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VH H r V A
y n n h ii i H i
"Give in c Jjiberlynr give me Death!"
MONTPEjLIBSEI, VERMONT, SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1844-
THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
P UBLISHED E VER Y SA TURDA V,
Jn Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House.
J.'C.ASPENH ALL, Editor.
J. POLAND, Publisher,
Single copies $1,50 in advance, or $2,00 after the ex
piration of three months from the .me of subscribing.
All papers sent at the expense of the subscribers.
r3" Advertisements inserted at the usual charges.
CJ35 Transportation of papers will in no case be paid
by the publisher, unless a special agreement to tho con
trary is made, .ul
tVZP" Book and Jub Work of every description thank
fully received and executed with neatness and dispatch.
An Interesting Lclter.
The subject of Texas just now is of so absorb
ing interest, that no reader will be displeased nt
seeing so much space occupied in to-day's lie i -aid,
by nn admirable Letter upon the. this subject,
from Mr. Birnoy.
T23- E3 TOv; r.EL- f?ji a
Waitsfield, O Skinner
Worcester, Rev Af Folsom
(Bradford, J D Clark
Brookfield, D Kingsbury
Do S M Bnelovv
Vhelsea, Harry Hale
Corinth, Rev A D Smith
do J Fellows
Pairlee, G May
Newbury, Rev S Sias
Randolph, E Fast man
Post Mills, L IlinMey
Thetford, Rv A C Smith
W Topsham, Rev S Leavitt
Tunbridgc, VV B Scott
Vershire, ii 0 Tyler
Burlington, D Fhh
Charlotte, C Grant
Hincsburgh, A lieecher
Williston, WH French
JV Ferrisburg Rv C Primllc
Cornwall, Rev Air Wright
Vergennes, A Sprague
Enosburg, i Fuller
Montgomery, 3 Martin
St Albans, L Brainard
llardiviek, W Wheatley
Lyndon, Mr Skinner
Peacham, Rev 1 D Rust
Waden, S Fnrnsujorth.
Albany, Rov G Putnam
barton, w Seavcr
Cotenby, 3 Hard
Craftsbury, A Stimpson
do E Cook
Glover, Rev R Mason
Greensboro', G IT Page
Holland, C Robinson
Irashurgh, Rev J Clark
do R Skinner
Lowe'!, J D Harding
Morgan, Rev 1) Packer
Troy, A J Rowr-II
Cambridge, M Saflbrd
Eden, C Fisk
Elmore, Dea Camp
Hydepurk, E P Fitch
Johnson, A W Caldwell
Morriatow", 3 vVeit
Stow, B II Fuller
Watcrvile, 11 A Fisk
do (J D Page
TAcott, J Smith
V, iNPSOIt CO.
Ac'k ', ilev D Field
Cavendish, Rv W F Evans
Ch'.ster, O llutchinsun
Ri' Jieslcr, Rev Win Scales
Jlotf'.iltcti, I) Woodward
Sharon, V Metcalf
Woodstock, T Hutchinson
RUT I. A 111) co.
Brandon, 3 W Hale
Rutland, U RTIirall
Wallingford, Rev Mr Con
stant ine ot I) E Nicholson
Manchester, 1) Roberts jr
Rockingham, Rev Mr Barber.
Townshend, W R-Shafter
Wilmington, O L Shafter
Wardsboro'. Dr. D Hvde
Hammonds Mills, Dr. S R
Jamaica, Rev. M Spencer
Fayettville, E Atwood
Dover, V P Perry
Recently, a large anti-Texas meeting of the
h was iielil, and inquiries were
several Presidential candid-
citizens of Pitt
ntes, respecting their opinions on the question of
Annexation. Wheihcr the oilier candidates have
answered, we know not. The reply of .Mr. Bir
noy we copy from the Spirit of Liberty, Pittsburgh;
and we commend it to the attention of our read
ers: Cinciiinali Herald.
JAMES G. BJBNEY AND TEXAS.
Miron Owen, Potsdam, St. Lawrence Co., N. Y.
The following gentlemen are authorized by the Stiite
Committee of the Liberty Party, to act as their Agents in
this State, in Ler.turni, collecting funds for the cause,
and obtaining subscribers for the Free man,
Rev. George Putnam, Albany.
Chauncey L. Kn afp, Esq., Montpelier.
Rev. .John Gi.eed, Wolcoit.
Rev. II. II. Garnet, Troy, N. Y.
Rev. C. C. Briggs, Randolph.
D. Nichols on, Esq. Wallingford,
Rev. A. Sr. Clair.
Joseph Poland, Montpelier.
Our friends who wish to obtain the services of Mr.
Putnam, are desired to correspond 'iih the Editor of the
Freeman, at Montpelier, oa the subject.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Rev, J. SpaiiJfe's Address.
Bro. Aspf.nwall: I havo wished for some time to
Bay a few vo:ds about one paragraph in Bro. Spaulding's
Address at Randolph. With one exception it is good, ve
ry scd; and some p.irts of it most mortifying and alarm
ing. The paragraph referred to is that about color. For
what and for whom did our good brother pen that para
graph? Was it to gratify Christian feelings? No; for
these feelings recognize tho common brotherhood of man
kind, and I know of no other feelings on this subject that
hould be gratified. Was it to honor tho principles and
eminent examples of the bible? No; for these know noth
ing about the color of the skin, but dwell wholly on the
jheart and life. This doctrine condemns even Moses, and
worse than this it sweeps away die constitution of the
iChristian church, I mean the church of Christ. Col. 3: 11.
'Wad it togritify the feelings of British abolitionists, and
.the prejudices of the nation's of Europe?
will find no prejudice against color, and very little amal
-gamation. To meet the feelings prevalent where liber
ity has triumphed over chains and stripes? No; there, al
so, caste is gone. To please the South? No; very little
prejudice against color there, but plenty of amalgamation,
because plenty of slavery. To honor the principles and
the holy enterprise of the Liberty Purty? No; true Lib
erty men know man as man simply
;the skin, and' arbitrary lines of demarkation, they know
nothing. To honor his God and Saviour? No; for He
" U no respecter of persons," and "hath made of one
blood all nations of men so dwell on all the face of the
earth." I can find no " lines of distinction drawn be
tween the white and the black man" here. HE looks at
itbe heart, not at the dress and weighs the actions, not
the color of the skin. To gratify the feelings of the north,
the feelings of our great parly abolitionists, who hate sir
very as much as any body, and yet go all the length ne
ressary to perpetuate it? No, I think noi, becausol take
the brother to he an honest man. I do wish to know
what bible principle, what bible practice, wh.U class of
good men I use the term in tho bible Bense, what good
purposes his views and feelings can support and answer?
What party has he pleased? and what part of his own per
sonal Christianity can my good brother produce, to sustain
him in his feelings and declarations about color and amal
gamation? I mUBt say, I hnvestrong scriptural objections
to all such positions, vitwjand language, und shall have,
'Mill better infomed. Yours truly,
"Icon, April 9, 1844.
Low-in Saginaw, Mi''1!.,?
February 28, 1844. $
Gentlemen It tti but a short time since I re
ceived your note, written on behalf of n meeting
of the citizens of Alleghany county, of till parties,
requesting to know of mo, as one of those who
have been spoken of by their friends for tho Pres
idency, what are my views upon the proposition
to annex Texas to the Union.
In complying, ns I cheerfully do, with the re
quest to your first interrogatory, "would Ihe pro-
poicd annexation be Constitutional!" I answer in
Oar Government is strictly one of delegated au
thority. The " powers" impntted to it are care
fully described and embodied in the Constitution.
None of them authorises the government, in any
way, to accept ot a cession of foreign territory.
So tar from it, thcybear no relation, nor do they
contain the slightest allusion to such an event.
1 do not forget that Louisiana and r lorida, once
foreign territory, wciC-Uiincxed to the Union;
but the President who iiJrojflcted and consummated
the purchase of the fonner, both knew and ac
knowledged, while he wfia negotiating it, that it
was unauthorisied by tho Constitution.
Nor am 1 unaware that some among us, of
high authority in such matters, maintain that, as
tho Constitution confers on the government the
power of making treaties, it consequently confers
the power to acquire territory by treaty. This is
a two-edged sword: For if the power to make
treaties carry with it the incidental power to ac
quire, without stint, territory of other nations,
equally does it enrry with it the power to cede
without stint, the territory we already possess, lo
other nations. If we adopt the construction, that
the treaty-making department is not to be limited
by the " powers" imparted by the people to the
Uovernmenl then tuny tin; whole states be trans
ferred to other Sovereignties then is the integri
ty of the Union nay, our political existence itself,
in the hands of the President and two-thirds of a
quorum of the Senate.
I am not. averse to a liberal conp'ruction of the
powers of the government, w herever th,1; objects
so :i gilt ae plainly allowed by the Consif'uti-m.
ImK when they arc unknown lo tho Cjiistiiutiou,
the liberal construction which becomes necessary
to authorise them, is but another name for usurp
It ought never to lie lost sight of, that in this
country, tho sovercign'y, in substance, ns well as
in name, abides with the People; that the powers of
the government are but ctnenations or portions of
that sovereignty imparted to such of the citizens
as may be duly called to administrative functions;
and that these powers, while they are to be exer
cised solely for the general welfare, must not be
exercised at random, but within the limits marked
out by the people themselves in the Constitution.
Should experience prove that these limits are too
narrow, the people, on being duly resorted to, will
through their own instrumentality, the States, en
large them as they deem it expedient. Meantime,
the inconveniences arising from powers thought
to be too much restricted, but which are suscepti
ble of so complete a remedy, ought to he patiently
borne with; lor tliey aie nothing, when com
pared with the uncertainties, the disorders, tho
perils, the oppressions attending a government all
at loose ends, vacillating nrd distracted by I he va
rious opinions and conflicting theories of those
who may successively be called to administer it.
Governments without number have been brought
to nought liy what is called a lilieral construction
of their powers; but few have sufl'ered loss by a
rigid one. The liberal construction of to-day is
not unli equently made the ground-work of a, more
liberfd, if not a licetious one to-morrow.
To your second question " Supposing it Con
stitutional, would you be favorable to annexation
on any terms?" 1 reply, I would not.
The permanent success of a government must
have some relation to the extent of its territorial
limits. While they may, doubtless, be too narrow
for the highest development of national prosperity
so may they bo too large. Without saying that
our territory is too large, I say, it is large cnougi;
for all the just and useful purposes of Govern
ment. i i,.,. ,,., ,-u 1.1 ,!:.. ...
No'frth Tele iiiniv uu 'ihi iiuun ,vuv tit Qiiuuiii Hi
o, or ere ie line 'pex;is uniled to us. The United States and
Texas are not connected by large rivers watering
b-ilh; nor are they separated from other nations
by deserts, or by chains of mountains forming joint
barriers of protection, und indicating that they
ougli' .to be one nation. If we desire annexation
because she is conterminious with us. Texas
once obtained, we shall, for tho same reason, burn
for the annexation of Mexico; nor shall we be
With the color of ul)'? wholly t0 quench our thirst but in the Oceans
which wasn on uu emus, inu comment which we
So far am I from thinking the annexation of
Texas, would be beneficial to us, I wish she were
re-united to Mexico, and that, as one people, they
were rapidly advancing to the highest grade of in
tellectual and political power. To have such a
power on our uoniers one w tiosc diameter anil
whose rights we could not help respecting would
most favorably affect us, as 1 ihink, in a variety of
ways. One only I shall allude to: it would re
strain that wild, buccaneer spirit of adventure, un
happily existing to a great extent in our country;
a spirit that is at war with all solid improvement
and true civilization, and which, unless juster no
tions can be made to prevail, will soon begin to set
at defiance the restraints of our own government,
and render the condition of weak communities
on our borders one of constant insecurity and
As a private citizen, I would do nil that I honor
ably could, to defeat the scheme of annexation.
So would I in any other public station than the
one to w hich your note refers. The President is
a department of the Government, and stands in nn
altogether peculiar relation to tho country.
" Powers" are entrusted to him, not so much with
a view to his dictating or even leading in any par
tieular line of policy which wholly regards the or
dinary pecuniary interest of the community, as to
his bei ig the Conservator of the Constitution and
of the honor of the Government. Should he hes
itate to use these powers to prevent a violation of
tin; constitution, or to resist I lie Legislative bodies
acting under the impulse ofnn inflamed constitu
ency, misled and demanding of the government
v, hat it would be manifesto unjust and dishonora
ble in the a'ovennnent to g:int as, for instance,
the repudiation of the Naticnal debt, or the fraud
ulent evasion of the ohliulious of a treaty he
would prove himself unworthy of the high trust
reposed in him. Such a President as Washington
taring much for his country, little for himself
would, in such cases, breast the torrent with all
his coiMiitniional might, trusting, that in due time
wisdom would be justified of her rh'.itli nn. Hut in
matters u, -ely of cx$ed?.n- for polinj, the Plxecu
t ; v o ought not to he evp-Ttf'o eber...!i the feel
ing, or manifest the pcrtinmyy that is generally
considered allowable, if not commendable, in indi
viduals differently situated. His duty (hen is, to
fill in with the wishes of the people, matured and
embodied in the deliberations of their representa
tives, although their views may, in important re
spects, differ from his.
My answer to your thip and last enquiry
" Would you be willing lo receive it as a Slave
Territory!" may be antic'qiited generally, from
what I have said in answer !b your second enqui
ry. I'ut I trust that you vvilj receive indulgently
a brief explanation of my vit ws on this suliject.
1 allow not human laws, he they primary or
secondary, no mutter by what numbers, or with
what solemnities ordained, the least semblance of
ri'rht to establish Slavery, to make property of my
felhxe, created, equally with myself, in iht image
ul God. Individually, or n-s i!it:cal communities,
men have no more riht to enact Slavery, than they
have to enact murder, or blasphemy, or incest, or
udultery. To establish Slavery is to dethrone
right, to trample on justice, the only true lbuad'a";
lion of Government. Governments exist, Dot-' V:
the destruction of liberty, but tor its dolqncejvJnotJ
c... i... ...... c. r. ..:..i.. . i ... .irf;J.';.i,.-.f H
ioi nit: uiiiiiiiiiaiMiii m uiuii n iimi, uu i meii rtx-v.
ervation. Do they incorporate in theii''i(M-gtihic:
law the element of injustice) do they liver '.'ra4"
nutting-it in practice.' Ihen, do iheV; Wesfroy;
their own foundation, and absolve all riwrt frotfitlitsV
duty ot allegiance, is any man so Desoueii. u&K'ri
a moment, to suppose tnat the SlavcuoMer.
any atom of right to his slate; or that ihicKfcrafc'e',
has resting on him nn atom hf obligation; i3flfuhj
the laws that enslave him, that rob Mint? '.
the act of acquiring territory and in the provision
made for the permanency of slavery; a third of
kindred complexion with the last, may be added.
Instead of confining the operation of the treaties
to the cases of the resident slaveholders of Louis
iana and Florida; tho only ones provided for; the
slaveholders of tho Slates were allowed, w ithout
restraint, to introduce their slaves into those terri
tories. From the first, this was permitted under
ourshiveholding Executives, and it has been per
sisted in so long without being interrupted oreven
questioned, that Louisiana and Florida slavery, as
parts of the whule system, are now considered to
be as firmly established; aye, and as lawfully too
as is the slavery of Georgia or of South Caroli
na, under their respective black codes.
The unauthorized purchase of Louisiana must
he regarded as, in its consequences, the most dis
astrous event for our country, to be found in its
political hist.'iry. In saving this" I neither forget nor
underrate the advantages of the acquisition, in a
uwru territorial point of view. But might not
those advantages havo been as certainly secured,
without bringing on ourselves the odium of the
ills which we are now suffering, from having ex
tended and strengthened the empire of Slavery?
Won Id not the people, on being properly appeal
ed to, have so amended the Constitution as to have
authorized the acquisition, whilst they carefully
guarded n-rainst the countenance and diffusion of
Slavery in tho, vast region, out of which three
Siave States have already been carved.
Next to thfe purchase of Louisiana, in cahimit
ous consequences to the country, was the admis
sion of Mifcso.jri into the Union, as a Slave State.
Into this. strtj'rgle the slave power entered with a
fierceness fhniilid not seem to characterize it in
former tiiHRsVi .' But it did not forget it never
does to ;e1;,ei out the lion's skin with the fox's tail.
That strfrl in which, too, treachery in the
Nortbdid.itpnrt but too well, issued in the com
plete. wi-SW-phi-.fitFjhe enemies of the Constitution,
ttjfflwdfi'vftlqwisheil, betrayed, retired discour-
Llt f (!W JfttSfieM.':, From that time till the pres-
Btn, tbo.-goySiMiihfiOt has been swayed by men who
.s.buWf in tfe'jVrislavement of their fellow men, how
T(el-tijf-se.jthe truths of the Declaration
'$ifa$$njfftoefty.men whose lives are but the
.eijHdii barbarian contempt with
frli'eVfe:rryIaf'trf of humnnity, and which every
ffeiAefu&iftnd equitable govennnent may be
sVvitef tinttihtfbfited on in the factSlif Cfod and
iirf-j-l'fitti'r-pd'ery too, has beeiv exercised in
.tJVo'inkWe .jnsolefitsbirit of overseershiiVtbat' marks
cratie. members of Congress from the free States!
llow basely servile has it been, with some few no
ble exceptions. How unscrupulously huve they
surrendered the rights of the North in compliance
with Southern dictation. They have gone, almost
in a body, against thesacrcd right of petition and
when the infamous Atherton distanced all com
petitors in the race of servility, he was rewarded
by a democratic Legislature with a seat in the Uni
ted States' Senate. - We might relate a hundred
kindred facts in proof of our proposition that the
democratic party, as such, is a mere tool in the
hands of the Slave Power, and is utterly unworthy
the confidence of freemen. Let no abolitionist be
deceived into its support by the name it hears.
The slave has nothing to hope for at its hands.
It is the antagonist ol democratic liberty, and there
fore should every true democrat abandon it, as a
testimony for democracy.
And as regards Vim Huron and Clay, the only dif
ference between them in respect to slavery, is,
that one is a Southern man with Southern princi
ples, and the other a "Northern man with South
ern principles." Both are prepared to do the bid
ding of the Slave Power Clay, because he is a
part of that Power; Van Buren, becau.se this is tho
price which he must pay for Southern patronage.
Neither is entitled to the suffrages of men who,
loving freedom for themselves, demand it for all
men, in the name of God and humanitv. There
are many democrats who call themselves aboli
tionistsand we entreat them, by their regard for
consistency, by the love which they bear the slave,
by their desire to preserve unimpaired their moral
influence, by their hope that our country wiil be
saved from the vengeance that smote guilty Egypt,
and by their confidence in God, to break off from a
party that has proved itself so false to human
mrlits and, takniL' Libertii for their watchword.
unite with those who, in accordance with our Dec.
nation of Independence, and the saint of our
Constitution, would rescue the Government from
the usurpations of the Slave Power, and make it
the protector, instead of the destroyer, of Human
D-.U.. 'I. 7.' '
inputs. wt. freeman.
him,- fit '-! ii.- ,wtnl -j-nlrtLnlflriiriA nvpr thn rnnriA cfrirofiiin-j nt
thing of himself? No olio: eise why Ut'tiRKpjViat ity pirf .H vn ri&R-" T Ji free States send
men oi an couim icy rejoice, wiien uiey viiear -'iimi..
the oppressed of any land hve achieved their' lib-
erty, at whatever cost to tlwir tyrants: - ryA
On this ground, were there no other, I should'
say, we cannot receive Texas as a Slave-Territory.
We can have no right to continue chains,
which we have no right to forge or impose.
But there are, other grounds: the Constitution
of the United Scutes does not permit liio organiza
tion or Hie 'continuance af oiaver! on domain
brought wiibv" its
e ':u; is!i:tiw;,. jvaic
of the specified pen era iiit,';orine vhe establish
ment neiies'-a: v or proper fir carry ing into execu
tion any oftiie.se powers.
Again: Two of the objects of the Government
set forlh in the pre ambit! of the Constitution arc
to establish justice and secure the blessingi of liber
ty, in tho land. With justice and liberty, slavery
is wholly incompatible. All men so regard it.
What, then, shall we do? Shall we so, interpret
the .silence of the constitution on this matter, as to
make it outweigh the establishment of justice, and
the perpetuation of the blessings of liberty, those
high aims of the Union, expressed in the dircctest
terms? Surely not.
But, admitting, that, on Constitutional grounds,
no valid objection can be inaile against the acqui
sition of foreign territory; who does not know,
that every institution, law, usage or custom exist
ing in the acquired territory, consistent with the
fundamental principles of the government, mak
ing the acquisition, ceases, at the moment of an
nexation, as a matter of course. This is so plain
ly the instruction of common sense as to call for
nothing but the mere statement of it. Thus. when
the District of Columbia vvus ceded to the United
States, the Slavery then cxistr g within it, being
iiTcooiieileublo with the fundamental objects of the
'wcrnment, the establishment of justice and the
blessings of liberty, became extinct the moment the
transfer was made. There was not there is not
there cannot be, a slave within the District ol
Columbia, without totally disregarding not only
the spirit but the letter of the Constitution. The
legislative indirection by which flu very was con
tinued in the District i.uer tho transler, was a de
vice wholly unworthy the representation of a peo
ple who had just adopted such a Constitution as
ours. Could the question of the constitutionality
of Slavery in the District, he submitted to a com
petent tribunal one not made up of actual slave
holders, and others under thi) bias of slavery
lucre could not be a uioinent'sdoiibt of the charac
ter of the decision. Before sJch a tribunal, the
slavery side of the question would be too bald for
argument. J ,
So too, in regard lo the slnve.x that cxifleil m
by our rulers that -I should b- su -lamed. VV ith
chat view, as the most feasible devise, provision
was made in the treaties of purchase, for securing
to the then resident slaveholders of territories
their right (?) of continuing ! hold their slave
properly. By what authority? No power had
been imparted by the people, (admitting lor ni-gu-u.ent's
sake, that they could impart such power,)
ro tho ftnuPi-niMonr iuplf nr to any department or
ofu e of it, to establish or continue slavery yviihin
her jurisdictional domain. To inter from the si
lence of the Constitution in regard to shivery as a
National-Goveinnieiit-concerii, with full knowl-
oiig, too, that UeUimrulion on ims muj -) "o"n
ed the attention of the convention; to infer, 1 say,
from this silence, that the people intended to clot he
the President and two-thirds of a quorum of the
Senate with authority to introduce slavery into the
Government, and this, too, knowing, as we do,
that justice trnd liberty had been placed as senti
nels in its vestibules, would not onl3' be absurd,
but eminently disrespectful to the very sourco of
,11 CmctiMit.r,!!-.! ninhoritv. Had Mr. Jetierson
,.i m.. Mn.i,-na ur.,-pnied treaties providing for
securing their peculiar privileges and tnimunuies
to an Order of Nobility, or a Religious establish
ment, that might have existed m Louisiana and
Florida, when they were respectively ceded, they
,1.1 rt In an loin". linVO stlOWll a niOI'C Will 111
,i;..-om,,-,i J.fihfi flnnstitutioi'j and of the People
by whose authority it was ruade, than they did in
mihlfiiv of this accursed system over
the largest and fairest portion of our natioual do
main. . .
To this twofold violation of the Constitution, in
tbcir. me timers of Congress to Washington to be
Overawed; corrupted iand- despised. The venal
'Orators; and tleclaimerst Athens, who sold them
selves and their eoiintryto. Philip, were not look
ed oh with supremer contempt by their supercili
ions purchaser, than are the betrayers of the North
by their slaveholding overseers when driving them
to their daily task of official meanness and servility.
Such is the comytion ot our allairs now one
tor which we hnve been prepared, mainly by the
two annexations that have already taken place, and
by 'he admission of Missouri into the Union. It
is a sad condition but not devoid of hope. For
again are tho friends ot the Constitution and ot
universal liberty rullymg,aiid fast swelling the ranks
of a party in whose success lies, ns I firmly believe,
the only reasonable ground of hope for the rescue
ot the liepjlihc from its most insidious foe. Al
ready it is evident, that the constancy, and energy
and activity of the Liberty party are not without
some ot their proper Iruits. 1 he sagacious begin
to discover, that tho slave-power has met with an
adversary more formidable than any it has had to
cone with that confusion and despondency are
slmwin:r themselves anions the leaders of the bat
talia; that the rescue of the government fi om that
dark power, and the crowning blessing ot our holy
struggle, t'i.s utter and everlas'ing overthrow, shall,
at no very distant period, cause the song of praise
and thanksgiving to ascend from all the borders of
the land to Him in whose might we have fought,
and who lias given us the victory. At such a tunc
in such a crisis, to receive 1 exas as a slave terri
tory would be a grievous event to be added to tho
already unhappy catalogue of events of a kindred
character, that have nil been used to establish in
justice in the hud, nod to perpetuate the evils o
the most abominable tynanny that man has ever
usurped over his fellow-man.
I am, gentlemen,
Your obedient serv't,
JAMES G. BJRNEY,
To Messrs. William E. Austin, David Shields,
James Clarke, Committee.
Louisiana and Florida nt tlieUlri ot their translei
to the Uniied State. Butitflwis determined on
lie not Deceived.
True democracy is the antagonism of slavery
sham democracy is anything for the sake of votes,
without heart, without principle, without con
science, a tyrant and a sycophant by turns, un
scrupulous in its use of means, and seeking merely
its own advancement, without any reference to the
real intevenis ol the country. As the sham olten
nuts on the airs of the true, and uses its set phra
scs, and prates a great deal about "the dear peo
ple." it is sometimes necessary to caution the un
suspicious that they be not deceived, and by the
iinnndeiit nictensions of the false, mistake it for
the true democracy. A little honest scrutiny isall
that is needed to detect the client. v hen you henr
n limn rlfinoiiiicinr the Banks, and defending sla
very, ad vncnting universal suffrage, and the (lis
fraiichisement ot our colored citizens, eulogizing
the sub-troasiirv, and sneering at men on account
of their complexion, mark him for a counterfeit
democrat, and act accordingly. iMo parly that jus
tifies slavery, or pleads for its continuance, or leg
islates for it;- support, or elevates its champions to
office, can justly claim to be democratic yet all
this, an 1 more, is done by the party in our country
which arrogates to itself this title. But again we
sav. he not deceived by' names. The so-called
democratic party is wedded to a hateful oligarchy,
and is democratic only in name. It obeys the be
hest of slavery, anil wages cruel war ugamst the
rights of man. It is the enemy of human progress.
It tramples upon tho weak in its allegiance to un
licly power, and every friend of God and humanity
should, therefore repudiate it.
Let us not bo misunderstood. W o do not suy
thnt there nre no true democratic principles, nor
democrats in this party. There nre undoubtedly
ninny. But the party, as such, is corrupt and pro
shivery. Its leaders have sold it to the slaveholders
Tin- southern patronage and when any of its prom
inent members, like Leggett or Morris, have dared
to stand up like freemen and rcbuko tho insolence
of the slavehjlding oligarchy, they have been de
nounced ns faithless to tho party. We speakof no
torious facts. Look st tho conduct of the demo-
From the Bangor Gazette.
TIte True Issue.
A great deal of ammunition is wasted bv our no-
litical opponents in attacks upon castles mountaiu
high which exist only in nir. Their heaviest ar
tillery is levelled against armies composed entire
ly of men of straw. We will therefore devote a
hort chapter to teaching our opponents military
tactics or in other words, to enlightening them as
to the true issue. It is a subject to which we shall
often have to recur: for the whole science of on-
position to our principles and to our politics, con
sists in an adroit evasion of the real questions in
volved, and meeting other questions not raised by
us, nor involved in the controversy.
It js said we are hostile to the South. It is not
so. j1, von those who charge this upon us, nnnt
that the south would be greatly better ofl'if slavery
were abolished. Southern statesmen her own
most enlightened sons admit, nay, urge it. Jeffer
son urged it, Madison urged it, liutledge urged it.
ho did JVJa.-on, and similiter, and uastun. So
onco did Clay, now, O, how fallen ! He urges it
no longer: but the name is not lost to liberty!
The name of Clay is yet to be ranged on the side
of liberty, and by a son of proud Kentucky!
Hostile to the South! JNo: he is the true friend
who is ready to tell unpleasant truths, who is ready
faithfully to point out the errors of a friend. Wo
point the South to the path not of Justice and Hu
manity merely, but of prosperity and greatness.
We point her to resources wasted and wasting;
her fertile soil nnd delightful climate, half desert,
and half teeming with a degraded population of
serviles, while four fifths of the other half, nomi
nally free, is scarcely less degraded than the slaves;
and in contrast we point her to our own rugged
hills, nnd frozen v inters, and show her the wealth
and dignity, the education and virtue, the civiliza
tion and happiness, that follow in the train of free,
paid labor. We ask her why she still will he un
just to her position, unjust to herself, unjust to her
free poor population, those unable to hold slaves,
unjust to the holiest sympathies of human nature,
unjust nnd cruel to those she holds in relentless
bondage, when the fruits of her injustice all recoil
upon herself, and poison the fountains of her great
ness! True, we complain, and ought we not to
complain? that wc are sharers in her infamy that
the reproach of her slaves fall upon us making
us a byword among the nations. True, we tell
her that she disturbs our repose, and that her
slavery causes our consciences many a twinge.
True, we complain, and can we too bitterly com
plain? that we are taxed millions upon millions
to support oppression that is crushing her that
our trade is kept in constant fluctuation by the
eternal disttibancc, created and kept active by her
traffic " in the souls of men;" by which thousands
of our most enterprising merchants are involved in
bankruptcy, and through them the whole commu
nity robbed of the fruits of honest free labor. W
thai she hugs to her bosom this viper
whoso sting not only penetrates Her heart, out
leaches our life-blood.
But no enmity to the South rankles in the breast
of a true Liberty man. Pity moves him pity .to
the slave, pity to tho State "made servile pity to
the deluded master who looks for prosperity thro'
injustice who looks for the blessings of heaven in
a path where curses are inscribed on every object
that meets his eye ! Our pity requires us not to
palliate her wrongs. We tell her her faults; and
kindly invite her to the path of her own properity.
Talk not then of our enmity to the South!
Soutlicrn Morals. A man by the name of Two
good was brutally murdered at a political meeting
lately in New Orleans. A quarrel ensued between
him and a man named Hornby; who knocked
Twogood down and stamped his head, faeo and
stomach till he died, and no person interfered to
stop the brutality of the fiend. All in keeping
with robbers, duchsls, and adulterers.
Mr. Lewis Tapnan, in the Journal of Commerce,
"acknowledges the receipt of one thousand dollars
from 'A Friend' in New Haven, Ct., to extend tho
ireulation of Anti-Slavcrv Mission publications.
and for the support of Missionaries who do not re
ceive aid from Hoards that leJlowsnip siavenoiacr$
Graceful Compliment Jrom a Child.r Washing
ton, visiting a lady in his neighborhood, on his
leaving the house, a little girl whs directed to open
the door. He turned to the child and 6aid, "lam
sorry, my dear, to give you so mm h trouble." "I
wish sir," she rcplicd,''it was to lei you in."