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"Give me Liberty or give me Death I"
VOLUME I-
MOJVTPIUIilEU) VERMONT, FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1844-
c
THE GREEN FOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
PUBLISHED EVER)! FRIDAY,
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House.
J. C. ASPEN WALL, Editor.
J. TOLAND, Publisher,
terms:
Single copies $1,50 in advance, or 2,00 after the ex
piration of three months from the time of subscribing.
All papers sent at the expense of the subscribers.
rZf Advertisements inserted at the usual charges.
Cy Transportation of papers will in no case be paid
ly the publisher, unless n special agreement to the con
trary is made. 3
IdF Book and Job Work of every description thank
fully received and executed with neatness and dispatch.
For .1 GENT ft sec la:,l page.
THE FRE
But their Witness agreed nollogollicr.
Many of the whig papers in this region arc assur
ing us, week after week, that the only way to pre
vent the annexation of Texas is to make Mr. Clay
President; and they sreiu to he very wrathy with
the abolitionists for doubting their statements; but
what sny the southern whigs? The following ar
Hcla ft-nii) the New Orleans Tropic will show.
.Now, considering that Mr. Clay is a southern
man, nrtu lias vifeitcil New Orleans
we must
think that there arc better reasons I'M'
the statements of the Tropic than those of the
Vermont Watchman.
To the editors of the Tropic.
Having at all times regarded yon as candid and
impartial laborers in the cause of whig principles,
tind of southern rights, 1 take the liberty of offer
ing you a few remarks, in reply to some of your
late articles on the great Texas question, for the
purpose of showing that this should ho considered
and sustained by us, not only as a whig measure,
but substantially as a sr.uthern measure; whilst it
is, at the same time, of the highest national consid
eration. In which view nf ihe subject I would
contend that wc should by no means allow the
credit of either its origin or success to be claimed
by the weak and unprincipled individual who has
been, by a most sad calamity, elevated to the head
of our public affairs. First, that it should be re
garded and sustained by us as a whit: measure,
because one of its fust and strongest advocates has
ever been our great leader Henry Clay whose
relebrated speech in favor of our perfect and en
tire right to its possession as our territory, and a
gainst the existence o( any right under our consti
tution to cede it away, is a most powerful and con
clusive argument. Because, also, it is the essence
of our whig principles that we should preserve the
integrity ot our constitution and our territory,
without ever yielding the one or the other, anil
least of all upon the ground that southern institu
tions render us unworthy of the Union. Because,
also the whig party are, and ever have been, op
posed to the abolitionists and their principles; and
because the annexation will be carried by whig
Votes in the Senate.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
JAiin mill i in; x ji'muujmiui liiiiuiuuup.
Wc ask the candid public to read and mark the
reasons of the presidential candidates, upon the
Texas question. We will not characterise the
letters of Clay ad Van Burcn as containing a
double pledge one for the north, against the
measure nov:, and one for the south in favor of it
ultimately, as soon, as a few difficulties can be ic
moVed. Wc need not say that Birney's answer
contains a full and unqualified guarantee against it,
now and forever. The reader will not fail to notice,
this and, also that with the two former it is, in fact,
a question of time and circumstance with the lat
ter, of principle and right. But it is quite useless
for US to attempt to make either of these men say
what they have not said, or to attribute to them
sentiments which their sayings will not warrant.
In order, therefore, to present at one view, and
.exhibit in the best manner the striking contrast of
position taken by the servants of the slavcholding
aristocracy, and the cxamplcr and defender of
freedom, we present such extracts from their let
ters as seem to contain the gist and substance of
jheir views. Mr. Birney's answer was made pub
lic immediately nftcr his views were asked by the
committee, but some great purposes of patriotism
.and honesty required Clay and Van Burcn to wait
Jill they and their friends could calculate all the
party questions of loss and gain, and then, with a
iopc of loosing nothing, and pleasing both north
and south, they boldly mount the troublesome hob
by, and with great skill and adroitness face to the
right, then to the left, head to the north, then to
the south, and thus evince an ability to manage as
they choose, and a willingness to choose a direc
tion tho popular breeze should indicate if they
nvcro compelled to break out of the circle. The
following extracts from these letters will satisfy
every candid reader who is the safest depositary
of the public confidence.
Birney. Feb. 28, 1844." Would the propos
ed annexation be constitutional ? I answer in the
negative.
Rnnnnsms it constitutional, 1 would not uo in
it' 3
favor of annexation on any terms.
Our territory is large enough for all the just and
useful purposes of government.
So far am I from thinking the annexation of
Texas would be beneficial to us, I wish she were
again united to Mexico,
As a private citizen, I would do all I honorably
pould to defeat the scheme of annexation.
Such a President as Washington, earing much
for his country, little for hiiilself, would, in such a
case, breast the torrent with all his constitutional
might.
I allow not to human laws, be they primary or
secondary, no matter by what numbers or with
what-solemnity ordained, the least semblance of
right to establish slavery, to make property of my
fellow, created equally with myself in the image
of God.
Governments exist, not for the destruction of
liberty, but for its defence.
Is any man so bestoted as to suppose for a mo
ment that the slave holder has an atom of right to
his slave?
On this ground, were there no other, I should
say we cannot receive Texas as a slave territory.
Wc have no right to continue chains which wc
havefno right to forge or" impose."
Ci.av. April 17,1344. " I have forborne to
reply, because it was not very convenient, and
other reasons.
I have seen no desire on the part of a consider
able portion of the people that Texas should be
come a part of the United States.
If, without the loss of national character, with
out the hazard of war, with the general concur
rence of the nation, without danger to the integri
ty of the union, and without giving any unreason
able price for Texas, the question would appear in
quite a different light.
Wc ought to take care not to make too great a
sacrifice in the attempt to acquire it.
If Mexico yields her consent, that would mate
rially r.Hbet the foreign aspect of the question, if it
did not remove all foreign difficulties.
If any European nation entertains any ambitious
lesigns upon Texas, I should regard it the duty of
this government to resist such designs to the extent
of an appeal to arms.
In conclusion, I consider the annexation of Tex
as at this time, without the consent of Mexico, in
expedient in the present financial condition of the
country, and not called for by any general expres
sion of public opinion."
Van Buren. (Three days after Clay.) It is
desirable that the action of an Executive should
not be embarrassed by assurances given at a peri
od when no safe opinion could be formed of what
that conduct would he.
It can scarcely be deemed consistent with pru
deuce to hind ourselves in advance in respect to
the particular lino of conduct we will hereafter a
dopt in a case of such magnitude as the present.
In 1837 a proposition wns received for the an
nexation of Texas. I did not find it necessary to
consider the question of constitutional power, nor
the manner in which the object should be accom
plished, ifdecniod expedient and proper.
The present condition of the relations between
Mexico and Texas may soon be so far changed as
to weaken, and perhaps to obviate entirely the ob
jection against the immediate annexation.
Should such a state of things arise, and I be
found in charge of the responsible duties of Picsi
dent, you may be assured that I would meet the
question, it tnen presented to me, vvitn a sincere
esirc to promote the result which I believed best
calculated to advance tno permanent welfare of
the whole country.
I am not, I need hardly say to you, an untried
man, in respect to my disposition or anility to (lis
4 . ...
regard anv feeling of that character in the dis
charge of official duties."
So Lindcnwohl twaddles along to the end of his
chapter, expressing sonic fears that there may
be those on both sides unwilling to trust him,
and frankly admits that the people are not obliged
to vote for him if thev are not a mind to.
The above positions of each of the distinguished
letter-writers is, of course, attempted to be sus
tained by argument. But the positions themselves
arc fairly represented by the foregoing extracts.
To us it seems that every vote given for Clay or
Van Burcn, ia given for the ultimate admission of
Texas. And only those given for Birney count
against
mote.
such a dreaded result, immediate or re-
B. II. F.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Mr, Gimict's Letter,
Troy, N. Y., May 17, 1844.
Dear Sir: I received your letter, as well as
several others, from different parts of Vermont,
urging me to say when I should be able to return
to the State to labor in the anti slavery cause.
More than two months ago 1 wrote to Mr. East
man of Randolph, one of your Central Commit
tee, informing him nnd the Committee that circum
stances had so connspired as to render it impossible
for mo to return. I did hope that the committee
would have made this fact known before this time,
so that my friends would Imvo been informed up
on this subject.
When I returned from your free and hospitable
mountain home, I found my own family in tears,
and my only child sleeping in death. But I do not
repine at this, neither has this providence of God
altered tho arrangements into which we partly en
tered. Many other changes had also been made,
and my domestic affairs compelled me to embrace
all the trials incident to the life of a school-master;
ami now I am teaching a district school of seventy
seven pupils.
. It would afford me much pleasure to visit my
friends in Vermont once more, for among them
we have the best samples of Democracy, inlelli
genco and puritan simplicity that wo can find on
this side of the great waters. May God bless the
people of this beacon State, whoso so'd'was never
cursed by slavery. May peace set on all her hills,
and the Genius of Liberty take up his abode there
forever. I thank them for all that they have done
for my injured people, and for 'all their kindness
to me.
The pro slavery parties around you are very
sick; only "let the abolitionists be faithful and
they must die. If you will sound the tocsin we
will blow the trumpet. Iy heart is .with you;
and whether in private or public, at home or a-
broad, my life, and all, shall he given to the cause
of Truth nnd Liberty,
We should be glad to see you in our city, and to
hear your voice in our humble s'anctnary.
Yours Tir . "
IIKNHfTT. GARNET.
Rev. Mr. Gr.F.En.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
A Suggestion.
Mil. Editor : In the Vermont Watchman, of
May 17th, I noticed a very splendid account of the
Whig Convention at Baltimore. I was much
pleased with the description there given of many
of the banners, with the devices thereon inscribed,
particularly those of Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Ohio. But 1 looked in vain fur what I thought
would have been very particularly appropriate on
that occasion, viz., a banner bearing the reprcsn-
tation of a plantation stocked with slaves, together
with other appropriate devices, setting forth the
prominent features of the "peculiar institution."
But as it is understood that there are to be County,
or sectional Conventions, or gatherings, through
the country for the purpose of responding to the
nomination of Henry Clay to the Presidency, per
haps it may not be too late to suggest to our whig
friends the propriety of getting up a very splendid
whig banner. Its dimensions should be ample,
baring the representation of a plantation with the
hands at their labor, the mothers with their in
fants lashed to their backs, and toiling under the
crack of the driver's whip. In the distance should
be deliniated a flying fugitive, pursued by men,
dogs and rifles, with a full length portrait of Hen
ry Clay pointing towards the panting fugitive, ex
claiming " that is property which the law declares
to be property;"" two hundred years of legisla
tion have sanctioned nnd sanctified negro slaves as
property." In some conspicuous position, should
be represented an abolitionist tied fo a tree in the
midst of burning faggots, by order of Judge Lynch.
Many other appropriate sketches might bo thrown
in by way of embellishment such as whipping
women, selling babies, cock-fighting, horse-racing,
Stc. &.C Underneath the whole should bo written
in large letters, " Henry Clay, the father of the
American System. E
For the Freeman.
Ferriskvgli Liberly Association. .
In accordance with a previous notice, the friends
of tho slave met at Fcrrisburgh Center, on the 4th
day of May, for the purpose of organizing a Lib
erty Association, nnd choosing delegates to attend
the District Convention at Hincsburgh. The meet
ing was called to order by Rev. C. Prindle; Den
nis Hurlburt, Esq. was chosen President, and D.
W. Hazard, Secretary.
An appropriate prayer was offered by Rev. N.
Day, after which the audience listened to an able
and spirited discourse by Rev. C. Prindle. On
motion, Rev. C. Prindle and A. B. Webb, Esq.,
were appointed a committee to prepare a pream
ble, resolutions &c. for tho next meeting.
May 18th, the meeting convened at North Ferris-
burgh according to adjournment, and was opened
by prayer, by Rev. C. Lahore. The following
preamble and resolutions were reported by the
committee.
Whereas, Under a popular government, one of
the most important duties of a Christian Citizen is,
to secure the election of such individuals to office,
as shall answer the requirements of the word of
God, and "judge the people wrrh just judgement,"
Deut. xvi, 18; and "ho that ruleth o.ver men, must
be just, ruling in the fear of God," 2d Sam'! xxiii,
3: and whereas, the sentiments of the Declaration
of American Independence, is thor only true doc
trino worthy of the support of Freemen, "That all
men are created equal, and arc endowed by their
Creator with inalienable rights, among which are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." And
whereas, in relation to these fundamental princi
ples, of moral and political rights, Slavery has
been tolerated in portions of these United States,
and is at present, and has been for the most part
of the. time since the organization of our National
Government, absorbing nearly all the offices of the
nation, and is the great ruling clement of the po
litical movements of the day. And whereas, the
spirits of Liberty and Slavery, can nevei dwell to
gether in harmony, and that so far as the spirit of
slavery shall extend its influence in our country, it
must be disastrous to its industry and morals, facts
which we have been experiencing for many years
in these States: And whereas,' the patience of
hope has been exhausted, In n-num for the suc
cessive political parties tp correct these evils, and
give us an administration, which should illustrate
the glorious principles of true, enlightened democ
racy; encouraging the inherent and equal rights of
all men, and seeing no hope ot a redress, of these
manifold grievances by a longer reliance upon the
political parties with which we have formerly act
ed, and regarding the Liberty party, as the only
party combining in its organization, the principles
essential to the prosperity of the whole; and be
lieving that, what is morally wrong, cannot be po
litically right; therefore, wo organize ourselves
into an association, by the name of tho Ferris
burgh Liberty Association. The objects of this
association are to actio concert with the national
organization, in all laudable efforts to promote the
election to office, of such men, as shall by all con
stitutional means, bring to a speedy conclusion, all
misrule, and especially the dominion of slavery in
the different branches of the government. The
terms of membership in this association shall be
the recognition of the principles of the Liberty
party, and acting with us in the objects here set
forth.
The above report was accepted and adopted.
The following resolutions were then presented
to the meeting by tho committee, and alter being
ably discussed by several gentlemen present, were
unanimously adopted.
1. Resolved, That we embrace as the standard
of our faith and practice, the sentiments of Wash
ington, which he avowed in 1786, in the following
words, viz: "There is not a man living, who wish
es marc sincerely than I do, to sec a plan adopted
for th abolition of slavery; but there is ouly one
proper and effectual mode, by which it can be ac
complished, nnd that is by legislative authority;
nnd this so far us my suffrage will go, shall nevor
be wanting.
2. Resolved, That the intelligence, wealth,
peace and morality of a nation, are dependant upon
the recognition of the rights of the people; and
therefore, all these interests must sufler, and are
in danger of absolute annihilation, in a country
where slavery becomes dominant.
3. Resolved, That no man is justly entitled to
our support for office, who is not acting to carry
out the Declaration of Rights, as they are express
ed in the bill of rights of 1796; and therefore,
when our suffrage is invoked for the support of
unworthy men to office, we pledge ourselves to
have no fclloship witlj this branch of the "works
of darkness."
All the friends of the Liberty party were ap
pointed to actasdelcgntos,and invited to attend the
District convention, to he holdcn in Hincsburgh on
Thursday the 6th day of Juno next.
The following gentlemen were appointed a
committee, to make the necessary arrangements for
attending the convention, viz: C. W. Wicher, L.
Hurlburt and 0. Sholes.
Voted, that tho proceedings of this meeting, be
offered for insertion, in the Green Mountain Free
man and Voice of Freedom.
Voted, that Rev. N. day be invited to deliver an
address belbre our next meeting.
The meeting adjourned until Saturday, Jupc
first.
LEWIS HURLBURT, President.
Dennis V. Hazard, Secretary.
Oppression in Illinois.
Just as our paper was ready for the press, wc
received a letter trom tnc Kev. jonn uross, in
which we are informed that he is incarcerated in
the jail at Knoxville. He is imprisoned there for
the heinous crime ot feeding tho hungry and pro
tecting Ihe weak and defenceless, " against the
veace and dinnihi of the veonle of Illinois! He is
inmrisoned"for liiis act. " IN THE NAME AND
BY THE AUTHORITY of the people of llli
nois." Hear that, ye people of Illinois; you have
cast into a foul ami loathsome cell, the place for
felons and murderers, one of your most respecta
ble and worthy citizens, a minister ot Christ and
the gospel of everlasting peace; and there vou
are now holding him, for aiding and comforting a
mother and her little children in their distress, and
shielding them from their oppressor, for doing
what our common humanity claims what our
own consciences and innate sense of right approve
what the law of God absolutely requires but
what the law of this State forbids and pumslics as
crime. And this high handed act of despotism is
done for the defense of slavery in tho free (!)
State of Illinois. Hear that, ye liberty loving and
boasting citizens of Illinois. One of your own
citizens is now in prison on an indictment
which charges him with secreting "said colored
children" from the lawful owner," Andrew Bor
ders, of Randolph county, in the State of Illinois!
Is Illinois a free State? arc you free?
such acts ot oppression are committed in the
name of the people, and by the law, while the po
litical parties of this State will not raise their little
fingers to remove those burdens from the people,
and the deep and damning disgrace from the State
but rather add injury and insult to the victims of
this oppression, and those who arc striving to wipe
the disgrace from the statute-book. The demo
cratic, and whig parties of this State, nnd those
who vote with them, are responsible for the slave
ry of Illinois, her laws which are black with ini
quity, and for the recent net of imprisoning the
Rev. John Cross. Leading politicians of the par
ties will do nothing to redeem the character of the
State, while they arc quarrelling about the spoils
of office. Democratic papers are silent upon
these laws, approve of them, or propose to make
them still more severe and barbarous. Whig
Journals call those who arc active in endeavoring
to procure their repeal, haters of men and whining
hypocrites, while they black-guard and insult
even the ladies, who, (following the impulse of
their noble hearts, sympathize with, and labor for
the oppressed, and have the independence to bear
their testimony against tho injustice and wicked
ness of our laws and rulers. These are the great
parties of oppression that strive to rule this State
and nation what hope is there ot them.' vve re
pent, those who vote for these parties are respon
sible for such laws nnd the oppressive acts which
they sanction. Come out of them, ye people of
Illinois! Let every oi:c that loves to have an ap
proving conscience, nnd regards the welfare of his
soul, whose immortal destiny hangs upon, his con
duct here, come out of those parties. Come out
of them as you would out of Sodom! Western
Citizen.
Mr. Senator Tappan. Tho Washington cor
respondent of the N. Y. Express states that Uic
punishment of Mr. Tappan, for exposing the trea
ty of annexation, was ns follows: "The first prop
osition wns to expel Mr. Tappan, for violating the
rules of tho Senate. Mr. T. mmln an apology,
which prompted the movers oftho resolution to
change tho expulsion to censure. Mr. T. modi
fied his npolngj somewhat tho day after he had
made it, but the Senate were oonicnt to allow him
to escape with the severe censure oftho Senate.
This resolution was adopted, with but seven dis
senting votes,
Another resolution was adopted, stating that anv
Senator making a like exposition, merited expul
sion from the body. Thus the case is (oft Mr.
Tappan in thu meantimo rather glorifying himself
for what he has done."
Modern Definition. Charming Man. -A fel
low who has a how and a smile for every ono-a-bro.id,
and beats his wife at (ionic,
Treasonable Proceedings of the Execus
the.
We do not know as the courts, in the present
state of public opinion, would decide that the con
duct of President Tyler comes exactly within the
constitutional definition ot treason against the U.
S. " levying war against them, or adheringto their
enemies', giving them aid or comfort" but we.
do know that it is a gross violation of his constitu
tional powers, and if tolerated, reduces our gov-,
eminent to as mere an oligarchy as ever existed,
If the President and Senate can, by treaty, place
the nation in a state of war, what can they not do,
by treaty?
We grudge the space it occupies; but must put
on record tho extraordinary messagc.TT-v1Jarni?
Chronicle.
Message from the President op the Unit-
ed States,
To the Senate of the United Stales: In answer
to the resolution of the Senate of the 13th inst., rc-
questing to uu miormcu wnetner, since the com
mencement of the negotiations which resulted in
the treaty now before the Senate for the annexa
tion of Texas to the United States, any military
preparation has been made or ordered by the
President for, or in anticipation of, warj.and if
so, for what cause and with whom was such war
apprehended, and what arc the preparations that
have been made or ordered? Has any movement
or assemblage or disposition of any of the military
or naval forces of the United States been made or
ordered with a view to such hostilities? And to
communicate to the Senate copies of all orders or
directions given for any suoh, preparation, or fop
any such movement or disposition, or for the fu-
ture conduct ol such military or naval forces:" I
have to inform the Senate that, in consequence of
the declaration of Mexico, communicated to this
government, and by me laid before Congress at
the opening of its present session, announcing tho
determination of Mexico to regard as a declaration
of war against her by the Unitrd States the defini
tive ratification of any treaty with Texas, annex-
mg tne territory ot mat republic to the United.
States, and the hope -and belief entertained by the
Executive, that the treaty with Texas for that
purpose would bo speedily approved and ratified
by the Senate, it was regarded by the Executive
to have become emphatically his duty to concen
trate in the Gulf of Mexico and its vicinity, as n,
precautionary measure, as large a portion of the.
homo squadron, under the command of Captain
Conner, as could well be drawn together; and, at
the same time, to assemble at Fort Jesup, on the
borders of Texas, as large n military force ns the
demands of the service at other encampments
would authorize to be detatched,
For the number of ships already in the Gulf and
waters contiguous thereto, and such as are placed
under orders for that destination, and of the troops
now assembled upon the frontier, I refer you to
the accompanying reports from the secretaries of
the war and navy departments. It will also be
perceived by the Senate, by referring to the or
ders of the navy department, which are herewith
transmitted, that the naval officer- in command of
the fleet is directed to cause his ships to, perform
all the duties of a fleet of observation, and to ap
prise the executive of any indication of a hostila
designs upon Texas, on the part of any nation,
pending the deliberations of the Senate upon the
treaty, with n view that the same should promptly
be submitted to Congress for its mature delibeott-.
tion. At the same time, it is due to myself. hat I
should declare it as my opinion that the U, S,
having by the treaty of annexation, acquired a title
to Texas, which only required the action of tho
Senate to perfect it, no other power could be ner
mitted to invade, and by force of n.rms to possess
itself of, any portion of the territory of Texas,
pending your deliberations upqn tho treaty, with
outplacing itself in a hostile uttitude to the United
States, and justifying the employment of any mili
tary means at our disposal to drive back the inva
sion. At the same time, it is my opinion that
Mexico, or any other power, will find in your ap
proval of the treaty no just cause of war against
the United States; nor do I believe that there is
any serious hazard of war to be found in tho fact
of such approval. Nevertheless, every proper
measure will be resortod to by tho executive to
preserve upon an honorable nnd just basis the
public peace, bv reconciling Mexico, through a,
liberal course of policy to the treaty.
John TytEn,
Washington, May 15, 1944.
It will he seen that the president speaks of Texas
as already annexed. His language is, " the United
States having, by the treaty of annexation, acquir
ed a title to Texas, which requires only the action
of the Senate to perfect it" i. e., to record the
decrees already made effective by the action of tho
executive. Where are wc?
He then goes on to infer thatdurinir the neither.
ntions of the Senate, for Mexico to invade or at
tack Texas, would be an act of war against the
United States. This, it will be observed, is brot'
about by the mere act of the executive alone. Be
fore the treaty was signed, Mexico could invade
the revolted province nnd still be at peace with tho
U. S.; but the act of Mr. Calhoun, in signing tho
treaty, has so taken away the rights and sovereign
ty of Mexico, and so far given force to the paper
treaty, that now, if Mexico shall do what sb,o
might do before, it will be war against the United
States. And ns she was before at war, with a pcr-
feet right of invasion against that territory, and
that territory is now the United States, WAR
NOW EXISTS between us and Mexico: and anv
American ship taken on the high sens by n Mex
ican cruiser, would be good pnxe by the laws of
nations. Is it so?
This is the object for which a whig Senate by
acclamation made John C. Calhoun secretary of
State.
The accompaning documents consist of army
and navy orders, marked "confidential," the first
dated April 1 1, and the last. May 13 the yery
ed to correspond directly with the war department,
and not with the commander of the army; and his
instructions purport to be given from the depart,
ment, not through, but "in consultntinn with tfm
gcneral-in-chief." What would General Jackson
say to such an arrangement, if he were thegener-.
al-'m-chicf? Gen. Taylor's instructions are,
toil will take prompt measures in the first inn
stnnre by a confidential officer, and subsequently
by the ordinary mail or special expresses, as you
mav deem necessary, to put yourself in communi
cation with the President of Texas, in order to in-
lorui nun in your (ne.M'iii position iinrt force, and
learn, nul transmit to this office (all confidntially)
whether any awl what externa) dangers may
mile ui uic iiiBMNtiKt', fciMicemratmg inree regiments
at Fort Jcssup, tinder the command Gen. Taylor,
and nine vessels of war at or near Vera Cruz un-
t er Commodore Conner.. Gen Tnvlnr Inctr...,-

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