... - -
W W M W! Tl li "IM""
1 Mild
Ligj x?JL o
ALLEN & POLAND, Publishers.
Published under the sanction of the Vermont Jlnti-Slavery Society.
CIIAUNCEY L. KNAPP, Editor.
VOL I'M 12 I.
IFIONTPELIEIS, VKSS.TItfT, SESTK.T3BKIS 11, 1S39.
ftOlEJER S7..
From the Emancipator.
DEBATES IN TIIT3 AKTI.SLA YEltY CON
VENTION.
(concluded.)
Mr. Goodell said that some persons were afraid
it they carried abolition into politics, that they
would "frighten nwav religious Deonle. Now, he
vell knew the individual who had just taken his
ent, and to all such objectors he wouid say
Here is a man who was once an infidel and in
stemperate, but the temperance and the abolition
cause have made hiin a Christian, and he is now
a praying, voting abolitionist.
Mr. Plumb, of Ohio, said, that abolitionists were
accused, by pro-slavery men themselves, with be
ing1 inconsistent in not carrying out their own
principles, but mixing them up with a " but." A
minister would tell Ins people that anti-slavery
doctrine was the doctrine of the Gospel, BUT it
was a delicate subject, ami must not be touched
except by abolitionists. It was inconsistent for
an abolitionist to vote for men who were not quite
so bad a? others. The world would hiss at it. By
this crouching, and yielding, and temporising con
duct, they in Ohio had come to have the thumb
screws turned upon them, and had been placed
under n law which nailed them to slavery. In that
Stale they cfllled the black fugitives God's poor,
but if one of these poor wretches, who were esca
rping from their happy homes, should have a crust
of bread given hiin, or a drink of water, or a night's
lodging in the barn, the man who perpetrates such
a villany, was subjected to a fine of five hundred
dollars, and to sixty days imprisonment. The
free men of Ohio looked to this Convention for
hope, and for help, in hurling such a system to
the ground.
Mr. Lee said he rose to make a speech of three
hours, if possible, in 'en minutes. A speech, not
for Clay, or Granger, or Adams, or Van Buren,
but for God, for the slave, and for the piinciples of
eternal right. He was in favor of the resolution,
and he was so, because slavery was wrong per
petually, incurably and eternally wrong, and un
der no circumstances would he vote for it ; and if
slavery was wrong, whatever upheld and promo
ted it was wrong but voting for pro-slavery men
did uphold and promote it : therefore, voting for
such men must be wrong. This was as plain as
logic could make it. lie was for the resolution,
because to vote for a pro-slavery man favored the
whole guilt of slavery- The iruilt of it rested on
cause just when they expected him to give the
liuishing blow. A minister had argued with him
to show the futility of laboring to. get a majority
in the House of liepresentatives so long as the
slave states had an equal representation with oth
ers in the Senate, but Mr. T. had silenced him by
reminding him of the fact that moral force was
greater than numerical. Give them but ten dis
tinguished men such as Morn's, and they would
produce a moral earthquake that would upheave
the foundations of slavery and tumble the whole
structure to the ground. II then they could get
but one man, let him be an abolitionist out and
out.
Mr. Culver here asked Mr. Tappan whether,
if I nomas Morris was but hve-sixlhs right, and
was wrong in the sixth point, Mr. T. Would vote
for him.
Mr. Tappan said he had rather vote for John
W. 1 1 ill the gentleman of the gouges and chisels
who had addressed them.
Mr. Scott admitted that Mr. Lee's argument
would have been unanswerable if his chain 'had
had one more link, that is if he hail shown that to
vote for a man who was five-sixths of an abolition
ist was to vote for slavery. Without this the ar
gument was incomplete. Now on all moral and
practical questions the Saviour's axiom always
held, " He that is not for me, is against me."
This was plain in the case of Mr. Adams. The
immediate abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia was one great leading object of the ah
olition effort, and yet Mr. Adams, five-sixths ab
olitionist as he was, had on this vital point gone
dead against them, and with his present view
would continue to do so whether in Uongiess or
the presidential chair. To vole for him therefore
would be voting for slavery. If they went
whole was made up of the individuals who corn
posed it: therefore, the responsibility of the whole
belonged to each individual. This also was plain.
Suppose ten men should commit a murder, would
each of them incur only one-tenth part of the
guilt? would not each be guilty of the whole act ?
and if hanging were the penalty, would riot each
of the ten men be hanged ? So every voter for a
pro-shvery man incurred the whole guilt of slave
ry, again : slavery existed lv law ; arid who
ever made the laws was guilty of the curses of
slavery. But pro-slavery men created the laws
by voting for them ; and, therefore, every pro
tlavery man was guilty of the whole. But the
pro-slavery men could have no power to make the
Jaws without the net of those who voted for them ;
therefore those who voted for such men were at
the bottom of the wlulc system, and chargeable
with all its guilt. Further : it could be no better
to vote for slavery than to do the acts which up
held and continued it. All admitted those other
nets to be wrong, therefore voting was wrong.
Why was it any better to uphold slavery by vo
ting, than by talking, writing, preaching, or pray
ing? What had Mr. Clay done more for the
system than to talk for it? Was it worse to talk
than to vote? And what was a minister who
held his tongue worse than a man v4io was guilty
of positive action ? Pro-slavery voters had acted
could they then complain of their ministers?
Again : they all complained of the votes given for
slavery in Congress. Was it worse to vote in
Congress than at the ballot-box ? Voting was
wrong, whether in one place or the other. Abo
litionists made a great noise because such and
such a man voted for slavery in the Legislature,
while the very complainers voted for it nt the
polls. Mr. Li. had as Jieve pray lor slavery nc
vote for it. Nay, rather, because if he mode n
bad prayer, it went no higher than his head, but
it he gave a had vote it told immediately on the
miseries of the slave. All other things done a
gainst slavery would, fail to destroy it so long as
men voted for it, but if they voted against it, no
other nction could uphold it; therefore to vote for
it was, of all other ways, the chief mode of sus
taining it, and if other modes were wrong, this of
voting was the worst off.!!.
lie objected to the substitute proposed, because
it was utterly indefinite, and left all abolitionists
to pursue their own way : but first, if one man
might do what was wrong, another might; and,
jtficond, if one might judge for himself what cir
cumstances -mado it cease lobe wrong, another
might. And if one man might decide to vote
that wrong might be done, another might. Then,
cither no wrong might be done by any, under any
circumstances, or wrong might be done bv nil,
tinder nil circumstances. Now, Mr. L. Ionic the
ground that no wrong might be done by any man
under any circumstances, and, therefore, no man
might vote for slavery on any ground, or under
nny pretext. He was for the one eternal right.
The substitute opened a door which he could not
enter. Those who went by that road must leave
him. He stood upon the truth. The moment a
man departed from that, nil landmarks were re
moved ; and to use an expression of the President,
he was surrounded, by ''infinite indefiniteness."
Mr, L, went for the resolution, because to vote
for slavery was to vole for every crime. Mr. L.
was here cut off by the restriction as to time, and
though the Convention voted to suspend the rule
in his behalf, he declined to proceed.
Mr. Tnppan dwelt with earnestness on the po
sition that it was better in the legislature, to have
one whole-souled abolitionist who would go
through to the bitter end, than to have twenty of
the hve-sixlhs abolitionists who would flinch in
nn exigency- As an illustration he referred to
hfl case of" Mr. Adams, who had deserted their
!d be voting for slavery. If they went for
him, another candidate would ask them to go for
liim, because he was four-sixths of an abolition
ist, another because he was half, anotherbecau.se
lie was a third, and so in the end they might vote
for every man who had in him the least grain of
abolition. Admitting, however, that there might
be various practice in so large a body of men, Mr
b. insisted on the necessity ol at least fixing r
high standard and endeavoring to keep up to it
If they would accept of men who were half abo
litionists, they would be likely to get no better,
hut if they insisted on the whole they would get
the whole. II any were hypocritical in their pro
fession, it was their own concern, and even their
false profession might be a means of leading them
to examine the subject, and thus render them tru
ly what thev had falsely professed themselves to be
Mr. Plumb, of Conn, denied that a man that
could answer five out of the six interrogatories
was therefore five-sixths of an abolitionist. He
was not one-sixth, nor one-tenth, nor one-thou
sandth part of an abolitionist. An abolitionist
was one who believed in his heart that wherever
slavery existed it existed by wrong, and ought to
be instantly abolished. Just as a man might be
lieve in the existence of God and the immortality
of the soul, in a present providence and a future
judgment, and yet if he denied that Jesus Christ
was the Son of God, he would not be four-fifths
of a Christian. He would be no Christian at all.
Mr. Spear of Lansingbutg, admitted the gener
al truth of the principles advocated by those, who
were in favor of political action, but his only dif
ficulty was as to the time when, and the mode
how, this action was to be applied. There were
three conceivable modes in which this might be
don?, first to form a distinct party with candi
dates for every office, all abolitionists the second
was to reserve their power as a ooay ana to cast
it wherever it would do most good, and the third
was to stay at home and not vote at all. Either
of these was consistent with the adoption of the
first resolution. He had heard no proof adduced
that this was the time to go into political action.
There was a right and a wrong time lo act politi
cally ; if it was done too early, their success
would he ephemeral and transient. There cer
tainly was an order of movement, a proper suc
cession of operations, and he hoped that gentle
men instead of .'pending time in proving general
principles, would bring forth facts and data to
show that this was the time.
A member asked if Mr. Spear could show that
this was not the time.
Mr. Knapp of Vermont said that the true ques
tion was, not whether this was the time, but
whether they should regard the great fundamen
tal principles of anti-slavery as in action para
mount to all others. He agreed with earnestness
in the affirmative, and dwelt for some time on the
force of moral suasion. He insisted upon the du
ty of planting their foot upon the rock of duty,
and throwing away all calculations of expediency.
Then should one "chase' a thousand, and two put
ten thousand to flight. "
Mr. Grander, of Connecticut, was in favor of
the first resolution because it laid down a plain
path, and proposed a simple and intelligible rule
of action. This was just what abolitionists want
ed. But the substitute was wholly in default, nnd
left the path of duty as uncertnin as ever. To
show that this was the time for political action,
he look nn illustration from the command to re
pent. The duty was pressing and immediate, and
though this was a busy season, and men were in
llie midst of harvest, the great principles of truth
and righteousness were not therefore lobe sus
pended. And though there might be little pros
pect these busy laborers would immediately attend
to it, yet it was pressed now they might the sooner
attend to it when harvest was over. And so in
the abolition enterprize, though the prospect might
be slender of nn immediate compliance with prin
ciple in its whole extent, vet principle was nevcr-
theNss tone presseu on tne minus oi nu nuoimon
ists, and no abatement or compromise could be
made to suit the present aspect of circumstances,
,. The previous question was now moved, and
seconded and- carried, and the main question be
ing on the adoption of the first resolution, it was
carried. Yeas 238, Nays 10. . '
The Chair. It appears to be carried. A laugh.
The President of the Convention here announ
ced to the members that the Recorder of New
York had discharged the three men who had been
in custody on a charge of seducing a slave from
his master. The annunciation was received with
rounds of applause.
The question being on Mr. Birnry's amend
ment to the second resolution, a motion was made
that it be indefinitely postponed, which prevailed.
Ayes 85, noes 7-5.
The question then recurring on the second res
olution, Mr. Leavitt moved that this also be in
definitely postponed, but withdrew the motion at
the request of Mr. Fitch, who offered the follow
ing as a substitute for it :
"Besolved, That abolitionists who vote, are
bound, (irrespective of present political parties,) to
give their suffrages for the friends of immediate.
abolition of slavery; and that all abolitionists who
have a right to vote, are earnestly entreated to
further the noble object through the ballot box."
Mr. Scott advocated this substitute at consider
able length, insisting that there could be no coin
promise between doing our duty and not doing it.
It was their business as abolitionists, to lay down
great principles, doctrines and measures. The
one without the other was a body without a soul,
or a soul without a body. VV hen they exercised
only political or only moral power, they only went
halfway in their duly. They neither winked at
principle nor trampled on conscience. Mr. S. ar
gued strenuously against making conscience a
rule of duty, This principle could justify slavery
and every other practice that a man could bring
himself to believe to be right.
Mr. Birncy hoped that the second resolution
would unite the wishes of all sides. He preferred
it to the substitute and pressed for ah immediate
vote.
Mr. Loring moved to amend the substitute bv
striking out the concluding clause.
The Chair decided the amendment not to be
in order; nnd after a brief and desultory discus
sion, the substitute was indefinitely postponed.
The question then recurring on the adoption of
the second resolution,
Mr. Scott, of Albany, observed that when the
question bad been put on the first resolution, he
had requested to be excused from voting, but if
his conscience had not stood between him and the
polls when his name was called, he should have
voted, aye. He had no idea of a man's being an
abo'itionist who if he voted, did rot vote as one
nor had he any idea of a man's being five sixth
of an abolitionist any more than being three filth
oi a man. a live sixths abolitionist was a pro
lavery man. 1 he same reason which had pre
vented his voting for the first resolution forbade
his voting for the second; nor was he ashamed
to avow it. He was opposed to such a course, be
cause he could not pursue it in rood faith. Abo
litionists had always held out that it was not their
purpose to make this a political question. 1 Ins
very thing had been thrown in their teeth by their
opponents. I hey had been told that they would
pursue the same course as the Anti-Masons. But
Mr. S. had always strenuously disavowed any
uch purpose. He could not with consistency
onsentto it. Ihe moment such a thing was nt
tempted the cause was ruined. Ihe sun of its
glory was set forever, and its epitaph might be
habod, the glory is departcn. He did not mean
fo say that the course of abolition, itself would.be
topped, or put back, but its political Inends would
wmdle into an insignihcant party, and the hon
or of effecting the downfall of slavery would pass
into other hands. Jiesides, the great means. It
was these that had effected every great moral re
(ormation in the world horn the days of iMijnh to
those of Luther. In Great Britain these means
had extended the elective franchise. The real
battle was not fought at the polls; it was fought
in the Edinburgh leview,and in fiiherpublicaiions
where the great questions were discussed. An
other reason why he could'nt vote for the resolu
tion was that in his view to go to the polls wa
sinful. Mr. S. was going to give his reason why,
when he was cut off by the prescribed rule as lo
time ; and though he warmly remonstrated, the
Convention refused to suspend the rule.
The previous question was now moved, second
ed, put, and carried, when the main question be
ing on the adoption ol the second resolution, it
was decided in the affirmative ; so the second res
olution was adopted.
The third resolution was then read.
Mr. Loring moved its indefinite postponement
Mr. Leavitt said that it seemed to hiin that the
question of political duty had come up to the con
vention in a shape which forbade the indefinite
postponement of such a resolution. A large body of
the cevoted friends ol universal liberty had come
up here in belief that the time was conie when the
abolitionists were to propose and organize a third
party in the United States. Another large por
tion of the Convention believed that such a course
would be very injurious; while a third class (of
whjch Mr. L. was one) stood pledged to pursue
all proper, lawful and constitutional measures
which the success of the cause should appear to re
quire, Where was the American citizen worthy
of that name, who did not believe that under a
free government and in a free nation, and under
due responsibility, the organization of a political
party wherever circumstances appeared to call for
it, was a lawful and proper measure? If it was,
then on the occurrence of those circumstances, said
Mr. L., we are all pledged and bound to go for it,
and he believed his honored friend from Boston
(Mr. Loring) felt as much pledged to it ns him
self whenever in his judgment the time should
come. At the same time Mr. L. felt that it was a
measure of the last resort. He saw very clearly
the numerous embarinssments with which it would
be attended, and he dreaded the necessity of such
a resort. He was therefore disposed to postpone
it until such necessity became more apparent. IK
knew that slavery could be abolished, he believed
it would be, and be trusted they should not be driv
en to the necessity of such a measure to c fleet it ;
but if that necessity should com3, he was prepared
to meet it. Whenever it did come, a body so in
telligent ns this would see it, nnd would meet it,
and he doubted not, his brother from Boston would
be among the foremost and firmest. Abolitionists
have great reason to distrust the existing parties.
Both of them had treated the- abolition interest
most shamefully, they had artfully seduced some
of their friends by holding out the hopes of office
to aspiring minds, and some had fallen under the.
temptation. Their friends had censed lo repose
confidence in the nominees of n party who could
sustain such a man as Henry Clay or ns Martin
Van Burcn. He felt that it would be trusting
very dear and precious interests in the face of ull
experience should they give their vqtes to mere
party men. Their experience on that subject had
been a sad one, and they must be allowed to act
on experience.; But they could not now organize
a third party, they were not prepared to do it. The
time was not come nnd they hoped it never would
1..,. ! I I . r
tunic, uui uiey cuum inn prevent tree men Irom
exercising their own judgment in the use of their
own political power, and liiey probably would use
it in many places, in the very way indicated in
this resolution. The last course therefore would
he to let all act in their own districts as occasion
might require. Even if they should mistake the
right course, the mistake would operate within a
small compass and be attended comparatively with
but little damage. If no other way could be de
vised for the abolition of slavery, but that, Aboli
tionists must meet it. But if they persevered in
doing their duty, God would smile upon them and
bless them with final success.
Mr. Loring agreed in the sentiments just utter
ed, but his fear was that the adoption of this res
olution would be con:idored as, in some degree,
giving the sanction of this convention to the start
ing of a distinct abolition party. Mr. L. was wil
ling to remain silent on that subject, and let such a
party christalize of itself, if it was needed. When
ever it was done, he hoped it would be done by
ihe united wisdom of the whole body but in the
mean time let them not commit themselves, On
that subject he should say, hands off.
Mr. Knapp hoped that it would be understood
that the mind of the Convention was made up
against the expediency of any general combined
political action nt this time.
Mr. Loring now withdrew his motion for in
definite postponement and moved that the resolu
lion lie on the table, w hich motion was carried,
ayes, Jul, nays, bo, so the third resolution was
laid on the table.
After sundry other resolutions were disposed of,
On motion of Mr. Scott, the third resolution.
which had been laid on the table, was taken un
and strenuously advocated by Mr. Dresser and Mr.
Stanton.
Mr. Garrison moved lo amend it, but the pre
vious question having been demanded and carried,
its operation cut off oil pending amendments, and
the main question recurring on the adoption of the
resolution, it was carried.
Mr. Garrison made some remarks in vindica
tion of his own conduct on the government ques
tion, in relation lo which he complained of having
been falsely accused. lie did not think it consis-
tent or proper lor non-resistants to uisi-uss then
views in an abolition convention, and therefore
it was that he had remained silent, as had others
who agreed with him in sentiment when the
question of coercing the consciences of those who
could not vole had been mooted.
After a few brief remarks from the President.
congratulating the Convention on what had been
done, and expressing his confident hopes of the
nnal success ol the cause, the Convention adiourn-
edjyjijicut .da
ton's devils you opened your mouths
but you II. shut them on ashes.
i' reemen of Ohio, let these ignoble
i iii; uuluji -UU.C, mat UK
will see to
on
apples,
es know, at
eit' COnSlllllpnla oi-o uo.,
. '-- u . iiLE.iv i auu
' it that thev are not nm.'n Qr,,.j
by " creeping things." Say t0 lheffl) Q fawa
and crawl on slaveholders, if you will, but leave
none of your slime on vs."
But Ohio is not alone. Indiana has got the
start of her in this scrub-race for infamy, ns the
following extract from the message of Gov. Noble
on retiring from office, Dec. 7, 1S37, fully shows :
Our laws protect the interests and rights of the
citizens of those states where slavery has been es
tablished, and furnish all just facilities for the re-
clama.tion of that species of property. By the act
of 1S24, provision was made for arrest and hear
ing, i it a most suMMAiiY wanner. Our judicial
tribunals are ever reudij to enforce the law, and a
full measure of damages is awarded. Our Jaws
impose a fine not exceeding $500 on any one who
nan Knowingly employ a &ive, conceal h,m, or
encourage his escape. ,
Illinois, more servile than either Ohio or Indi
ana, catches a man without waiting for Ken
tucky's orders. In 1837, James L. Simnsan.
sheriff, advertised in an Illinois paper, that he' had
siczed and put in jail, a colored man, named
Franklin White, and adds: The owner of said
negro, if any there should le, is requested to call
and make proof of such ownershin."-Dored at
Hcnncpcu, July 27, 1S37.
How it wns done in England;
An English correspondent of the Vermont Chron
icle makes the following interesting statements:
Some of the most distinguished statesmen of.
England asled and received the suffrages of the
. . . .
The Anti-Slavery Almanac for 13 10
is just published ia New York. It does not fall
behind last year's. In some ret-pecU we think it
better. The picture of the " peculiar institutions'.
of the south tells the whole story. Ii is a terri
ble pictoral, and will do execution. We extract
Old Kentucky setting on his dogs." But th
picture over it is better vet. Thpn st;.n,l tl,
servile dogs, with their names engraved on their
cellars, " Ohio" turning up a human face with a
grin of most inhuman and doggiNh eagerness
. t . a, I I .-nil i i . .
wiui "juuiana, a lun-uiooiivu doir, looVunr nt
ome distai. t travellers to "Canada" "Illinois''
hounding at their heels. " Seize 'cm seize Yin,"
says old Kentuck rifle it) hand. More notice
anon.
Let us circulate this work. It is worth forty
Boston controversies. In this we can all agree.
-Mats. Abolitionist.
"OLD KENTUCK" SETTING ON HIS
DOGS.
May 1, 1839, n law went into effect in Ohio,
for the seizure of" fugitives from labor or service
from other states." It authorizes any jiubie of n
court of record (selected by the enslaver, ul if
need be with all privacy) to give a deci.-ion ensla
ving the person claimed and all his posterity.
I lie person arrested can have the trial postpo
ned hut GO days, nnd then only by giving bonds
for $1000. nnd filing an afliidavit that he or she
is free, nnd " verily believes" it cannot be proved,
while the slaveholder or his agent can have it
postponed, on his own oath, without bonds.
It imposes a fine of $500, or imprisonment for
GO days, en nny person who shnl! 1, Counselor
advise a slave to escape; 2, Furnish money or
conveyance of any kind, or "any other facility;"
3, Harbor or conceal any such person ; " Obstruct
or hinder" a constable in seizing a slave.
This law, which makes it a crime to feed the
hungry, clothe the naked, or even give shelter to
iisn-K siranger, unio wis r.nssca at the ljii!Uiri!.r oi
Kentucky. Of all the crawling serviles that drug
their bebies along the tracks of shneholders, nnd
lick their feet in return for kicks nnd stampings,
none do it with a more greedy relih than Ohio
rwmakers.
It takes a despot, a craven, and a slave, com-
pouiuled together, to mnlie a pro-uavery legislator
in a free ilate. The last legislature of Ohio had
ii majority of just such creatures. JSoses ol wax :
tmj pinched, just ns the slaveholders tlitiiiih anil
linger left you. Dough-faces ! wear il.e prints of
your masters knuckles, and the traces ol their
pittle. They are your coat of arms, nnd they f,i
ye your titles of nobility, nnd hey'! s'iel: to ye
Snow water and soap won't wn.-h them off, nor
your hot tears cither nor fire burn them out, nor
lint, blue litem, nor plasters rover them. Yoo
inve worked hard lor inlarny. nnd you have got it.
It will live with you, mid after you a warning
to nil other serviles, vho sell their own and their
constituents' birthrigXt for an immortality of scorn.
And so you had a great rejoicing at Columbus,
fler yoit had trampled over constitutions, to kiss
the toe of Kentucky, nnd thrust under her hoof the
necks of your constituents. Well ! kindle your
bonfires, and dance while you may but know ye,
ou burn up your own charters, and dance to the
music of your own chains and collar?, Liko Mil-
people, chiefly on the ground of their attachment
to anti-slavery principles. It was, I doubt not,
the part which Mr. Brougham acted in reference
to colonial slavery, that procured his return to par
liament as one of the representatives of Yorkshire,
the strong hold of Congregationalism, and by far
the largest county in the kingdom. In his first
address to the Electors, he said,
' The triumph of these principles is now about
to be achieved. I am only known to you by my
devotion to the improvement of our species ; by
the love I bear lo civil and religious liberty ail
over the world, by my inextinguishable hatred of
slavery, under what name soever it may be veil
ed, and of whatever race it may be the curse. If
you place in my hands the sacred trust of repre
senting you in the Commons House of Parliament,
you arm me with power to complete the good
work we have begun together; nor will I rest from
.my labors ntfi.il. by the blessing of God, I have
seen an end of ihe abuses which bind England to
the ground, and the mists dispersed from the eyes
of the ignorant, and the chains drop from the
hands of the slave.' On the day of his election,
he said lo the vast crowds that had assembled tar
hear his Address I hasten to a topic on which
we are all ngreed I mean to the detestable mo.-,
nopoly, which one and nil of us, thank God, con
demn and execrate. If, in matters of trade, I hold
monopoly to be false policy, I hold a monopoly of
Ireedom, which would not allow to be enjoyed by
others, but seek to reserve it to themselves, the
first, lest, and mo.-t inestimable blessing that God
has given lo man ; if I hold commercial monop
oly to be impolitic, the monopoly of freedom I
hold to be impious and abominable. Slavery,
which is the most accursed and unnatural produc
tion of crime, arid the most frightful source of hu- '
man misery, which degrades the slave, but not
mum tllnn i ilMtn..t... I . F T '
...... wi, ii. n irrjjiaucs ins masier, ior l never can
hold the -victim of oppression to be more debased:
than him who imperiously exercises oppression;.
Slavery, that plant under which grows all that
is noxious mid detestable, for the description, of
which my own poor diction is wanting, and for
which I must refer to him,' who, as he was the
most eloquent of bards, was also one of the wisest "
of men, nnd one of the fastest friends of freedom
that plant under which
' All life (lies, dentil lives, nnd nature trclp
Perverse, ail monstrous, all prodigious things,
Abominalde, unulleratilc, nnd worse
Than fables yet have feign'd, or fear conceived';
that plant, under which all that grows to defile the
earth, to pest the air, and to desecrate the works
of Providence, I have by these feeble, bands, as
sisted to loosen the roots, and my exulting hope
is nnd thai it is which (ills my heart' with gratis
tilde to you, nnd with hope for us all that my
hands being strengthened by yours, we sl'all suc
ceed nt last in tearing it up, and brandishing it in
triumph over the bends of the tyrants.'
Many other candidates, in addressing the Elec
tors of Britain in 1830, used language similar ta
that of Mr. Brougham ; and it was well under-"
stood, that none but those who would promise to '
vote for the speedy and complete abolition of slave
ry, could expect to receive the suffrages of ' the
'aims,' as ihe abolitionists were sometimes con
lemptnously called by the pro-lavf'ry party in
England, and in the West Iudic?
1 am, Sir, yours very respect fully. . -
JAMES BUCKIIAM,
Chelsea, Aug. 9, 1S3J).
Bogi::: Minot Sherman, Esq., ihe author of the
Connecticut Black Law, which punched with fine
and imprisonment the teaching of colortd chil
dren, (not citizens of the state,) the ort of reading
and the mystery of writing, gives it as bis opinion .'
that the eu'brts of abolitionists have put back eman-.
cipatirin fifty years! ln;vc increased the oppress
ion of the shives, and the disabilities of the free
blacks! In addition to nil this, he intimates that
he is a wise, prudent, fir-seeing, judicious aud
temporals friend of the colored race ! And this is
-nid too, with apparent sincerity, ns if he expect
ed credit for the assertion in spite of his paternal
relation to the anti-education "Black Law!" Wo
never ro id or heard a piece of cooler effrontery
than his 1tter lo the late Anti-Slavery Convention,
at Albany, though we have listened to the IVtd'
fictions of Eiliot CiessDn nnd KxGov tn-jr Pin-
ney, and sat out the rending of Judge Brackets
ridge's elaborated nihil Hies upon Colonizntiru, "
Well, if such a man as Roger M. SI erman is tlis
posed to stultify himself by the slaveholder's hypo,
critical cry "You have put kick ernunt ipntion,"'