Newspaper Page Text
The Texian Treaty.
The editor of the New York Evening Post has
received and published the Texian Treaty, with
the most materiiil of the accompanying documents.
The treaty contains nine urticles. Article 1 cedes
the entire territory, public property and sovereign
ty of Tex a i to the United Stales.
Article 2 incorporates the citizens of Texas as
citizens of the United States, guarantees their lib
erty and property, and pledges their admission as
" soon as consistent with the principles of the fed
eral Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the priv
ileges and immunities of citizens of the United
Art. 8 recognizes all Innd titles that are valid by
the laws of Texas. Art. 4 places the public lands
ot Texas on the same footing with public lands in
Art. 5. The United States assume and ngree to
pay the public debt and liabilities of lexas, how
ever created, for which the faith or credit of her
government may be bound at the time of the ex
change of the ratifications of this treaty, which,
in the whole, ten millions of dollars, to be ascer
tained and paid in the manner hereinafter stated.
The public lands of Texas are pledged for the
payment of these ten inillious.
Art 6. provides for a commission to ascertain
the amount of the public debt. Art. 7, for the con
tinuance of all subordinate officers, until other
wise provided by Congress. Art. 8 prescribes the
mode of transfer, and Art. 9 mukes it necessary
that the ratification be exchanged within six
The correspondence bears marks of extreme
carelessness, and proves the hopeless bankruptcy
of Texas. For instance, the estimate ot the pub
lic debt of Texas is based on a report in 1841 no
later report having been made! What a govern
ment. The first overture by Mr. Upshur is dated Au
gust 4th, and is based upon a letter from London,
giving an account of Andrews' mission, and the
rumoured assent of Lord Aberdeen to his propo
sals. The following letter shows that a concern
for slavery is the sole motive of the whole transac
tion. A movement of this sort cannot be contemplated
by us in silence. Such au attempt upon any
neighbouring country would necessarily be view
ed by this government with very deep concern;
but when it was made upon a nation whose terri
tories join the slaveholding States of our Union,
k awakens a still more solemn interest. It cannot
be permitted to succeed without the most strenu
ous efforts on our part to arrest a calamity so se
rious to every part of our country.
Mr. Clay and the Tariff.
We have repeatedly referred to the expressed
views of the leading men of the Whigs and Dem
ocratic parties, and shown by their own statements,
that there was no essential difference between them
on the tariff, and consequently the great verbal
controversy on this subject is a contest without an
adequate- object a battle which will leave the mat
ter just where it was before. 1 lie following ex
tract from a speech of Mr. Clay, Jan. 21, 1842, on
the Treasury note bill, in reply to Mr. Woodbury,
was made the theme of a lengthy debate on a re
cent occasion in Congress:
" But whence this new-born zeal (said Mr. C.)
in regard to taxation. It was, he admitted, scan
dalous that this government should have gone on
for years past, and was going on now, by the ex
enditure of more than was received. 'Taxation
he knew, and had before said, was the remedy for
'this. Carry out, then, said he, the spirit of the
'compromise act. Look to revenue alone for sup
'port of Government. Do not raise the question
'of protection, which (said the Senator from Ken
'tucky) 1 had hoped had been put to rest. There
'is no necessity of protection."
When Mr. Clay was in Charleston, a few days
since, in a speech in the theatre, ho gave an expo
sition of his views on the tariff, and on the com
promise nct. He declared that he had ercr been in
favor of the protective policy to a certain extent.
He had baen active in effecting the compromise of
1833, and he had never countenanced its violation
in the slightest particular, and he had resisted eve
ry effort in Congress to violate it.
" It was important to understand the true char
acter of that compromise. It provided for a
gradual reduction of duties down to twenty per
. cent, at a given time, and after that, for the rais
ing of a sufficient revenue, by the duties on im
ports exclusively, as was necessary for an econom
ical administration of the government." " Mr. C.
denied that the principle of the compromise re
quired the maximum duty to be fixed at twenty
percent: its true principle was that no more reve
nue should be raised than was neccetsary for an
honest and economical administration of the gov
ernment, and within that limit there might bo dis
crimination in favor of domestic industry."
Now tve would ask how this doctrine differs
from that laid down by Messrs. Van Burcn, Cass,
Bucanan, &,c. If there bo none, then the contro
versy between Whigs and Democrat is confessed
ly on the imaginary point. Signal of Liberty.
tt?" It should be remembered' that as slavery is
the direct opposite and antagonist of every princi
ple of a free government, a slaveholder in practice
or in principle, is the most unfit man to hold office
under such a eovernment, that can be found. A
slaveholder is as unfit to rule over a free Christian
people, as a pagan is to be ordained to the office
of the christian ministry, or a drunkard and a deb
auchee to be the advocates of temperance and the
guardians of the public morals. Here is a vastly
important, yet simple, self-evident truth. Keep it
netore tne people. It is a truth which, it it could
have full power, and could act upon the minds and
neartsot the people, it would revolutionise the po
litical affairs of the country. Slavery and Liberty
Have been the contending elements in our country.
Slavery has entered into, and controlled and cor
rupted our government.- Why? Because nearly
iwo-inirns ot our public officers have been slave
holders,, when in fact they have been as unlit for
me omces, as sprigs or foreign nobility, and ap
pendages to royalty, would be. A slaveholder
should be disqualified bv mir rvmatitiiticn frnm hnl.
ding office, for as good a reason as that a tippler
should be disqualified from holdinz office in a tem
perance society. If such had been the case, what,
nuw wouki slavery he.' A thing that had been,
ui is uoi; yv est. L-jfuen.
.,'f'llif"l" H-rrif a few linvm tino
TSklZh..W?i well treated her vc-
" j wouiu never eave hpr on mw
account-would not be free if they could ' Threl
days after, letters c.ame to Phil-Jii.:. .1 uL.f?
fe.. JYh0 we.re ? A middle aEed woma?
her daughter, and a fine" boy of' Zof To!
n.r it 601 Was "nifested by walking
wTtL. n 1C3' Ver tmMy rods and in rainy
won her! Our contemptible slave-hunting con
stables, as usual, were willing to take the fee, but
not fond of rising their precious skulls and shins!
P, ma"er. Their prey has escaped them. Phil.
The select men of New Bedford oficr a reward
of I20O for Miss Wood, who disappeared u va
riously on the 11th of Aij-il.
" Pliant as reeds where Freedom's waters glide
Firm as the hills to stem Oppression's tide!"
M05TPELIEB, VERMONT, FMDAY.MAY 10, 1811.
Nominated by the National Convention, May, 1843
JAMES . BIRNEY,
" Our own slave states, and especially the more south
ern of them, in which the number of slaves is greater,
and in which, of course, the sentiment of injustice is
stronger than the more northern ones, are to be placed on
the list of decaying communities.
" The question now for the North finally to decide is
shall the slave states draw us down with them, and both
perish, or shall we, by a decided conjunct exertion of vir
tuous energy, save ourselves and them from destruction "
James G. Birney.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
" I rejoice, that the abolition of slavery throughout the
civilized world is no longer problematical ; it seems to be
almost universally conceded that this stupendous fraud
upon a portion of the human race is fast drawing to a
close, and the great question with us U truly, what meas
ures are best suited to accomplish this desirable end in
the United States.
" Political action is necessary to produce
moral reformation in a nation : and that actiou with us
can only be effectually exercised through the ballot box.
And surely the ballot box can never be used for a more
noble purpose, than to restore and secure to every man
his inalienable rights." Thomas Morris.
Democratic Candidate for President.
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
" I must go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and
uncompromising opponent of every attempt on the part
of Coneiess. to abolish slavery in the District of Colum
bia, against the wishes of the slaveholding States , and al
so with a determination equally decided, to resist the
slightest interference with it in the states where it exists.
"It now only remains to add, that no bill conflicting
with these views can ever receive my constitu
tional sanction." Mr . Van Buren's Inaugural,
March 4, 1837.
Whig Candidate for President,
I know there is a visionary dogma which holds that
negro slaves cannot be the subjects of propert). I shall
not dwell long upon this speculative abstraction. That
is property which the law declares to be property.
Two hundred years of legislation have Sanctioned and
sanctified negro slaves as property."
" If I had been a citizen of Pennsylvania when Frank
lin's plan (of gradual emancipation) was adopted, I should
have voted fcr it; because, by no possibility could the
black race ever gain the ascendancy in that State. But
if I had been then, or were now a citizen of any of the
planting States the southern or south-western States
I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose,
any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or im
" It is not true, and I REJOICE that it is not true,
that either of the two great parties in this country has
any design or aim at abolitio:,. I should DEEPLY
LAMENT if it were true." Clav's Speech in the Sen
ate, Feb. 7, 1839.
LIBERTY STATE TICKET.
WILLIAM R. SISAFTER,
FOR LIEUT. GOVERNOR,
FOR SENATOR ORLEANS COUNTY i
George II. Page.
Legal Advertising, &c.
iCZP We shall be very grateful to such of our friends
as are Administrators, Executors, Commissioners, Guard
ians, &c, &c. and all who have the privilege of dicta
ting where legal, and other advertising, shall be done if
they will select the Freeman as their medium. Our cir
culation is now good, and terms very reasonable. Partic
ularly from Lamoille and Orleans counties , where no paper
is now published, do we confidently hope to receive the
bulk of such advertising as our calculation -in those
counties is greater than that of any other paper in the
former more than twice as large. 31
Slavery and Missions.
Lewis Tappan, Esq., of New York, lias gener
ously forwarded to this office nine hundred of the
Ami Slavery Reporter Extra, containing Dr. Ln-
fon's Address, for gratuitous distribution. We
have sent a few numbers to some active friends of
the oppressed in- most of the towns in the State,
with the hope that they will not only read them
faithfully themselves, but also circulate them ex
tensively, especially among christians of all de
Methodist General conference.
Tho General Conference of the Methodist E.
Church assembled in tho city of New York, on the
1st day of May, and was called to order by Bish
op Soule. Thomas B. Sargeant of the Balti
more Conference was elected secretary, and J.
Houghtaling and a Mr. Kenncy, of Pittsburgh, as
sistant secretaries. During the first session pro
vision was made for eleven committees, including
one on Temperance, the Bible Cause, Tracts,
Sabbath Schools, &c , but none on Slavery. We
shall endeavor to give an early and somewhat full
account of the doings of this body, at least so far
as the "exciting subject" is concerned.
niontpclier Liberty Association
There will be n mffetinir of the above associa
tion at the Free Church Vestry next Tuesday eve
Ladies and gentlemen are invited to attend.
Hon, J. Vernal's Letter.
We extract the following from a private letter
of Hon. John Vernul of Swanton. It is no small
comfort to be engaged in a work, on which we can
look with satisfaction in the hour of sickness, and
in view of meeting our finul Judge.
April 20, 1814.
Mr. Asfenwall: I sent you a dollar some
time since to pay for your valnable paper, and I
now enclose another dollar, and if it over pays for
me, send the balance to Mr. Vansandt, to assist
him in his distress.
I am quite unwell hardly able to sit up, and
have been so for a year past. 1 cannot do as
as much in the good cause as I wish to. Your pa
per is the best antidote 1 can find for my complaint.
It cheers me up in my low state of mind, especial
ly when Father Bailey's name in it.
You would do well to send a man into this coun
ty to lecture, and obtain subscribers for the Free
man. If I am well enough, I will go with him
over this town, and if I am not, I think other will.
I wish to see the precious cause go ahead.
Give my respects to Messrs St. Clair and Bi igg.s,
and tell them that tne good cause is onward in
Where are the 215 ?
The Whig puSers last week reported that there
were 400 members of the Whig Convention from
Vermont at New York, drinking Champaign; and
this week they report that there were 155 at Balti
more. Can any one tell what has become of the
245? or have they happened to miss their way?
JCP The number who attended the Whig Con
vention at Baltimore on the 1st instant, Is various
ly estimated some even set it as high as 40,000.
It was undoubtedly very large. Addresses were
made by Messrs. Webster, Ewing, Metcalf, Stan
ley, Crittenden, and others. The Democratic
Convention is to meet in the same place on the
27th of this month.
K3" Mr. Clay's and Mr. Van Buren's letter
have both been received, and last weeK we gave
the concluding remarks of the first, and this week
we have given some remarks on the other, from the
Christian Citizen. The Citizen speaks of Mr,
Van Buren's as the most frank, anil able; but from
the general character of the man, we should by
no means expect this.
As we have been prevented from reading either
of them through, by ili health, we are consequently
not prepared to judge ot tneir merits, but may
probably present more extended extracts from them
next week. If they were not so. very long we
would gladly publish them both.
Choosing E vils,
Whenever you talk candidly with a Whig about
the slaveholding,. duelling, gambling, and other no
toriously vicious practices of Henry Clay, he re
plies " I condemn these things as much as you
do. Mr. Clay is not my first choice, by any means;
but the election ties between him and Van Buren
and of the 'two evils I choose the least.' " This
is the almost universal argument. Scarcely an in
tclligent, respectable man especially in Vermont
-can be found to defend the principles and prac
tices of Henry Clay. They take him as a choice
of evils. This being the case, we might suppose
that the Whigs of Vermont, by their delegates, at
the Baltimore Convention, would have had self-
respect enough to express their real preference.
But how was it? When Benjamin Watkins Leigh
proclaimed in that convention that the Vcoplc had
already nominated Henry Clay, and called upon
all who freely, spontaneously and heartily respon
ded to that nomination to rise up, there stood up
those delegates, and declared that Henry Clay was
first in the hearts of the Whigs of Vermont! We
had supposed they would, from considerations of
policy, if nothing more, express a preference for
some other individual as they did in 1839 for an
other than the successful candidate and finally
give in, like true patriots, (!) for the sake of those
other great interests:' but we have every reason
to believe that out whig friends were as zealous
and hearty in paying their devotions at tho shrine
of Henry Clay, as were the greediest bloodhounds
of the South! Let it be remembered, therefore,
that Henry Clayihc slaveholder, the duellist, the
gambler; under $5000 bonds to keep the peace; a
man who, if he lived in our State, would be sent
to states' prison, and be forever incapable of hold
ing even the office of hog-retve, or of voting to elect
any one else to that office is proclaimed by the
Whigs of Vermont as their choice for the office of
President of the United States!!
The lesson we would draw from this course of
the Whigs, is, that it is dangerous allowing our
selves to tamper with evils. The same course of
reasoning that justifies us in a small evil to-day,
Will bring us to a much greater ones to-morrow;
and every successive indulgence weakens and de
stroys our moral perception, and greatly lessens
our power of resistance, until we find ousolvue
freely and unhesitatingly choosing those great mor
al evils, the bare mention of which would at first
have led us to exclaim, " What! is thy Bcrvant a
dog, that he should do this thing?" Our only safo
rule is to 'avoid even the appearance of evil.' J. p.
Henry Clay's Aiiii.iaYery.
It is often claimed by the friends of Mr. Clay,
that he is at heart opposed to slavery, and that in
the event of his eloction to the Presidency, such an
enlightened, liberal policy would characterize his
administration as would enable tho free States to
bring their constitutional powers to bear upon and
destroy the system ot slavery, aome even aver
that he is only awaiting the decision ef the ques
tion of his election, to emancipate his own slaves.
Mr. Clay himself declared in his great speech in
'39 that 'every pulsation of his heart beat in favor
of liberty,' although in the same speech he avows
himself apposed toemancipation, either immediate
or prospective! But if Mr. Clay really considers
human slavery au evil, and as a frieml to Anieri-
can liberty, laments its existence, and deprecates
the extension of this dangerous element in our land,
why does he not even allude to it in his late letter
in weighing the considerations which influence
him in deciding upon the annexation question?
He speaks of getting involved in a war with Mex
ico, of the debt of Texas, &.c, &c, but raises no
note of remonstrance against the vile system of
Texian slavery, which is even more inhuman than
tlrat of our own country, if possible. He applauds
the constitution of Texas, as being an improve
ment upon that of the United States, but entirely
overlooks the damning fact that it not only estab
lishes slavery, but prohibits the emancipation of
any slave, without the consent of the legislature is
first obtained! Now in this case Mr. Clav cannot
use the stereotyped arguments of the 'compact' and
the 'plighted faith of the nation.' Here the naked
question of slavery stands upon its own merits.
We are at perfect liberty to choose or refuse it:
and yet, Henry Clay raises no objection to taking
this viper to our bosom, to swell the already bloa
ted and over-grown slave power of our own coun
try, and thus enable it to do nominally, what it has
long done virtually wield the controlling political
power of the nation !
The all-absorbing objection in the minds of nor
thern freemen to the annexation of Texas, is, that
it will give fresh life and vigor to the accursed sys
tem of American slavery. 1 his is a permanent
consideration: but the objections of Mr. Clay ure
such as may be (and it is understood at the South,
where he has of late been preparing the way for
his letter, that they will be) speedily removed; so
that Mr. Clav, if elected, may prove the champion
of annexation, for the sake of strengthening the
slave power!' It would be in perfect conformity
with his former public course on the subject of
slavery. Will freemen think of these things? p.
For the Freeman.
Messrs. Garnet and Gleed.
I understood an arrangement was made between
these gentlemen last winter, whereby they were to
exchange fields of labor for some six weeks during
the coming summer. Mr. Gleed proposed to go
to Troy &, preach for Mr. Garnet, and Mr Garnet
to spend the same time in lecturing in this State.
I think the arrangement would be useful to the
cause of truth. Not that Mr. deed's services and
untiring labors are not useful, but Mr. Garnet
would do more good for a few weeks. Yet there
is something for the abolitionists to do to carry out
this arrangement. How is Mr. Gleed to live uud
support his family while preaching for Mr. Gar
net, and defray his expenses to and from Troy?
$'50 must be raised for him, and then wc will get
the services of Mr. Garnet in our Stute some six
weeks. I do not know but the State Committee
have already made the arrangement. If so, it is
well. If not, and if they do not intend as a com
mittee to do anything about it, then let the neces
sary sum be raised by pledges from different towns
or individuals. Let the State Committee direct
where Mr. Garnet shall spend his labors in the
State. Let this be attended to immediately. Put
down for Stowe $5. Let the remaining $45 be
pledged in next week's paper. li. li. F.
Stowc, May 3, 1844.
We sometime since leccivcd u letter from Rev.
Mr. Gleed, stating the arrangement proposed be
tween himself and Mr. Garnet, as in the above
communication; but just us it wns going into the
hands of the compositor, a letter was received
from a member of the State Committee, saying
that Mr. Garnet had concluded to relinquish his
pastoral relation, and spend some time in this
State, &:. If, however, there is any mistake a
bout it, and Mr. Garnet is depending on an ex
change, it is high time it was understood. No
doubt enough can easily be obtained to defray Mr
The committee of the Third Congressional Dis
tricl enquire if Mr. Garnet cannot be engaged to
attend the Convention at Ilincsburgh on the 6th of
June; and if ho can, they wish us to publish no
tice of tho fact. We trust the State Committee
will give information in due time. And we ven
ture to suggest to the County Committees, who
wish to obtain Mr. Garnet's assistance at the con
ventions to nominate Senators, that they might do
well to arrange the time of holding them in concert
with the State Committee. Ed. Ereeman.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
QUERIES. Is not every voter in the free
States, who refuses to vote for the repeal of the
laws by which slaves are held, a political slave
holder, although tho individual owners may re
side in the District of Columbia or in Florida?
And is not this kind of slaveholding sinful: How
then shall tho action of the church be brought to
bear against this sin? Who shall pay the minis
ter, the power of whose pulpit docs not bear a
gai nst this sin? Can the minister's anti-slavery
duty all be done on Fast and Thanksgiving days?
For the Freeman.
4th of July!
Will the Liberty men attend to the celebration
of this day in all parts of the state where it is prac
ticable? Secure tho advantages afforded by the
occasion to carry forward your principles in the
midst of opposition. Procure the 'services of a
freeman as orator on the occasion. Let freedom
be preached on that day. No matter if there should
be no firing of cannon, or waving of fustian flags,
or bands of music, or gormandizing of roastvbcef
and turkies. Very little patriotism or intelligence
in all these. But a good, manly, stirring, Liberty
oration, with a cold luncn tor dinner, and some
good spruce beer for the toasts, will do well for the
abolitionists. Such fare would be far better than
our constituents enjoy. Let the Declaration of In
dependence be read, the song of Liberty be sung,
and tho cause of the slave advocated on every 4th
of July, tilt the clanking of chains shall I heard
no more throughout all the land. B. H. F.
James G. Birney,
The following brief notice of our candidate for
the Presidency is extracted from the Pennsylvania
Freeman. Is he not a true Man worthy of Free
men's suffrages? Compare him with either of his
opponents, and what Christian voter can hesitate
between Clay, Van Buren, and Birney.
When we first heard of James G. Birney, he
lived in Alabama; was a slaveholder, and a Vice
President and agent of the Colonization society.
The anti-slavery enterprise was then pretty much
in its germ, and the small handful of men that pro
claimed their faith in it was almost universally
despised and persecuted. To avow anti-slavery
sentiments then, even in the north, required amor
al courage more than most men can lay claim to.
James G. Birney, away in the far south, became
convinced of anti-slavery doctrines, and avowed'
his convictions. He emancipated his slaves; he
repudiated colonization; he forfeited his reputa
tion; lost caste with his friend; gave up his prac
tice at the bar; stood up in the midst of slavehold
ers to oppose their system: established an anti
slavery press in Kentucky, and delivered public
lectures in that State; and when no longer uble
with safety or success to pjblish his paper in Ken
tucky, he moved to Cincinnati. There, with bold
ness and great ability he continued his labors as
editor. He encountered mob after mob in that
city and other parts of the State where he went
as a lecturer, and came out of all a more determin
ed abolitionist than before. During his residence
in Cincinnati he underwent a prosecution for har
boring a female slave, which, under the circum
stances, and in the then state of public senti
ment, was one of the most humiliating ordeals that
a high minded man could be called to pass through.
LET NO ONE VOTE THE LIBERTY
TICKET WHO BELIEVES. -
That it is right to deprive human beings of por
sonal ownership, and to buy and sell, hold and
treat l hem as property.
Who believes that it is conducive to the welfare
and prosperity of the country that one fourth part
of the population should despise labor, and as far
as practicable avoid it, and burden the industry of
the laboring classes for their support.
Who believes that half the property of the south
ern States should be represented in the Federul
Government, while not a farthing of the property
of the Northern States is allowed to be thus repre
sented. Who believes that the interests of the Free States
are secure while the slave power wields and con
trols the Federal Government.
Who believes that a government policy, the lea
ding feature of which is to strengthen and perpet
uate the institution of slavery, is a wise and safe
Who believes that men, pledged to supportthe in
stitution and subserve the interests of slavery, -are
the safest and fittest men to be entrusted with tho
management of public affairs.
Who believes that, while the number of slaves h
increasing at the rate of 70,000 in a year, some in
definite future time will be more favorable for at
tempting and eU'eeting its removal than the pres
ent. Who bclives that the Anti-Slavery enterprise is
one which. seeks the removal of a single evil, an e
vil of comparatively small importance, a merely
local evil, or mat ttiose who are laboring tor its re
moval cannot have more than one idea. Ameri
DUTY OF LIBERTY MEN. The great im
portance of rejecting all alliances with any party,
involving to the slightest extent a compromise of
principle, for the attainment of a temporary or
local object, cannot be too strongly impressed up
on the attention of liberty men. Suppose, (in the
language of a late address to the friends of liberty
in Ohio,) one portion of our ranks, for temporary
or local gain, yields its support to a candidate of
one of the pro slavery parties what follo ws?
" Loss of confidence, mutual distrust in our or
ganization ; diminished influence from reduced
numerical force, abridgment of public respect for
our principles; we appear in the light of trucklers
to expediency; our opponents are emboldened,
well assured that, by hollow concessions they may
arrest our growth and break down our influence.
And what, after all, is the gain? A liberal dem
onstration in one place will be neutralized by a
fresh exhibition of servility in another. The anti
slavery candidates presented to catch votes will be
required to support a pro-slavery or slaveholding
chief; so that every vote given to such a candidate
goes to build up the bulwarks of despotism by
strengthening the parties which minister to its
will. American Freeman.
VAN BUREN AND ABOLITION.-In a let
ter to the democratic central committee of Ken
tucky dated April 21, 1810, Mr. Van Bureti says:
" These truths are demonstrated in the results
of the labors of the abolitionists in the United
States, which have hitherto been productive of
nothing but evil, new restraints upon the colored
race, vexation to the owner, and distraction to the
councils of the nation. In reference, then, to such
practices as those to which yoiijhave called my at
tention, I can, as a public man, find the path of
duty only in one direction that of undisguised
Whatever non-committal there may be about
Mr. Van Buren on other subjects, he is frank on
this; and we see not but the above settles the wholo
matter, so far as he is concerned. Surely no abo
litionist can vote for him consistently, or for the
party that will support him; and we respect the
frankness of the democrats in generally admitting
the fact, however wicked their principles. With,
such a candidate, it would bo sheer duplicity for
any party to claim anti slavery character or rh
jeets. Liberty Standard.
THE SLAVE POWER.-A planter in Virgin
ia, owning fifty slaves, has a power in the electi"
of President and Rpp.oumanves in Congress, e
quivaient to thirty votes, while a farmer in Mas
sachusetts, having equal or greater property, has
only a single vote. Vith this atrocious injusticc
to the people of the free States staring them in the
face, one hundred and twenty seven members of tho
House of Representatives, solemnly declare that
every proposition to obtain relief from this provis
ion of tho constitution ' ought to be promptly and
decisively condemned.' In this number of one
hundred and twenty seven, who thus virtually sub
ject the free States to the slave power, is almost
every democrat from those States. 'O shame f
where is thy blush !' Boston Courier.
Extract from Dr. Humphrey on Dueling. It
will never do for professors of religion to mourn
over the sin of dueling, as if there was no hope,
and to flatter themselves, though it should fester
till it destroys the body politic, they are guiltless,
when their number is so great that they might
make their influence felt in every important elec
tion from Arkansas to Maine. There cannot be
less than 300,000 christian electors scattered over
the country; and let professors of religion, what
ever others may do, see to it that blood be not
found in their skirts, and required at their bands.
Will it not be, if they give their suffrages to ele
vate men of blood to places of power and influence.