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y i. ) 1 1 I I 1 Ai H Hi H H. H. 11 ncu
"Give me Liberty or give me Oeath!"
T II E GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
PUBLISHED EVER? FRIDAY,
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House
J. C. ASPEJHVALL, Editor.
J, POLAND, Publisher,
fiingls copies $1,60 in advance, or $2,00 after the ei
piration of three months from the time of subscribing.
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tCJ Book and Job Work of every description thank.
Jully received and executed with neatness and dispatch.
For AGENTS see last page.
For the Gi 'een Mountain Freeman.
To Ihe Candid.
Mr. Editor: I wish to proposes few plain
questions, and would request Christians unci espe
cially ministers!, who mean to obey Christ, to read
them with care, and to pray over them. Answer
them to your own hearts, and then act in view of
them when you will also be judged.
1. Is American slavery sinful, contrary to the
law of God, and a violation of the inalienable
rights of man?
2. Is the church the visible house of God to
be a den of thievesor a habitation of holiness,
from which sinful practices are to be purged out?
3. If horso-stealers and house-breakers ought to
be excluded from the church of God, why should
iot slave-holders be excluded also? Do you not
believe that it is as bad to steal a man ns a sheep
to rob your brother of himself, his all, as to rob a
4. If there are as good reasons for excluding op
pressors and men-stealers from the churches as
housebreakers, why is it that so many ministers
and churches are quite easy while they hold chris
tian fellowship with all the abominations of slave
ry, but are excited and displeased the moment any
effort is made to cast slavery out of the house of
God. Brethren, what does this meant There
must be a reason why there is so much excitabili
ty among you on this subject. Will you, in the
presence of God, look at the whole process as de
veloped in our churches before the ungodly, in the
presence of Mini who walks among you? My
heart is sick within me! Where is the light emit
ted from our church. " 0 Jerusalem, wash thine
heart from wickedness that thou mayest be saved.
How long shall vain thoughts lodge within thee?"
In vain will you cry, The Temple of the Lord, if
you provoke the Holy One to leave you with op
pressors and murderers. Put away from among
you every wicked thing. Cast out slavery, and
every other thing that defileth the church. Let
right hands go cleanse the Temple cast out the
sordid money-changers let all go; let all that
name the name of Christ depart from iniquity.
Surely, those w ho bear the vessels of the Lord
should be clean. AN OLD MAN.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
I am as Much Opposed to Slavery as Any
body. When I hear Whigs and Democrats say I am as
much opposed to slavery as anybody, it reminds
ine of an incident that was said to have taken
place in my native town in the days of my child
hood. The individuals I knew.
In a flourishing village in the State of Vermont,
there lived a Col. H , the keeper of a
public house on Main street, who was noted for
his profanity. He had two sons, William and
George, that hesitated not to take the name of God
in vain. It is said that on a certain occasion,
while Col. H. was reproving his sons for their im
morality, he indulged himself in the strongest ex
pressions ofprofanity. "
Another incident of a similar character was"
related to me not long since, as having transpired
in the State of Massachusetts. A gentleman had
son at College, who occasionally made to free
use of the ardent, and while under its influence
would indulge in profanity. At length he was ex
pelled from college, and sent home to his Father.
The Father inquired of the son what he had done
that caused his expulsion. The 6on replied, I
suppose I swore a little. What! you swear Hor
ace said the Father, what did you swear for;
have I not told you time and again that I could
swear enough for the whole family, without your
swearing at all.
Judge, candid reader, how great a weight of
moral influence, these men must have exerted over
their ungodly sons. And Judge ye, what must be
the influence of those individuals, towards doing
away the foul stain of Slavery from our nation,
who profess great sympathy for the oppressed, and
say 'I am as much opposed to slavery as anybody,'
and then go directly to the ballot-box and deposite
a vote, which they know will favor the election of
a man to the highest office in the gift of the peo
ple of this nation, who, that very moment, to their
knowledge, holds 50 or more of his.fellov men in
cruel bondage, and whose hands ore all crimsoned
with the blood of his fellow men. "0! Consis
tency, thou art a jewel," O! "shame, where is thy
blush." L. W.
MOjVTP Elil lj?R
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Is it right to preach politics on the sabbath day?
Yes: or on nny other day. Why not? Should
we not do good on the sabbath day? And docs
not God require u to cry aloud, and spare not
to lift up the voice like a trumpet, and show my
people their transgressions and the house of Jacob
their sins? Isai. 53: I. Cut who shall cry or
preach politics on the sabbath? The watchmen
should sound the alarm, should warn the people,
and oppose the abominations of the land. If they
have fallen asleep, or have become dumb dogs, or
have joined the enemy, then let every mini' or wo
man cry out, give the alarm, and rouse tlio people
to artion. And if all animate uatuie is sunk in a
dead sleep, then let the very stones cry out. The
timbers and stones have tongues, and should use
them, when employed by bloody oppressors. A
set of men found fault with Jesus fMn-wf h..,,.
he worked miracles of mercy on the sabbath day.
Did those men love the sabbath better than the
Lord of the sabbath?
WEALTH AND LUXURY OF THE MAS
TERS AS IT AFFECTS THE SLAVES
From Mr. Hilderth's book entitled "Despo
tism in America," a work . worthy of the
careful perusal of every American. "
It is a fact well worthy of consideration, that
with the progress of wealth and lu
masters, the sufferings, the misery, the degrada
tion of the slaves have been steadily aggravated;
till at length, in the wealthiest and mmi ?pf,',.,i',.('
our slaveholding communities, a noint I
leacneu, uotn in tneory and m practice, beyond
ituiii it uugo nut cicein eusv 10 if a.
x no uiuucst iorin or Arnnnmm Jivrr., i,
found, not among the polite and well-educated cit-
izeus oi nicnmonu and UUarlestown. but amid the
ude and wild abodes of the Ci-ppU th ri,,....,
the Seminoles tribes whom we describe and stig
matize as savages.
i ue inuia u siave3 are, in many respects, almost
Ujuu uievei wmi tneir masters. The wants of
nvage me are lew anil simn e. The. r.vri,.o ,.r
tne master is not stimulated by the greediness of
tribute of corn and other provisions; and provided
this be paid, the slave is left at liberty to procure
it no li .t I.... I . i .
IU.YUI v. I comenr witn n mm n..uro m,,,..i
- ..o uu ITIMSC3, ami to e n I OV his tmip nn,
strength as he best sees fit. It thus happens that
in lii .. c : . ... ... i
ul,'"" " sometimes riener tnan his mas
on.. uv mi,y ueuoine one ot the most influ
.t.li o ,!.... i. u. " ;"."""
ter ana it He have ta ents nm nmhiiin,. ih.,..i.
ential persons ot the tribe.
1 lie Indian slaves are well
is their condition to that of the miserable sufferers,
who labor for white masters nrmn nnttnn nn,i ...
gar plantations, and the dread they have of that
lor. f.4 ivnll no tUa :.. a. ......... ... .
o . niuuciiue uiey are anie to ex-
eicisc, may lie clearly illustrated by the case of
uie oeminoie war. 1 hat war, according to the
statement of those best anniuiinlpil with rim .nL
ject nan me following origin. It was not that the
iiuuaiis tneinseives had such serious nliictlnna tn
removal; but, as the time for the execution of ihp
treaty approached, their country wnsnvpr.-nn with
speculators and adventurers from the States, who
yiyuy u set up claims, true or false, to cer
tain Indian slaves, on the ground that they were
runnaways, or the children of runnaways who had,
years ago, fled to the Seminoles for protection;
and partly to set on foot a slave trade with the
Indians who, it was honed, misfit he Indued. t
the moment of removal, to part with their servants
for little or nothinr. The Inrl inn Khivrid vvnrn fill-
ed with terror and alarm at this prospect of falling
into the hands of white masters; and it is believed
to have been by their instigation and encourage
ment, that the Seminoles were induced to resist
the execution of the treatv and to enmrnmra tlm
The small planter, who Cfln nnithor rpnd nnr
write, who has been bred up in poverty and igno
rance, but who has wandered into some new set
tlement and has earned, by his ovp labor, the
means of purchasing two or three slaves, next to
me wiiu intiian, is the most mild and indulgent
uinaiui. nc vvuiKs wiiu ii is si a ves i n the field he
converses wun tnem and consu ls w th thni.. If
either of them exhibits any particular shrewdness
or good judgment, the master perceives it and a-
vans niniseit ot it; and such a slave often becomes
nis owners cnier continent and adviser.
Mr. Finley's Views.
The following remarks which were made in the
late General Conference, shows how Southern
Methodists preachers became unfortunately involv
ed in the sin of slavery.
Mr. Finley of Ohio said: "The Methodist
Church had always condemned slavery. I deny
that I ever had any conservativeness for it. The
only conservativeness it has ever had, has been
for the ministers, out of tenderness to them, be
cause they had involved themselves in it, just as
vve are urged to do in the present case. He
had been a preacher in Slave states. Thirty
years ago he was assigned to the Western r!nnf,..--
ence, which then included all beyond the Allegha
nies, Ohio, Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ala-
00.00.,,, ii. uui, vve preacneu mat
slavery was a sin. Peter Cartwright, (pointing to
a veteran minister and delegate) is my witness; he
i,nU ...l.L .., j ...:n e. .i '
..an wun mo mm win uuiiiiiui wnai i say. i was
in ueorgia, where my brother was President of a
college. 1 had then just returned from the Indi
ans. My brother said, "now, I wantyou to preach
Hiiout me Indians, and tell us some anecdotes of
them." No, brother, I said, I cannot do it. If
you will bring these slaveholders to hear me, I will
preach to them against slavery. I must tell them
their crime; perhaps it is the last chance I Rhll
have. He said, "no you wont;" but I said I would
and did. There were no laws against emanci
pation, until the Methodist preachers, instead of
telling tne people that slavery is a sin, become
slaveholders themselves. The physicians, instead
ui curing iHB disease, propagated it, calling it
soundness. Laws were passed against emancipa-
.ivM,, ui.u wiuu we pica oi necessity was set up. 1
was born in a slave state; my father was born in
a slave State; my father was a slaveholder; and
while I was a boy, twelve years old, I emancipated
the slaves that fell to me. I led them to Ohio,
dug out troughs and pounded corn for them, until
they could raise it for themselves. It has been
said here that masters treat thnir slaves like their
own children! Do they put their children under
overseers, to be driven in the field like cattle ? I
cannot understand how slaves are held for charity
If my old brother White here, (taking hold of a
bushy head, and turning the face belonging to it
so as to meet his own,) should take nie up, con
fine me, ami compel me vvitbwhips, to work for
him all my life, without any pay, and then tell me
he had done it for charity, 1 should never be able
to puzzle out how it could be. Applause in the
galleries. I don't want to applauded. I'll vote
the next minute to turn you all out. I heard it
said that the gospel of Jesus Christ will do away
slavery; but how is the gospel to do away slavery,
when the ministers of the gospel are slaveholders?
when their life, conversation and preaching, "o
to uphold it? Brethren deceive themselves, "if
they think this; but tliey..-;t not think to deceive
me. They may inuke me cry, but they can't con
vince me. 1 offered the substitute from the best
feelings of my heart, as ihe very farthercst that I
could go, without giving up principle: which Ii
never will, if it takes the hub- off my head, or the
head off my shoulders.
From tht Emancipator.
Wo are disgusted iitthe weakness of the House
of Representatives in the control of the appropria
tions. So far as we recollect, every attempt to
employ the great consti'.utional provision requir
ing all appropriations to originate in the House of
itei reseiitauves, tor tha constitutional object of
iioiumg a protligate executive, has been abandon
ed or proved abortive. jnd the reasonings to
which they have yielded render their conduct still
Po1' "'stance, when iho anti-republican establish
ment at est Point was under discussion, a north
cm man, Mr. Hale of New Hauipshire,we believe,
moved to abolish the thin.r. Some others denre-
lif " incentive io war, &c; but as soon
as Mr. Holmes showed the necessity of such an in
stitution to protect slavery, a vast majority of both
parties eagerly voted the appropriation.
An effort was made to reduce our ridiculous and
dangerous military establishment. But it was
shown that the interests of slavery were benefitted
by the army, and the House strengthened instead
ot reducing it.
.ntr. If : . n . '
So of the navy. The North has no occasion for
ll nnvu Tim . ....
.. .....j. lu.ciiue cutters renuer all the ser
vice we require. Hut no efloi t is successful to re
duce its inordinate expense. Mr. Holmes said
during the debate on the navy appropriation.
Jjet us make this nation respectable; let us pro
tect the North in her shipping interests, the AVest
i.i nui commerce or her agriculture, (for her agri
culture depended upon her commerce,) and last,
not least, this ereat southern instilutinn
a political institution, was essential not only la the
existence of the South, but to any power and itiflu-
.... one ogi nave m ints enneaeracy. Was
great national question like this to be lost sight of
tnhtfn that. . ,.' . ,i .
"""" ""s iHtnfT boom' me army ana no-
vyuuum an expcnaiiure oj jive millions of dol
In vain, now, is any attempt to reduce the navy.
Another case. The country knows the executive
administration, with which the Whig party and
senate luive curseu tne country, is per-
icniusa iii us determination to secure the
annexation of Texas, and war if needful. We
know, from the manner in which the fund for
building and repairs was expended last year, the
whole appropriation being expended before the
close of the second quarter, that the executive is
none too good to expend the whole appropriation
for the entire navy in three months, in a mad prank
that may afford a hope of promoting either annex
ation or war. To apply a check to this, the
House, in committee of the whole, voted a restric
tion, prohibiting the expenditure of more than one
half of the appropriation previous to January next.
But the slave influence has adroitly managed to
get that restriction rejected when the bill was be
fore the House, and now the entire revenue of the
country is turned over to Mr. Tyler without one
particle of effective restraint.
From the Emancipator.
Methodist. General Conference.
We know of no one event in this country
has given so decisive proof of the progress
miiKing by the whole community in anti-slavery
sentiments, as the course of the General confer
ence of the Methodist Episcopal church, now sit
ting in ew Xork. I he solemn and quiet firm
ness with which the northern delegates have march
ed forward to their object, and the meek patience
with which they held their peace .under the
unmeasured misrepresentations and vitupera
tions nat nave been heaped upon them by the
slaveholding Methodist preachers, shades of"Ves
ley, only think! has given the movement an as
pect of moral sublimity. This conference affords
me nrst instance in our country, of any considera
uie doiiv ot peon e. either re iinns nr wnlnr
who have gone so far in meeting the demands of
me anti-slavery cause, as deliberately to sacrifice
one of their chiefs to tho cause. There is hardly
anything more trying to our people than to call
them to give up, for conscience sake, an idolized
man. i nis tne Methodist conference have done, &
nave uone it with a calm deliberation and a kind
ness of manner that must convince every candid
person even the victim that they have done it
conscientiously only in obedience to the stern de
mauds of duty. The moral effects of this transac
tion must be very great.
Its moral effects will reach far beyond the anti
slavery cause, and effect both the constitution and
influence of the M. E. Church, and the progress
of Christianity itself, in more ways than we have
now time to mention, or even capacity to foresee.
Its bearings on the relation of the bishops to the
General Conference, the tenure of their office, and
the extent of their powers and immunities, can
hardly yet be foreseen. The emancipation of the
clergy (roin the benuming terrors of overseerism,
the restoration of a fraternal unity among those
northern preachers, who, by the chicanery of the
slaveholders, have been for ten years alienated
from each other, the feeling of freedom to prose
cute their work which cannot butspring upin their
minds, warrant the hope that great spiritual bles
sings will be granted upon that branch of thn Re
There is one circumstance, which detracts, in
deed, very materially, from the high moral excel
lence which would otherwise belong to the trans
action that is, the admission on the part of so
many of the northern didomitpi). that thev have no
chargo to make against BishopAndrew. There is a
mgii uuure lying against him as a man and as a
Methodist the CR IME of holdine slaves of par
ticipating voluntarily and continuously in "the
sum of all villainies."
But this very fact, that the conference have sus-
JUJVE 28, 1844-
pend Bishop A. solely out of defer. Minn to rmlilin
opinion, and the will of the people, and the neces
sities of the church and the fear of dissent;
speaks more loudly than any thing that has before
occurred of the extent to which the public mind
at the north has already become imbued with anti
slavery sentiments, when it can constrain such
I5eJ3mm S y 80 "reat so Iowrrul, so in-
The Real Question.
The slave states have long made support to their
peculiar institutions an indispensable qualification
or oipce in the general government. Every can
didate has to be closely scrutinized before he can re-
ceive the support of either the Whig or democrat
ic party, vvnen will the free states wake
this fact? The N. O. Bee says
Mr. Frelinghuyseii's nomination.'
" We call particular attention to this statement
which shows conclusively that Theodore Fretiii"
huysen Owes his nomination to the votes of the
slaveholding States a sufficient guarantee, if any
were needed, of his soundness on nil. ar,;rt ,. 'r
feeling southern rights and soulhei n institutions'
Again: The correspondent cf the New York
Express, an influential whig paper.says the south
ern delegation to the National Convention, went
for b rebnghtiyseii for Vice President to prevent
John Davis whose course in the Latimer case,
whilst Governor of Massachusetts, made him ob
noxious to the South.
tin r h m t
ynen uov. JJavis refused to give up George
Latimer, the whig pointed to the fact as clear em
inence ot whig opposition to the slave power
now he is politically beheaded for that very net'
and by that same party. Strange the abolitionists
won't trust whig professions!
To Be Remembered. A slaveholder with five
hundred slaves, has as much influence in control
ing the operations of our government as three
hundred freemen. These five hundred slaves ac
cording to Mr. Clay's estimate, are worth $20,000.
A freeman in Illinois may have a farm on which
he has stock to the value of 20,000; but he has no
more political mnuence lhan the poorest day la
borer. But the same man may sell out his cattle,
and invest the proceeds in negroes, and become a
citizen of Missouri, and he immediately acquires
the influence and importance ( three hundred of
th citizens of Illinois, his former neighbors and
associates. Is this just? Is there any more pro
priety in allowing the people of Missouri a repre
sentation on their slave property than the Illinois
freeman a representation on his horses and cattle?
The slave has no vote, and no more influence and
concern in our government than our horses. So
fr as the law and government are concerned, they
are to all intents and purposes property, i'ou
can see by this unjust, anti-democratic, aiiti-repub-licnn
regulation, why it is that the slaveholders
have such an influence in our government.
A Correspondent of the Western Citizen, writ
ing from Washington, says:
" A slaveholder told me yesterday that there
were more abolitionists at the South lhan at the
North. He is sure of it. But they are overaw
ed they dare not openly avow their sentiments,
but are intensely anxious.
A Liberty meeting is advertised in Virginia!
A slaveholder ot this District said, not two (lavs
ago, " If the north permit the annexation of Texa's,
they are fools and ought to bo slaves." Every
body is awake but our dough-faces. Their sleep:
seems to know no waking. The world is awake!
All Christendom is awake to the disgrace of slave
ry. Semi-civilized nations tauntingly say, it is
only fitfor Christian dogs.
IIofclong tliall this beloved land be content to
bear and deserve to bear those tauntings, and
nurse and foster an institution which receives the
execrations of the world?
Political Chloride of Lime. ll is said that there
is a great experiment in nrocress in nnlltim!
chemistry; that is, to ascertain how much piety it
wdll take in second to sweeten the reputation of
ins u iuciini, wno is a slaveholder, a buyer and
seller of men for gain, an unrepentant gambler, a
mi Mu.Hiui , ii une in inner or wine, a duelist, a sab
bitth-srealter and a profane swearer. Morning
THE VOTE OK
Lib. vote Total Proportion,
in 1840. in 1840.
194 93,007 1 in 479
ire, ill 49,030 1 in 532
319 50,777 1 in 157
i, 1,415 126,233 1 in 90
42 8,621 1 in 205
174 ' 47,071 1 in 327
Lib. vote last
whole vote of '40
1 in 15
1 in 11
1 in 14
1 in 13
1 in 29
According to this table, which we believe is sub
stantially correct, tho Liberty vote of New Eng
land has increased in three years and a half from
2,225 to 26,715. Allowing the number of votes
given at the last election to be equal to those poll
ed in 1840, we find that every fifteenth voter in
New England now supports the Liberty ticket,
whereas, in 1840, the average proportion was one
in 298. Signal of Liberty.
The Chicago Journal calls on all those w-ho
hate oppression, and dread the Judgments of God,
to unite with the Whiffs against the damninu
scheme for tho annexation of Texas. Now we
call upon all those who hata oppression to unite
with the Liberty men to put it down in our own
land. We think it is quite as bad tor HenryClav,
the "Farmer of Ashland," to hold slaves, as for
the planterjn Texas. If we can put down op
pression in our own land, we need'nt fear that for
eign countries will be joined to us for the purpose
of perpetuating slavery. It is because we have
slavery here, and because it is sustained by such
respectable men as Henry Clay, and because the
whigs, and other politicians will not unite to put
it down, biitchoo9 to run after th phantom of a
.,.:nr .... ..
, ., spec e numbug, that an efTort is
made to annex Texas to this country. The
true remedy for such damning schemes is to
v, ,.,.l ly one which is consistently op-
r . B.uvery, at nome, as well as abroad and
when supported by one of our own statesmen as
well as by a I exas renegade. IVestern Citizen.
From documents recently laid before theSenate,
TeT8 wVh Gc.n- Ml"',.,h-V' 0ur Mi,listeI-
. -v to tC p ?r '7 'Ut aut ,orit.V a prelimina
y to the treaty of Annexation, did give a Pledge
to 1 at Government to defend' it gaist all the
d. and against Me, ico in particular, durinj
tl o pendency of ihe negotiation. A letter from
Mr Calhoun to Mr. Van Zamlt, the Texan M?n-
khZnT th'? p!u,'"e in the f"llowig words:
Should the exigency arise to which you refer
X'vTt" tMr- U(,!i!1Ur' 1 f"'er direcS
by President to say that, during the pendency
dutv I. ! yu 1un"exat,"' be would deem it hi
duty to ..seal the means placed within his power
ei inva'sion. 110,1 ' ,,rtm " for"
I have the honor to be, &c,
J. C. CALHOUN."
Thus wo are virtually involved in a war with
Mexico, and the slightest hostile demonstration
troin that power against Texas, before the treaty
shall be disposed of, will bring us into actual col
lision ' So much for the reckless greediness of the
slave holders ! "What has the North to do with
The colored population nf Oh in in
'M I . P ll.-M IjUUU in
I I It h.'IVUIir mrtrnijfi 7 fnn "...
i iiu ihws or mis mate urn hurh
..no cii.bo ui citizens.
111.. ,.l e in. "
TheV ni'r. nrt mitu w,l
without representation, but their oath is not al
lowed in courts of justice against white men; and
thus any outrage may be perpetrated upon a col
ored man or his family with impunity, provided it
be not witnessed by white persons. 'Such astat
ine is a disgrace to so great a State.
Polk is the Texas and Slavery candidate Clay
tho Slavery and duelling candidate Birney the
Liberty candidate. What honest, slave-hating,
duel-abhorring man can hesitate in his choice?
Reject the "two evils" Polk and Clay and
choose the gocid,-Birney, tho honest fanner of
A writer in the Liberator says, I have knowrl
many clergymen who have gained considerable;
anti-slaVery notoriety by their speech-making and
lecturing against slavery, but on enquiry, I found
that they (as a general thing) never troubled their
hearers with the exciting u6ec.' They could
preach anti-slavery (such as it is) away from
home without any sacrifice, but to preach it at
home, in their own pulpits, to their own pro-slavery
employers, was another affair it might cost
them their bread and butter.
00- Silas Wright having declined the "empty
honors of being candidate for the Presidency un
der the " compromise " candidate, George M.
Dallas, of Pa., stands as the candidate of the
" harmonious party." Not, however, until Mr.
Walker had assured the convention that Mr. D.--was
correct on the Texas question! So much for
" unchanged Democracy." when the new numtinn
of annexing Texas is made to out-weich everv
other, and control their nominations.
Thisfs the way in which the Chivnlrv nnvs nfC
the servility of their Northern allies!
The following is a law of Georgia. "If any"
slave shall presume to strike any white person,
such slave shall, upon trial and conviction before"
the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for
the first oft'eftce as they shall think fi't.not extending
to life or limb; and for the second offence, death."
Prince's Digest, 450. The same law exists in Sv
Carolina, ivith this difference, that death is made
the punishment for the third offence. In both
states, the law contains this remarkable provision:
"Provided always, that such striking be not .frmn
by the command and in the defence of the person
or property of the owner or other person having
the government of stich slave, in which case the
slave shall be wholly excused." According to this
law, if a slave, by the direction of his overseer,
strike a white man who is beating said overseer's
dog, "the slave shall be wholly excused;" but if
the white man has rushed upon the slave himself,
instead of the dog and is furiously beatiag him, if
the slave strike back but a single blow, the legal
penalty is any punishment not extending to life or
limb;" and if the tortured slave has a second onset
made upon him, and, after suffering all but deatby
again eTrikes back in self-defence, the law kills
him for it. So, if a female slave, in obedience to
her mistress, and in defence of "her property,"
strike a white man who is kicking her mistress' pet
kitten, she "shall be wholly excused," saith the
considerate law; but if the unprotected girl, when
beaten and kicked hertelf, raise her hand against
her brutal assailant, the law condemns her to "any
punishment, not extending to life or limb;" and'ifa
wretch assail her again, and attempt to violate her
chastity, and the trembling girl, in her anguish and
terror, instinctively raises her hand against him in
self defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer deulh.
Reader, this diabolical law is the public expres
sion of Georgia and South Carolina toward the
slaves. This is the vaunted "protection" afforded
them by their "high-souled chivalry." To. show
that the "public opinion" of the slave states far
more effectually protects the property pf the mas
ter than the person of the slave, the reader is re
ferred to two laws of Louisiana, passed in 131 9.
The one attaches a penalty "not exceeding one
thousand dollars," and "imprisonment not exceed
ing two years," to the crime of "cuttinsr or hronk.
ing any iron chain or collar," which anv master-
of slaves has used to prevent their running away;
the other, 11 penalty "not exceeding five hundred'
dollars," to "wilfully cutting out the tongue, put
ting out the eve, cruelly hurninz, or depriving anv
slave of any limb." Look at il the most horri
ble dismemberinentconcoivable cannot he punished
by a fine of more than five hundred dollars. The
law expressly fixes that, as the utmost limit, and
it may not be half that sum; not a single moment's
imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and
the next hour he may cut out another slave's
tongue, or burn bis band off. "But let ihe same
man break a chain put upon u slave, to keep him.
from running nwny, and, besides paying double
the penalty that could be', exacted from him for
cutting off a slave's leg, the la wt imprison him nol
exceeding years !
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