u Give me Libert yo r giv c me D eat h
MOJVTPELrlKR, VERMONT, FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1844-
THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
PUBLISHED EVERV FRIDAY,
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House
J. C. ASPEN WALL, Editor.
J. POLAND, Publisher.
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For AGENTS see last pane.
I wish you to understand, as my feelings, that the ques
tion of slavery, and, most particularly, the question about
the domination of the slave representation, which over
burdens us all, is the great question on which your in
terests are concerned in the government of the United
States. . Q. Adams, at Dedham, 1843.
There is only one proper and effectual mode by which
the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is
by legislative authority , and this, so far as my suffrage
will go, shall not be wanting. X ashinglon.
Then come the Liberty Party, embracing a large portion
'of the virtue, intelligence, and legal knowledge, the Chris
Hianity and Patriotism, of the North. Taking the ground
'first' occupied by Washin'on himself, that slavery was
"the creature of the law, and should be abolished by law,
ihey appeal to the ballot-box, not the bayonet; like the
igreat Irish reformer, having faith in the power of reason,
iJruili, and virtue, they expect to achieve a bloodless revo
lution more glorious than any yet arising from force and
tirms. This party, a few year? ago, numbered but seven
thousand voters; now, in 1843, thoy poll sity-five thou
sand men at the ballot-box, having doubled themselves
every year from the time of their organization. At such u
continued rate of increase, I leave it to the reflecting to
determine how long it will be before they absorb the whole
political power of the North. L'assius M. Clay.
And can the liberties ot a nation be thw'ght secure,
when we have removed their only firm basis, a convic
tion in the minds of Ilia people that these libiuties are the
gift of Uod? Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I
reflect th?t God is jual; that His justice cannot Bleep for
ever; that, considering numbers, nature, and natural
means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an ex
change of situation is among possible events', it may be-
eoine probable by supernatural interference! The Al
mighty has no attribute which can take side with us in
such a contest. Jefferson's Azotes on Virginia.
filiations, which has long ruled the' nation, and
shaped all its measures, and wishes to have free
labor encouraged by all constitutional means.
This man has made great sacrifices of prpperty to
stipport the cause of Liberty, and has suffered
much, from tho persecution of slaveholders and
their minions. lie is a man, that fears God, and
works righteousness; has tho qualifications, which
the Bible requires; will be just, ruling in the fear
of God, and will seek the best good both of the
South and the North. This good man was elect
ed as their candidate by a highly respectable con
vention long' before the Baltimore conventions,
and h'rijd it not been for party views, those conven
tions might have concurred in the nomination,
healed party animosity, restored peace to the na
tion secured the election of a pious man prevent-
i . k . : ( m I 11 I .i
eu iiiu aiuicxuuoii oi xexus, Hummed me slave
power, and saved the nation from tho disgraceful
position in which we are placed before the world.
There is certainly a great diversity of character
and qualifications in the nominees, which have
been selected; and almost every man may find in
one or the other, something to suit his taste. The
Texans can vote for Tyler, or Polk. Those who
wish to encourage dueling, slavery, and southern
morals, can vote for Mr. Clay. And those who
wish to have a good man, who fears God, and
works righteousness, is opposed to slavery and
dueling, anil Texas, may vote for Birney. Here
will be a test question, which will bring to light
the secrets of many a heart. Let all remember,
that God will see, and record tbeir votes, and
that they will have to meet them another day.
And as tlvey now sow, so they will then reap.
AN OLD MAN.
permit me to submit a remark, by way of explana
tion, to your readers.
Having heretofore belonged to the " Whig"
party, I have frequently, on every suitable occa
sion", declared my preference for most of the gene
ral measures of national policy pursued by that
nartv. But when I found them, like their oppo-
as witn a roti ot iron' by the
T 11 1 ; U E E M A N .
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
The Presidential candidates, Tyler, Polk,
Tyler is a subject I do not wish to handle. If he
can't annex Texas to the United States, he can ea
sily annex himself to Texas.
Polk, a slaveholder, pushed forward by slave
holders to strengthen the slave power, secure the
annexation of Texas, and prepare the way for the
establishment of a slaveliolding confederacy at the
South. Slave-drivers, and slave-breeders, and
Texian scrip-holders, at the south, may vote for
him; but can any independent freeman at the
North so degrade himself as to go for Polk, Tex
as and slavery? Will they throw away their
votes, to please their Southern masters, and
sacrifice all the principles of our Bill of Rights,
to place a mere tool of Tyler and Calhoun on the
throne? Fine Democrats! the sooner they go to
Texas, the better. Pity !hcj were not all there
and Tyler and Polk with them.
Henry Clay, the idol of his party, the embodi
ment of modem Whiggery, a slaveholder, a slave
ry protector, a duelist, gambler, profane swearer,
wine-bibber; but a man of superior mind. He
might approximate the angels of Light; hut alas!
his heart, his habits, his connection with the defi
ling sin of slavery, have led him the downward
way, and placed him on the brink of that pit
where apostate angels lie chained in darkness.
All his friends, with nitre and soap, can never
wash him from his moral pollutions. They may
heap honors upon him now, and raise him to the
Presidency, but those honors will soon wither, and
if he does not repent, his eternal portion will be
with that proud spirit, who was a murderer from
the beginning. How is such a man to be pitied
(to be prayed for! Who, but a demon, would wish
to be in his nlace? Were there half as much ef
fort to save him front the deepest hell, as there is
to produce false impressions, and raise the popu
lar wind in his favor, he might yet be saved, and
shine a glorious star in tho kingdom of God. Cru
el friends if they can accomplish their political
purposes by his aid, little do they care for his e
ternal interests. For all their prayers, ho may
die, and with the rich man, lift up his eyes in tor
ments, where a drop of water can never be obtain
ed to cool that tongue which has so often chained
the listening crowds. Poor man! who would not
pity him ? Lazarus was comforted, but Dives was
tormented! Will not those ministers and chris
tians, who mean to vote for Mr. Clay, pray for
him, that he may not go into that place of tor
ment, and that others may not by bis example be
led to go there also ?
James G. Birney, a reformed slaveholder, who
has brought forth fruits meet for repentance, is op
posed to the annexation of Texas under any cir
cumstances, and ready with all hia might to carry
but the great principles of our Revolution, and an
example in every good work, a wise statesman,
and a consistent christian, who fears an oath, re
gards tho Sabbath, and is temperate in all things.
He is opposed to that slave power in all its rami-
Are the Whigs Abolitionists !
For the Freeman.
Brandon, August 16, 1844.
Sir, I desire to call the attention of the public
to tho following circumstances: In April last, one
of the members of the Whig State Committee,
who is supposed to be the author of their Address
published last February, wrote an article over the
signature of " Vermont Whig," (in reply to my
previous articles, signed "Investigator,") which
was published in tno itutiaiiu Herald, occupying
some six or seven columns. That article, deduct-
in" its personalities, pretended to give the evi-
lcnee in favor of the claim made by the Whig par
ty that they "contended for the abolition of slave
ry." The editor of the Herald, with commenda
ble fairness, promised mo the privilege of reply
ing, but observed that, as he had other matters on
hand, he should prefer delaying my reply to
some future time. To this I expressed my wil
lingness, as the subject was increasing, instead of
liminishing, in importance previous to tho elec
tions. A tew weeks Iroin this time, 1 addressed to
him a letter enquiring what space he would grunt
nie, and how soon he wished my reply. To this
he returned no answer. The next week, I think,
I wrote him again. Both of those letters he re
ceived, but made no answer. Instead of doing
this, he published a short editorial paragraph, in
timating that my right to reply was forfeited by de-
ay but offering to publish two columns for me
on the outside of his next week's pa per or the week
after. Tho paper containing this notice he never
sent to me, and it was by mere accident that I
heard of it in season to forward him a short reply
to the introduction of "Vt. Whig," which he pub
Soon after this I sent to the editor of the Herald
tho enclosed communication, as a full reply to the
'proof furnished by 'Vt. Whig.' This he neglec
ted to publish, but on the 10th of July personally
introduced the subject to me at Rutland, by obser
ving, in substance, that ho had doubts as to what
duty required of him in the matter that ho con
sulted some of the leading Whigs in Rutland, and
they advised him not to publish it. He further
said, by way of apology, that tho object of his pa
per was to advocate only one side of a question,
that it had a particular purpose, or object, to ac
complish; and he could not consent to publish any
thing tending to thwart that object or prevent its
accomplishment. I accordingly demanded of him
my manuscript. He informed me it was at his
house, and he would send it in a short time. I
waited about two weeks, and then wrote him a
line, which ho neither answered nor sent me the
manuscript. I then sent twice by the stageman,
and once by Dea. Ira Button. They both failed
of obtaining it the reason why, tho reader can
judge for himself. Fortunately, I retained a copy
which is herewith subjoined, with but slight vari
ations, containing some later evidence on a few
The subject has assumed a new and increasing
interest from the fact that the Whig State Convcn
tiou at Burlington have renewed their claim that
. i itt i r
tlicy are tho abolition party ; ami uon. vviinam
Slade, the Whig candidate for Governor, in his
letter of July 10, to the Sheldon convention, de
clares that " the Whig party constitute, to all pres
cut practical purposes, the true Liberty party."
Yours in the cause of Truth and Freedom,
R. V. Marsh.
slave power when 1 touno mat no permanent re
lief could be granted or obtained tor the nominally
free states so long as that power lasted when I
found both parties alike ready and willing to sac
rifice freedom's interests on the altar of slavery to
ensure party triumph in :t scramble for place and
power when this and much inro, was made
manifest by the clearest evidence, I was led to
pause and reflect on the real iittiation and true
interests of the people of this country. This re
flection led me, as I think it must every one, to the
irresistible conclusion that, to advance tlio.se inter
ests, the principles ot liberty the true democratic
and whig doctrine of man's inalienable right to
himself should be considered paramount to any
mere party measure. This, and this alone would
ensure real prosperity, happiness, hnd lasting glo
ry to our common country. It would ensure the
success of all those measures on which that happi
ness and prosperity depend, I therefore assure you
that it is with no feeling of ' bitterness' towards the
whigs,or of preference or 'sympathy' for their oppo
nents, that I exK)se what I consider an unfounded
assumption of the former, that they are the true ab
olition or liberty party of this country. Should the
democrats (so called) through theii accredited or
gans, make the same assumption you will find me,
with the fame unflinching decision and ardor, ex
posing its monstrous falacy. Trusting I shall,
hereafter, always be understood on his point, I will
now pay my respects to the artiel: of " Vermont
Whig" in your paper of the Utli of April.
Let us recur, then, for a moment, to the true
question between " Vermont Whig" and myself,
and then to the proof, for I have hut little inclina
tion, and still less time for comment.
In the first place, I have never mule an "issue,"
but merely joined in one made by the "whigs;"
and this issue is not with llie'wliigs'of any one par
ticular State, but with the w higpatly of the whole
Union. That 1 am so understood by "Vt. Whig,"
look at the "test accepted" by and placed at the
head of this communication. The very first no
tice I wrote on this topic, contains the following
important question, which has never yet been an
swered "Will Henry Clay, and his parly, in the
language of Washington, give their surFiiAousor
the overthrow of slavery !" The very challenge
your correspondent quotes from me, is to any
member of the ivhig parly in the whole Union, to
produce the evidence ol their opposition to slave
ry," &.c. The w higs of Vermont, or of any other
State, adopt the measure and support tho man,
nominated by their party, and they can never es
cape the consequences of that support, by talking,
writing, or passing resolutions, which evcrv act
and vote ol that party and its ifuniiiee, expressly
contradicts and condemns. Pn-cei't without prac
tice, is not after all, quite as valuable, as practice
without precept, and this the people will by and
If it is proper to refer to the resolutions ami laws
of Vermont whigs, to prove tho abolitionism of the
whig party; then, it is equally proper to refer to
the laws and resolutions of any other whig State,
to prove the" reverse. We will, there-lore, glance
at the laws of the whig State of Maryland, in
which it is enacted, among other things, Chap,
xiv. Sec. 9, that "If any slave shall happen to be
slain, for refusing to surrender, the ollicer, or oth
er person, so killing such slave, as aforesaid, mak
ing resistance, shall be, and is by this act, indemni
tied Iroin any prosecution lor stall killing alore-
said," &e. The "noble w big Slate of Georgia"
has the following: If any slave shall par.
sume to striKe any wane person, such slave upon
trial and conviction lietoro the justice, shall tor
the first oflence, suffer such punishment as the
said justice shall think jit, not extending to life or
limb, and for the second oltciice shall sutler death !'
By another enactment, in this good whig State
of Georgia, every person who sets free any one of
his slaves, is lined theretor, two hundred dollars
ind any one who tiy will or deed, manumits Ins
ive or slaves, or even allows them the right or
privilege of working for themselves, is liable to
penalty ot one thousand dollars. 1 he same pena
ty against any one concerned in or attempting to
give eneei to sucn win or deed, ami the slaves so
liberated, shall be arrested and sold by public out
cry." in the same State, mental instruction is tor
bidden, and any person teaching a slave to write,
incurs a penalty ot twenty pounds sterling in oth
er States 100 pounds. If the foregoing is notsiilli
cieut evidence that the whigs are ''opposed to
slavery," abundance more can be furnished even
Irom Kentucky, the residence ol the whig candid
ate for the Presidency.
In the second place, I have never vet applied the
term "hypocrite," or "hypocrisy" to the whig par
ty, and it is generally suspected that the reason
w hy "Vt. Whig" is so verv lavish in its applica
tion to himself, is because be in sensible of its per
fect appropriateness on the score of merit! The
only implied charge ot hypocrisy is in the lollow-.
mg words "INow it the whig party lail to do this
(prove their opposition to slavery) they an; self-
convicted before the world, of practicing a gross
deception on the people. They promulgate their
creed and make their claim, ami Having none tins
lelibcrately, the burthen ot proof rests on them."
If this be a general charge of hypocrisy, you are
welcome to make the most of it for I here again
repeat it. We will see where "certain attributes
of hypocrisy" apply hereafter. But to the ques
Do the Whits vartii "contend for the abolition of
the odious institution of Slavery V
It they do thus contend, and tneir candidates
agree with them in principle and action, then I
am willing to cease my opposition and yield them
all the stipport in my power. If this be true, the
Wing party w tho Liberty party, anil there can
be no occasion for a distinct organization. If not
true then, certainly, a portion of Whig party, at
least, is highly obnoxious to the charge of hypoc
risy, whether that charge be made or not. If not
true the only motive or object in making the pre
tension must bo to deceive and mislead the people
and induce them to yield a reluctant support to
a party totally undeserving that support. As a
political question thereiore, u is or immense mi
Convention of nomination and ratification held at
Baltimore, we shall, of course, find this principle
contained in them if at all. The editor of the
Now York Tribune, in writing from Baltimore,
during tho sitting of the convention, says: "they
(the Whigs) have proclaimed their common prin
ciples in the face of the nation." Where then
shall we go to find anti-slavery doctrines develop
ed but to the great National conventions of the
party.' Why did not 'Vt. Whig' who was on the
v ..,,Vo urn..., .u.mU u, un iflun jtw w t ftc i.i not u pro-slavery man? And
dy ? lie is quite ready to do it while at JTom.nLlid t ! Gramor sav. when his flr , .h.
men, viz Crittenden, Badger and Bell, from tho
Southern States; and Webster, Ewing and Grain
ger, Irom the free Slates three from each. It i.t
not denied that the three from the slave-States,,
are pro-slavery men, but it does not follow,as "Vt!
whig" vainly imagines, that because the other
three are from the Free States, that, therefore,
they are abolitionists. Take Daniel Webster for
instance. Look at his letter in the case of the Cre
ole, and his speech at Richmond Vinrinin. inl-
For tho Rutland Herald.
'Talkers for Liberty, but Slaves to Power,'
We are to know the Whig parly by what Ihey
ao, not by what iney say. 'investigator.'
This test I accept. Vermont Whig.'
Jlr. Editor Before passing to the main subject
r .. i . .1 i - , . i ,. , .
vermoin, nut mo nigu toueii prcicusiou&jypt , .Him
self and party seem wonderfully to fall iufcrear
at lyaltiinore. Unltlce Maclietli, 'tis, no "ghost
mac crosses nis vision, tio not owy Tir-tus 81
feels but be fears too, the monster slavery 5f-liew!
in his actual presence "with twenty morfaf tnur-'
ders on his crown." lie could not exclaim as did
Macbeth to the murdered Batiquo. "Hence hor
rible shadow!" for it was to him a dismal reality,
lie might, however, 'being gone' muster courage,
on his return to Vermont, to breathe aloud "Be
ing at home I am a man again !"
Well may the people, in view of the foregoing
considerations conclude that if anti-slavery doc
trines are not promulgated in the creed of the Na
tional Convention, they constitute no principle of
the whig party. Search the proceedings of that body
and you will rind nothing in favor of abolition.
If there had been it would have, at once split the
party into thousands of fragments and factions.
These facts of themselves are sufficient to decide
the whole question at issue. Contrast this with
the two following resolutions of the National Con
vention of the Liberty Party at Buffalo, and then
say which party is deserving the support of free
men. Resolved, That the Liberty Party, placing it
self upon the broad principled of human brother
hood as a cardinal doctrine ot true .Democra
cy, will demand the absolute and unqualified di
vorce of the General Government from Slavery,
and also the restoration of equality of rights
among men in every State where the parly exists
or may exist.
Resolved, That we regard voting in an emi
nent degree as a moral and religious duty, which
when exercised, should he by voting for those w ho
will do all in their power for immediate emanci
lint perhaps it may lie objected that this omis
sion of the national Whig convention at Baltimore
is mere negative testimony. If this be granted it
is sufficient for inv imrposo tor they fail to sus
tain their issue. But,, to place the point beyond
dispute, to', us turn to the evidence ot a positive
character. 1 lie whig convention at iiultimore
unanimously adoitted the following:
Resolved, That recognizing in tho nomination
of llenrv Clav but the expression of the univer
sal and cherished wisti ot the whigs: me nisioru 97 .l,,,, ,,,.,;.. .,,,,i,;,,
mmeji n.hrtl,' nulilip 1 1 fi thp ttnnmm rmii iril n)tl iv ... . .-n , n '
i. , ..-.... .y. j eneci oi suii Kee-i)i ii g some
exui essiuu u tin- n cnutnu Kfiiiimunt, 71 !''' "
purpuac ufthe tt'itg I'ui ty."
I he great Wing Katilicatio.il meeting at JN. V.
May 0', passed the following:
"Resolved, That, as the embodiment of whig
sentiment we are in tavor ol Henry Clay ot Ken
On the 10th ot April, last, tins same 'V t. Whig'
attended 11 whig meeting at Itu'land and took an
ictive part in the passage of resolutions, of which
the following is imrt.
" Resolved, That in Henry Clay wo recognize
the living impersonation vf our principles"
11 order to ascertain the genuine sentiment,
irinci)le and purpose of the whig party we are
directed by that party to look to Henry Clay.
We will now call to the stand three living
witnesses to prove, beyond the cavail of a doubt,
that the whigs are opposed to the abolition of
slavery. The first is Horace Greely. He testifies,
in the leading whig jiaper, the N. Y. Tribune, of
A)ril llth, in these notable words:
"As to Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren, we do
not see how eitlur of them has claims on abolition
ists, as such, for their sti ppoi-t. Nobody asks sti
porl for Mr. Clay on the pretence that he is an abo
litionist, or friendly to abolition."
Again, in writing from Baltimore, where he
says there are "forty thousand whigs in council"
from every district in the Union, for the purpose
of showing them united on this and other vexed
questions, he testifies that ihey (tho whigs) "have
found that there are no serious difficulties, polilical-
til, between northern and southern, eastern and
We will now introduce Henry Clay, the ' inijier
sonation of whig jM-iucipIes;1 but, to add greater
weight to his valuable testimony, and cause it to
be properly appreciated, we will first call to the
stand John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, who
testifies in these words:
" We regard slavery as the most safe and stable
basis for free institutions in the world."
The N. Y. Courier anil Enquirer, a leading
Clay paper, says: " When Mr. Clay bad finish
ed"" (his pro-slavery speech in 1839) " Mr Cal
houn rose and comidiinented him highly 011 the
noble stand he had taken; he fell persuaded that
portance, both to the North and the South; and I
tun happy to find that my opponents and myself
so nearly ogrce in stating its terms. Those terms
have been again distinctly repeated at the recent
Whig State Convention at Burlington, ami by their
candidate for Governor. And now to the proof.
The first prominent piece of evidence is the
vvnig creeu ami as slavery ami its aholiiion is
admitted, by the whigs themselves, to be a political
question and as the several articles of their creed
have been distinctly enumerated in the National
abolition was at an end."
Wo arc now inejiared to hear Mr. Clay
" If there should be an attack from any quarter
on that domestic institution of our section ofcouu
try, the senator from South Carolina would never
be found in front of me in defending our rights."
Speech in Senate, Jan. 28, 1838.
Again, on the 7th of February, 1839, Mr. Clay
testifies as follows.
Mr. President, it is not true, and I rejoice that
it is not true, that either of the two great PAR
TIES in this count n MAS AN V DESIGNS Oil
AIM AT ABOLITION. I should deeply la
ment if it were true." " I know there is a vision-
iry dogma which holds that negro slaves cannot
be the subjects of property. 1 shall not dwell long
upon this speculative abstraction. 1 hat ts priqr-
erty w hich the law declares to be property. Two
hundred years ot legislation have sanctioned and
SANCTIFIED negro slaves as property.
Tho great reason w hy we again offer the above
testimony, with which the people are already fa
miliar is, because the whig convention ut Balti
more have declared it to be "the expression of
the genuine sentiment, principle and purpose of
the whig party" and the New York Convention
that our witness, Henry Clay, " is the embodiment
of whig sentiment." The question, then, is fairly
settled by competent authority, ami in the decisive
language of their leader, w ho is the embodiment
of their principles, I here repeat; " The whin,
party has no design or aim at abolition. They are
not in favor of "emancipalion, gradual or immedi
ate?" I will here take occasion to digress a moment, to
allude to President Harrison'., Cabinet. Knowing
my assertion to be correel ,that "Harrison ealb il to
his support a pro-slavery Cabinet, " I will here
give their names. He "called to hij support" six
aVe ; f r i-'Ss called in nuestion. about rlintimn-
Ot 'taH. i ' u!!;i-" in tlm C:iliimr "tlisit h.. i,
Abolitionist and never was:" .S- that hi nmwiiL
rtbti Vies an abolitionist "would he .rnnd cni,v
(jffeirfcifVotn ofliue?" Do not both of theso
uien, with Ewing, support a slaveholder for PreS"
ident, who considers slavery "sanctified" and ia
o)iosed to its abolition in the District, Territories
and among the States? When "Vt. whig" re
flects upon his "gratuitous jiiece of falsehood" iir
relation to this matter, and bis ignoiance of fact?,.
I should be ghul to "inquire of liim what lie think
Although having hut little reference to the1 ac
tion of the whig party in general, still it may per
hajis, be expected, that I should notice the resolu
tions of a small brunch of that parly in Vermont..
The time was, and not many years-since, when the-'
abolitionists and their cause, were decried, de
nounced, and abused, without stint or mercy, by
both the old parties in Vermont. They were ridi
culed and slandered by the whig press, and perse
cuted by whig mobs. Tho Liberty of speech was
denied them -their meetings were broken up,-and-their
leading advocates burnt in etligy by leading
whigs. But mark the fact: Truth" tea might
and like the leaven of the scripture, it spread with'
amazing facility among tho intelligent, reading
citizens of the body politic. It did more:: it mndti-
them free free from the siell which had so long"
bound them in shackles, and the restraints of tho
old pro-slavary and aristocratic leaders. It madu
them Democratic whigs not in 72nne merely, buC
in fact, regarding equally the rights and interests
of all, in opposition to the selfish and partial in
terests of theeio, who had so long led and con--trolled
them. Tbt: doctrine of HUMAN RIGHTS,,
once more became mptilur among the Green HilU
and pure atmosphere of of Vermont in the Hindi
of Ethan Allen uud Set It Warner.
The servile tuol.-t and noisy demagogues of both,
the old parties saw the "craft by which they gat
their living" in danger, ami to save th-irr thinned!
ranks, forthwith began to make concessions to the
Spirit of Liberty. This then is the true origin and;
history of all the resolutions- passed in both branch
es of the Legislature mid in political meetings'
and conventions for the last eight years. And this-
is a siiihcient answer to the who e of them. Thnw
and they may have ther
frnm ,ivitrl i inl lit' m
iii,n:liig ilio rrutli, who have forvears been doubl
ing 011 the shoal of expediency r and for aught i
know, will continue to hesitate and doubt, in choos
in;: between Liberty and Slavery, till the grave
opens to receive them.
1 will here take occasion, however, to express
my gratification at the passage of those resolutions
and laws. The two old parties form, in this re
spect a sort of thermometer, showing the tenden--cy
and elevation of the popular sentiment; and
from these indication;, liberty 'men may welli
"thank God and take courage.'" Democrats aro
fearful that the whigs will make capital out of ab
olition, and whigs are fearful that democrats will?
do the same. They therefore unite- in passing,
anti slavery resolutions, which both; are equally
ready to condemn at the ballot box.
The most important thing done by the legislu1--
ture was, the passage of the act of last year " tor
the protection of personal liberty." If any stray
fugitive slave comes into Vermont it may serve to
protect him so far as our officers and citizens are
concerned. On the passage of this bill in the'
House, out of a full vote of 203 every member ex
cept one voted in its favor. If Horace Everett, o
leading whig member from Windsor, had been1
present he would have voted against it, making
two. In the Senate 8 voted against the bill, 7 of'
which were whigs and one democrat. (See Senate
Journal, page 89.) I grant to both porties all the
credit they deserve for this,, and yet we see Vt.
Whig' discarding all those noble traits of ' Jus
tice' ami ' generosity,1 which he requires of hia-
friend Holcouib, and claiming for the whigs alone'
the exclusive credit for what has been done in the
legislature for abolition. In the case of this very
bill, w hich was reported to the House by the Judi
ciary committee, Mr. Everett, the whig chairman-,
of that committee was opposed to it;. and no re
port 111 its favor could have been obtained it'
Messrs. Harrington and Vilas, the democratic
members of the committee, .had been opposed' U'
it. In the case, too, of the Jury law of 1840, both'.
parties unanimously voted for if.
We will now turn to the resolution of the legis
lature, which embrace five distinct points: 1. On
the right of petition and against the 21st rule. 2..
Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
ond Territories. 3. Against the annexation of:'
as fol- Texas. 4. Against the admission of any now.
slave States to the Union, and i. Against tho in
ternal slave trade. This is the substance of the-
wonderful display, and repetition of resolutions,
which ' Vt. Whig,' with that iompous vanity
which is a distinguishing trait of his character, at--temps
to ile on each other. We will glance atj
1 On the 21stlliilc inCongress. What hus beem
the course of the Whig party on this Rule. It is.
not denied that the wings had n large majority iii
both Houses of Congress in 1841, the first year of.'
the whig administration. That majority in the
House was more than 50. Let us now see what;
was done by that Congress in relation to tho right,
of petition. This subject first came up in tho
House. on the first day of June, and I quote the
report of congressional proceedings from the lead
ing whig Journal of the city of Washington..
The amendment of Mr. Adams to the rules was
us follows: "except the 21st Rule, which is here
by rescinded " Mr. Adams then took the floor,,
and addressed the bouse at great length, in. su pur
port of his amendment, in which he gave u detail
ed account of tho peculiar circumstances under?
which the 2lst Rule was adopted. "At that time,
continued Mr. A., "it became indispensably ne
cessary that political c;iital should be manufac
tured, and that certain members from the North
as well as the South, should prove that they wert
not Abolitionists. At that lime a Southern Whig;
yes, an ultra Whig contrived the rule in ques
tion, and with his associates did what the "Northr
ern man viih Southern principles!' never dared do.
before him for that man and his friends 'knew
very well'how odious that rule was to their con
stituents. But siid Mr. A., "how was tho rulet
carried.' Why, by a vote of 114 to 108, araajori
ty of only six votev. In that 111 lueu a' the Sotttlk
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