordon.
Cambridge, Martin Wires.
Bristl, Joseph Otis.
Hinesburgh, John Allen,
Berkshire, Rev. Mr. Gleed
Derby, Dr Richmond.
Perkinsville, W M GuilforJ
Brookfield, D Kingsbury Est
Randolph, C Carpenter, Esq.
East Bethel, E Fowler, Esq,
H'atcrbury, L Hutchins,Esi
E S Newcomb.
Wailsfield, Col Skinner.
Moretown, Moses Spofford.
Warren, F A Wright, Esq.
Waterfordj R C Benton, Est)
East Roxbury, S Ruggles.
Fcrrisburgh, R T Robinson,
Vergennes, J E Roberts.
Westfield,0 Winslow, Esq,
Cortnth, Insley JJow.
Wilhamstoion, J C Farnam,
Chester, J Stedman, Esq.
Springfield, Noah Safford.
Franklin. Geo S Gale.
Watereille, Moses Fisk, Esq.
C C Hydepark, Jotham Wilson,
Elmore, Abel Camp,
Hinesburgh, W Dean.
Burlington, G A Allen,
Montgomery, J Martin.
Lincoln, JJcni Tabor.
Calais, Rev. Ben Page.
Sudbury, W A Williams,
Pomfret, Nathan Snow. "
Johnson, El dor Byington.