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JL UJLU JLU1
"Give me liihertyor give me Death IV,
MOVTPELII3R, VERMONT, FRIDAY, JUJVE 21, 1844-
V 1 Ml
THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
PUBLISHED EVERV FRIDAY,
In Lyman's building, Main si. near the Union House
J. C. ASPENAVALL, Editor.
J. POLAND, Publisher,
v Single copies $1,50 in advance, or $2,00 after the ex
piration of three months from the time of subscribing.
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CP" Book and Job Work of every description thank
fully received and executed with neatness and dispatch.
For AGENTS see last page.
than I ctm conceive, and is a statement, I am frank
to say, that no intelligent individual in this com
munity will believe for a moment, utiles:?, indeed,
Mr. Phelps can prove an alibi, and show that he
hus not been in Washington for the last four
inon lbs. That he was zealous and ardent in pro
curing the confirmation of Col. Hyde, is capable of
abundant proof. Whether that zeal arose from
the proposition of " something for something"
from the Col. to him or his friends, or from the
purest and most unyielding motives of patriot
ism, I leave the public to judge. But this much I
know, that it is consistent with the practice of
some of the modern genii of the party to aid John
Tyler in his warfare, upon 6uch as refuseto say
Great it Diana of the Ephesians.
1 am, Very Respectfully, Yours
Wm. P. BRIGGS.
Burlington, June 8th, 1844.
his interest is with the south; and why should he
not be in favor of the annexation of Texas?
Why is the south in favor of annexation? To
secure the institution of slavery to make this foul
system more profitable. This is the reason why
Mr. Calhoun favors the project. Now Mr. Clay
has declared that John C. Calhoun shall never be
in front of hiin in defending southern institutions.
All may be assured that he will be as good as his
word in this case. Mr. Birney is the only can
didate who has come out openly and decidedly a-
sainst the annexation of Texas. He says he
rn ii in u it n in ii i t
thinks it unconstitutional'; and if he deemed it A SolciM ApOdl tO Volinj? AbolltiOTlistS.
. i i . . .11 . t ! p.. r ' . I
constitutional ne would not uu m iuvui ui ii uh By Rgyt luther lee.
any terms. Now, freemen of Vermont, appeal WilI v .. . f th , slavery? In an
not to your passions, but to your reason and un- swering this question, do not forget that you have
derstanding to decide which iiuin 'j worthy of no right to seek any improvement or interest, real
vni.r .iinnnrt. after tnkino- into consideration the r ""aginary, iu me slave s expense. uy voting
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Letter from Hon. Wm, P, Briggs.
Ma Editor: Your readers would not have
been troubled with this commutiicaton but for the
naked malignity of the Watchman. Who could
suppose that men professing to be the organs of a
great party in an enlightened State, could so far
forget what is due to themselves and to the public
press of the country, as to be willing to malign a
fellow-being (muck less a subscriber) with such
unmerited vituperation and abuse; and that, mere
ly from the fact that such fellow-being has seen
fit to express his views upon the signs of the
times and the alarming portents in our political
horizon. How ungenerous and assassin-like it is
for for the controllers of the presses and types of
tne land to nun ttie envenomed shafts ot party
malignity at the humble citizen who has no such
weapons to wield in his defence.
And again: how unfair, not to say insulting,
is to the readers of that. Journal, to publish a let
ter under an editorial of" slanders refuted," with
out giving those readers the original, to enable
them to be the judges of the fact whether the one
is "slander" and the other "slanders refuted."
Such a course is unworthy of them and of the
cause they profess to support.
But intelligent beings act from motive; and those
editors could give a reason for their course in this
matter. They dare not give the original to their
readers, from the fear that those readers, like
themselves, must believe that there is much more
truth than poetry in the facts and inferences there
And I can only say to those editors that, if they
decline to study and practise the principle of the
golden rule, they would do well to pay more at
tention to that common but expressive maxim,
that " molasses catches more flies than vinegar."
I have no more ambition for a newspaper con
flict with Mr. Phelps than he can have for a war
fare with me. I will, however, say to that gentle
man, if he chooses, I can carry tho war " into Af
rica;" I can tell him what was written on the back
of my first nomination to the Senate, and why that
nomination was long withheld, and who caused
h to be withheld, and I can tell the senator, fur
ther, that it is a law of nature that no nnimal,
much less man, can move on matter without leav
ing an impress or track, and mat my eyes nave
seen the foot prints of several gentlemen. But in
these matters I forbear, because bear and forbear
was the noblest motto of heathen antiquity.
What I said of Mr. Phelps in my letter to Col.
Miller, was said as being necessarily incident to
the history I was reciting of " Men, Things and
Opinions." Mr. Phelps is, as all who know him
understand, an adept in the science of special
pleading, and as such, has been compelled to c(m
fess what he could not avoid, and therefore has
admitted the main fact in the issue: and that is
LITION WITH SUCCESS, is by meeting it
frankly and candidly, receiving the petitions of its
Hero we have an effectual estoppel to all future
paetences of the small fry presses, that Clay is an
abolitionist; and also a frank confession of the rea
son why the whigs have heretofore given more fa
vor to the right of petitiou, &c. Liberty men, do
you not think that these " mo'ives" of his party
entitle Mr. Clay to your support, abolitionist
he be not, on the testimony of the Tri
What say you ?
From the Democratic Freeman.
that he did inform the southern Senators that
was an abolitionist. Yet he says, in his letter to
the Watchman, " Mr. Briggs evidently wishes to
be understood that he has been persecuted for opin
fons' sake. There is not the slightest foundation
for such a pretence." Now, let mo ask the Logi
eian ( for this he claims to be) why he gave such
information to the hotspurs of the south. Was
to court for me their confidence and respect? Or
was it not rather to draw down upon my head
their detestation and vengeance for professing
such sentiments! Yet, no persecution for opinion';
sake; oh no, not the "slightest pretence." How
beautiful is logic when combined with senatorial
wisdom. Whether Mr. Phelps made the decla
ration which was so universally conceded to him,
about going without tho nigger on his back, is
wholly immaterial to the issue, except so far as it
tends to show that he has no anti-slavery senti
ments lurking in his bosom. And should a Jury
of twelve freeholders be empannelled at Montpe
lier to try the fact whether such a declaration was
or was not made, I should have no fear of the ver
dict, even if the editors of the Watchman should
constitute a portion of the panncl. But I will say
to the Hon. Senator, in all sincerity and candor,
that if he wishes or expects a re-election, ho must
expect and agree to carry, not one only, but the
entire number of "human chattels" which shall be
found in the district and territories. How Mr.
Phelps can declare, in the face of the public, that
he knows nothing of a petition which was sent on
from this place and signed by citizens of both po
litical parties, addressed to the Whig senators and
praying for the confirmation of Col. Hyde, is more
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
The Four Candidates.
The candidates for the presidency are now be
fore the people. Who are they? and what are
they? Who is Henry Clay? A slaveholder.
Who is James K. Polk? A slaveholder. Who is
John Tvler? A slaveholder. Who is James G.
Birney? A patriot, a philanthropist, an ex-slave'
holder. Henry Clay is not only a slaveholder, but
a duelist and a gambler. He has lifted his hand
against the blood of his fellow-man, he compels
some fifty or sixty men and women to toil for him
weeks, months, years, for life, without wages
keeps their minds merged in darkness, yes, shuts
out tne ngnt ot science and religion from immor
tal mi rids from minds capable of improvement for
all time and the endless ages of eternity. The fact
that man is endowed with moral and intellectual
faculties, is proof that the Creator intended that
these faculties should be cultivated and developed
Then how guilty must that man be, who forces
his immortal fellow-man to toil for him all his life
in almost heathenish darkness; giving hiin no
means whereby he may cultivate the nobler facul
tics of the soul. The slave is deprived of all sub'
lime and sweet enjoyments which arise from
knowledge of the arts and sciences, and from the
contemplation of the Creator's works. All are
equally entitled to these enjoyments as a gift from
the Almighty. And all are morally bound to do
all in their power to promote the happiness ofthei
tellow mat). Much more arc they bound not to
oppress them. From these considerations it
evident that Mr. Clay is not a patriot, not a phi
inthropist, not a moralist. Mr. Clay has no ex
cuse for holding his fellow-men in bondage; he has
every means to safely emancipate and educate
them; and if he was a philanthropist he would do
What I have said, thus far, of Henry Clay, as
regards ilavcholding, I say of James K. Polk. I
know nothing of his private character; but I say
of him, as of Clay, that if he was a patriot and a
philanthropist, he would emancipate his slaves.
A slaveholder and philanthropist are antagonist
terms. So are slaveholder and democrat antago
nist. As for John Tyler, I need not say anything;
ho is well known to the public; and but few are in
clined to vote for him, at least in N. E. And it is
supposed by some that he is guilty of treason by
his late move in regard to Texas and Mexico.
But who is James G. Birney? He is not a
slaveholder; he is not a duelist; nor a gambler;
but he is a christian and a democrat, in the true
sense of these words. Mr. Birney wa3 once a slave
holder in the State of Kentucky; but he was brot'
to see the abominable wickedness of slave holding
he emancipated his slaves (which act reduced
him to poverty) and came to the north. And he
has, ever since the emancipation of his slaves
constantly labored for the temporal and eternal
good of a down-trodden portion of his fellow-men
He has used his influence to persuade his coun
trymen to follow bis noble example. All his in
fluence, moral and political, has been in favor of
liberty and that liberty which does not overlook
the emancipation and elevation of the oppressed
Now, has the influence of Mr. Polk and Clay
been in favor of liberty? No, their influence has
been for slavery. Mr. Polk never could have been
nominated by his party if he had not been devot
ed to southern institutions; the south would not
have Mr. Van Buren, notwithstanding his princi
ples were southern, they must have a pure slave
holder one who- will do their bidding without
eferencc to the north. They must have a man
rabidly in favor ot the annexation of Texas.
Slaveholders want to " strengthen their stakes
and lengthen their cords." They mean to rule
over the north hereafter as they have for many
vears past. Shall we submit to it: Freemen
As for Mr. Clay, he has been making speeches
in the councils of the nation in favor of slavery
and eternal bondage. He says it is a "visionary
dogma" that man cannot hold property in his fellow-man,
and says whatever the law declares to
be property is property; "two hundred years of
legislation have sanctioned and sanctified negro
slaves as property.",, As regards the annexation of
Texas, he is not decidedly against it, nolo and for
ever: it would not be inconsistent with his ex
pressed views, if in a year or two he should be in
favor of it.
Mr. Clay is a slaveholder ho is a southerner
principles and character of all the candidates, in
favor of which docs reason and understanding de-
ide? Both the Whig and democratic parties
claim to be in favor of those measures which are
best calculated to promote the prosperity of the
nation. But their professions and practice do not
harmonize. I hope no one thinks that, because
for slavery this once, with a view to secure other
interests at the slave's expense, you net upon a
principle which will justify every one else in vot
ing for slavery, not only this once, but so long as
there shall be "other interests" to be secured. If
you are a Whig, you must allow that the other
great interests ot tho .Democrats are as real to
them as yours are to you, and if you may vote for
slavery to secure yours, so may they to secure
It vou are a Democrat, you must allow
steal a man will not nesitate to take Ins money.
What this nation most stands in need of, is, up
right and patriotic magistrates. Under such rulers
we might consistently expect peace and prosperi
ty. James G. Birney is that just and patriotic
. 1. ..... . I i .. n lAmAAH .n.ict
.ii-,. . ill. . I I n IIIUII9. II VtfU UIC U lCIHUUI Ul, UU IIIU31 UIIU1V
the liberty party hold to the weightier matters of t,at t)e interests" of the Whigs are
the law, they will overlook any measure which rpn tn them ns vnnrs ore to vou. mid if vou mnv
is calculated to promote the general welfare, vote tor slavery to secure yours, so may they to
Honesty and uprightness should be the first noali- sec"re Lheir?- But.1. wi" "'"""I" t0..?h?w ihat by
" 1 ' iinhnn tikM c iiiaiiii thia inno ti tin 1 1 ItinH iiAiit.
- , , . . . . r Utlll Mil OKlTtIT 11113 UlltfOi I) III 1MIJU U U i -
..... ... .ui.jji.iua.v,-...u,y . ... by th(J HW 0f consistency, to vote tor slavery
sions, it he has not tins qualification, lie is not to for years to come. To show this, I need only in
be trusted. quire, will this vote secure and settle the impor-
Thoso who overlook the most important matter tunt interest which you say justify your pro-slave
I rn tmi a r I thinu1 nnr II vnn q ra a W hirr r I loin
in the administration of government are not to be ocrat ' call have ' fitBa- but itte bypast ex-
. .-.l ...:.u .1 p : tt- .L-. ml . .Li .i. . L- l i. i
u usicu witu muse ui a minor uuiure. ne mui win perience, to suppose inai i.ne war wnicii nas raaau
between the two parties is to he settled by one vote
1 here will then be the same or some other in
terests depending upon the gambling ot the pro
slavery parties for years hence as at the present
1. By this one vole, you do your voting for Pres-
iant inl Viio Proiiiilnnt fiw fnliv ttfinvt Ttiittl
Ht , . . , , III!.". IMIU I llib 4 IWIMVII.) tr. J J WI M I." V . U r ...
e is not a patriot in theory, only, but in candidates are pledged to support slavery, and by
practice. Besides moral qualifications, he has in- voting for either of them, you sign the bond which
tellectual nualificatinns. He is a man of talent. will not expire until the 4th ot March, 1849. By
1 -L' .1 i - 1. ...I. .!..
I appeal to all Vermontcrs if he is not the man for 1,1,8 01,0 v.(e lmj"' Jou see T " 7
.... . support slavery tor years, and must be regarded,
them. He is a liberty man lie Holds to the doc- so far ag your jnflUeco and political power iscon
trine of our forefathers, " that all men are created cerued, as upholding slavery until the fourth of
nniifil llmf llinv nrn nnrlnvvol liv tlm Hrpn tnr wi ih I Mal'Cll , Io4y,
.... ,, . , ,. , .., 2. When you vote for members of Congress this
certain inalienable rights; among which are, Life, , ,, vou will fi h vour votin2 0 ,h g,.blRCt for
Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." two years, and of course lend your political power
Christians! Freemen! will you make choice of to the slaveholder, to be used by him tor two yea
i' .u.. i . .. i r i u ...... ' ..n
I i i in. c -i i f T Will n oiii me iuui in ui xuuiuii iiuai. iiiia vine uu
J A will find it necessary to repeat, as vou cannot con-
you cast jour votes to raise a duelist to the head sjstently send anti-slavery men to Congress, to em-
of this nation ? Would you choose an atheist do harass the pro-slavery administration of the Presi-
Mnt whv thru dent elect, by your vote, Knowing him to be picas
J J ... ,!...,.. V.. r,5...,,,!!., Mi.
choose a slaveholder to defend the liberties of a n, 'JT pn, c " ;,. j,:!,. ':,i ,.,,,
I iJKIt Ul I'll i M. VJ 1 1 IUI ni'l.l Ills UIMil I.Ti IIOiuv
nation? the claims of the slave, and to secure these objects
Are the liberties of a nation thought more secure you unite with slaveholders to support a man, who
under the administration of a man who enslaves s I'f" " U,L " . lu UI'I"" very, H.m yuu
know that this pledge to support slavery, is as
ome, or a iron won uuiuu;is ma ri"ins ui um much an n noct with tUe s aveho er. to be secur-
Christians! Freemen! shall we whose fathers cd by his election, as any of your party interests
fought, bled and died on the battle field to estab- re the objects to be secured on your part, in these
,. , i .i . ii I i i., circumstauces, it must be plain, that to secure the
lich thn nrinpinln tht nil nipn llnvfl n nntlll'nl nirht . ... . i . ' ...
1 1 , object tor wich the successful pro-slavery candid
10 iiecuoui, ue guilty oi lenuing our niiiiieiice io aIl! sm be elected, there must be a co-operation
the sunnort of the most cruel bondage that the sun of the whole party by whom he has been placed in
cversaw? Shall we, the descendants of the nil- Ppwer, as the support of slavery is a paramount,
. . . .... , on eci wun uom iinriies in me ooum; you oi me
gr.ms, ue mum. delinquents in me cause oi noeriy : N, . continue to support slaverv after this
Will you refuse to lend your influence both moral Ono vote, or the object of the vote will be lost. If
and noliticnl. to wine awnv the foul stain of slave- Northern men, nfter securing their pro-slavery
' I - ,. , . , ... r. - L- -
ry from our nation's escutcheon? I trust that candidate, oeseri mm, so lar as 10 oppose mm m
I U. kHi.iIj I'ml Afim hid Inlira tr till rinnit 1 1 ' t; r
.... ,, i. Ilia uilTJiii ii? iu i tutt in ilia in- iii iu ouiiuji b oim w
v ermonters are not willing to bring sucii disgrace ,.v. a pledge to which they were knowing when
upon the illustrious names of their christian and they voted for him, they will not only act incon
imtrintin fnthf.r. nml thpir pnnnirv. I trust that sistentiv, but their Southern brethren will not re-
I ' J I ... . . i . l .i . l
.1.. '..fiw .... i .u- . r niain Ulllieu wun mem in meir euuns 10 secure
ii,eSp,uiu. .uy ...,...s wiui.u me uosou.s u. h fc interests" and all will be lost.-
the hardy sons ot the Green Mountains, and that Thus it is clear, that to secure these other great in
that snirit will bo kindled to a flame when its re- terests. for which the Northern Abolitionist vote
cipients behold their rights and the principles the tor slavery, tiiey must con inue to support slavery
,icu .UuM u. w.c., i.;.,wCu . .i t supnort s averv. or cease to
trampled in the dust. That spirit will be aroused support the man they have elected, in his pro
to defend risrht and nrinciole: not bv contending slavery administration, the union of the party is
J " .1 Tl C ;,..,1,.,nl
in Hfiiii'lv conflict nn thn l.lon.lv fipld. lint hv r. "'"vuu. . V,c Bul 1 " 13 " .
J . - MkiuT nt tho Smith 111 niirtinfr thn Qilfppsl n I Pnn
t- .i l i .i . . i - ""J' l n -
DiiKing me auversaries m language inai cannoi ue ,ilnto in thB Phiiir nfStntP. nnr ih is s known to
misunderstood that powerful language which every northern voter, and the moment the North
sneaks through the political orsran the ballot box. refuses to come up to the whole object, these "oth
they see that the arguments which they now use,
must De stronger, irorn the very nature of the case,
in favor of voting for slaverv for some vears to
come, than they now are; so the conclusion with
them is almost certain, that if they can persuade
you to vote for slavery this once, they will have
out lime amicuiiy in securing your vote in years
to come. For myself, I see no reason why you
should not continue your support of slavery for the
next tour years at least, ii it be right tor you to
vote for a pro-slavery man to till the tirst olhce in
the gift of the nation for four years to come, and it
does nppeas to me that the pro-slavery politician
will have altogether the advantage of you in the
argument, after you shall have voted for slavery
this once. You will have to yield to his argument
and vote his pro-slavery ticket next time, or con
fess to him that you were wrong this once, which
you are about to lo.
There can be no way to escape this conclusion,
except it be by assuming that all these great inter
ests will be settled, secured, and made sure by this
one vove, which is too absurd to be entertained by
enlightened minds. I forbear to remark upon the
folly of calling that a great interest, which can be
secured only by a sacrifice of moral principle; and
will only add that what can only be obtained by a
sacrifice of principle, can be re tained only by the
same process, and any party that will support
slavery to retain the ascendancy, will continue to
support slavery to keep it.
This is the power which freemen must use to de
fend their rights the rights of their country and
their fellow men.
" That is the power which conies down as still
As snow-ltakcs tall upon the sod;
And executes a freeman's will,
As lightning docs the will of God."
In a country like ours, voting is a solemn and
sacred act, for which every man will be held
sponsioie, not ueiore tne tribunal oi public opin
ion, but before the tribunal of him to whom na
tions owe their allegiance
for whom you cast your votes
er great interests" will be . thrown to the winds;
hen the man shall be elected, it will bo just ns
necessary to support him, by voting for slavery, as
it is to vote for slavery to elect him, and those ab
olitionists, who vote for him this once, with a view
of then going for abolition, will find stronger in
ducements to vote for slavery in the election of
Congressmen, two years from next fall. Indeed I
should regard it as unmanly to elect a man to of
fice, and then refuse to support him in the leading
measures in which I gave him my vote. Were I
the candidate, I would not thank any class of men
to vote me into office, as a pro-slavery man, pledg
ed to the support of slavery, with a view of turn-
mir n lirl i hiiniuta ne ennn as rhm hnrl vntatl mo in.
, I I 1 .,III.,.,J .J UJJI. .1 . , . , , V . f .1.1,. - nil. II.
1 ncretore, beware t0 0ff5ce) to oppose with all their powers the very
The AVhiss and Abolition,
thing which they knew I was pledged to support,
when they placed me in the chair of State. Such
a course is not only a violation of principle, but
there appears to me to be a duplicity, and a mean-
ness in It, wincu souintiin i-inmirv vvuuiu uisuuin.
While the whig papers here in the country nre But it may be asked, why the parties should labor
yet Harping upon the old string, in relation to Mr. to secure such votes. 1 answer, there are two rea
Ilay's Antislavery principles, and repeating the sons.
old story aboutjthe whig being an antislavcry par- 1st. T he parties will resort to any measures to
ty, m,c. tne great leading papers ot the east are be- secure their party ends, nowever mean and con
gining to abandon that ground, since they find out temptible they may be, and will labor to pursuade
that the Liberty party will not die away, and Lib- others to Co what they at the same time despise in
erty men will not believe their Antislavery profes
sions. A brace of extracts from the New York
Tribune, are very much to the point. Says the
" We hold that neither Mr. Clay nor Mr. Van
Buren has any claim to the votes of the abolition
ists, as abolitionists, but that each should vote as
his opinions on the great questions practically in
issue in the Presidential contest shall dictate."
And again :
" The whigs of the North having more to dread
as a party trom the increase ot abolition, than any
other party, because it draws its recruits mostly
from their ranks, converting each into a bitter ad
versary, have steadfastly contended from the first.
THAT THE ONLY WAY TO OPPOSE ABO-
their hearts.- There can be no doubt that pro-
slavery politicians laugh in their sleeve at the in
consistency into which they are seducing the abo-
i'.. . . i .i .i p.- .-..ir.u:i:..
imomsis, aim uespise uii:iu lur iiiuir icuiiiimiijr .
2dly. The strongest inducement which the par
ties have to secure abolition votes "this once," is
the chance it will give them in time to come. They
would not value this "one vote" so highly, if they
really believed it to be the last. They know that
those who vote for the slave in the coming elec
tion, will be gone forever from their party clutch
es, while they believe, not without reason, that
such as can be induced to vote for slavery "once
more," will be likely to continue to do so. They
know that in ordinary cases, it requires less argu
ment to pursuado a man to repeat a wrong act
than it does to induce him commit it at first; while
From the Philanthropist,
A Disclosuro-The People of the North
Taxed to Catch Runaways.
Our readers will remember, that the discussion
in the Committee of the Whole on the Indian ap
propriation bill, was not reported in the Washing
ton papers. During the debate, Mr. Giddings
moved to strike out the item ot two thousand dol
lars for the benefit of the Florida Indians. A brief
report of his remarks on ihe occasion, is given by
David Lee Child.
He said he had made the tnotion to call the at
tention of Congress and the Country to the object
of this appropriation. He called on the clerk
to read the article in the treaty by which the U.
States stipulated to pay this sum to the Indians
and then the next article, containing a stipulation
on thw part of the Indians to perform certain set
vices in return, which was as follows:
The chiefs and warriors aforesaid, for them
selves and their tribes, stipulate to be active &. vig
ilant in preventing the retreating to, or passing
through the country assigned to them, of any ab
sconding slave or fugitives from justice; and fur
ther agree to use all necessary exertions to appre
hend and deliver the same to the agent, who shall
receive orders to compensate them agreeably to
the trouble and expense incurred."
Ihe treaty containing this stipulation was form
ed in the year 1823. It discloses the humiliating
tact., that the Government ot the United states has
been appropriating annually for years past monies
nut of the public treasury, to pay the rspcctable
fraternity of slave-catchers! A man who loses his
horse must get him back at tns own expense. 1 he
slaveholder who loses his slave, employs Govern
ment to catch him, und makes Hie whole Union
Mr. biddings remarked that in this way, this
subject of southern slavery, is, year after year,
forced upon the consideration ot members here.
In this way the Government is annually interter
ing with slavery, to support it. In this way they
are anually taking money from the pockets of the
Northern laborer, and paying it over to Southern
Indians lo pay for catching slaves. He denied the
Constitutional power of the Government thus to
interlere. resistance to the unconstitutional and
shameful appropriations of money, for such pur
poses, was denounced as "abolition." He should
like to see the member of Congress that would
come out boldly, and defend them as right.
Mr. Levy hoped the item would be struch out,
but for very different reasons from that of the gen
tleman from Ohio. These Indians had been en
gaged in hostilities against the United States, anil
the violation of this article, was one of the causes
thai led to hostilities in Florida! It was a very
just and proper stipulation, which the Government
had the rig hi and ihe power to enter into; and ono
which the Indians are bound to perform.
Mr. Giddings. ltns sir. is the very point
which I wish to see discussed. I am anxious to
understand gentlemen on this plain dobctrine. For
the first time on this floor, it is now avowed St pro
claimed. The right of the Government to tax the
laborers of the North to catch runaway slaves, is
now, for once, and the first time, distinctly put
lorth in a plain and iiiteltip'.e torm. I deny it in
the most explicit manner. And the issue is thus
placed in a clear manner before the country."
.Mr. Giddings was mistaken. No report of this
discussion was ever permitted to appear in a
Washington paper: nor have we seen any report
by a single VVashington correspondent, except by
David Lee Child.
People of the free States! what say you? Are
you willing your papers should blindfold you?
Here is a plain demonstration of the fact that a
portion of your taxes are paid to negro-hunters
and here too, is a distinct, emphatic avowal, in the
Hall of Congress, that it is right and proper that
you should thus be taxed. What would you think
if the Government should appoint sentinels along
all the borders of the Iree States, to sound the
alarm for runaways, and give hot pursuit; and
should appropriate monies every year out of the
public treasuay for their suppoitf But it would
be no worse, than the stipulation in the treaty
above referred to: in principle, it would bo inden
tical with it. Do your party papers tell you of
these things? Not a word. .Their relations, to
the slaveholders forbid. Tha issue on this subject
which Mr. Giddings thought would be placed be
fore the country, was never mentioned by the pa
pers at Washington, which profess to record the
debates and action of Congress! Think of that! .
Mr. Diomgoole, of V irgmia, undertook to play
the usual game, by attempting to brow-beat and
school Mr. Giddings, but. he met for once with a
signal discomfiture. W e cannot deny our readers
the pleasure ot the spicy conversation
place between the two gentlemen
nil. l-i l.. ..P 17:.. .
"Mr. Dromgoole,of V irginia, said that he would
suggest to the gentleman lrnm Ohio to wait until
he got into the other end of the Cupitol, and when
a treaty was submitted for approval, his argument
would then be relevant.
Mr. Giddings said he was in the habit of acting
at such times as his own judgment dictated. He
came here for that purpose, and should not put
himself under the surveillance of any man. When
he desired the gentleman's fldvicp, he would
Mr. Dromgoole eaid he had not adviced the gentleman.