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ern Whigs with die excretion of three or four.
Mr. A. then referred to the Joiirnnl to show that
the 21st ride passed on motion of the B-iid South
ern Whig. nt
Vermont Whin' nays "the 21st Rule was spaw
ned in the House l.y a New Hampshire Demo
crat." With what truth ho makes that assertion
1 lnve with the journal of the House and Mr. Ad
ams to determine.
On the 3.1 of Juno this question again came
up in the House, when Mr. Wise, nt that lime a
leading Wlii?, addressed the House.
Mr.rVise argued that the adoption of the 21st
rule was not "emphatically a measure of the last
administration,'' for the S iiuiicrn Whigs went for
it lo a man. He would state most positively, that
the Executive now in power would never counte
nance the introduction of abolition petitions into
"that House. I ask, said Mr. W., what
authority has the gentleman from Mass. to inti
mate tluit one of the first acts of this Administra
tion will he to rescind that rule, w hen a late dis
tinguished Senator from tliat State, (Mr. Web
ster) in a speech at Richmond said "that he leouM
never interfere with the institutions of the South on
The result of all this debate was, that Mr. Ad
am's amendment was rejected by a large vote in
.I,;- vvi,: ri,wp. At the next regular session of
Con-'ress" in December, Mr. Adam's amendment
"to except the 21st Rule" wasnfso peeled by a
Authorities and "documents" are tauntingly de
manded of me by Vt. Whig, and because many of
them are given in answer to his demand that is
'his business not mine.' They only serve to 'ren
der the ignorance or dishonesty of him' who claims
that the YVhig is the Miolition or Liberty party
'the more glaring. ' 'This too is his business, not
mine.' Were it pertinent to any issue raised by
the Democrats, it could be easily shown that they,
as n party, are entitled to no credit in the cause
of abolition. In relation to the frequent taunts of
Vt. Whig and others of his party, respecting the
'one idea,' if I have not already," I will take occa
sion, hereafter, to set that matter at rest.
Allow me to add in closing, that 1 nave not spo
ken unadvisedly in relation to Mr. Clay's Tariff
principles; and want of room alone compells me
reluctantly to oinit this point. But I here pledge
myself that, at any time you will allow me space,
I will maintain the proposition which Vt.Wh.ig
charges me with advancing, with proof which, if
it does not make his ears tingle, yet, cannot be
overthrown. I N V EST 1 G AT OR.
" Pliant as reeds where FreeJom'H waters glicle
Firm as the hills lo stem Oppression's tubs!"
vote ni oi in o i. i. ,i
Three things arc estahli-dic iT I f' i ,opf( 1.
There w:i3 the large inajo,it ol j i . i, s, in Urn
the vote for Sneaker shows.' 2. 'liliklt
maioritv. at anv time, had ihe power to ropei,
21st Rule if they desire. I. 0. They .did nof.,
peal it, but kept it in force and this sustains, to
the very letter, my former charge that 'a Whig
Congress kept in force the gag Rule ' I leave
therefore the "simple and notorious falsehood" of
'Vt. Whig' where it belongs. Jt may, perhaps, be
excused on the ground ofhis 'truly lamentable con
dition of ignorance.'
2. Slavery in the District of Columbia. The
Vermont Legislature adopted the following:
'Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be in
structed and our Representatives requested to use
their vtmost efforts to procure the abolition of
Slavery and the Slave trade in the District of Co
lumbia and the Territories.
The same whigs who voted for the above reso
lution are about to east their votes for Henry Clay
for President, whom they have declared to be the
"impersonation of Whig principles" and who,
three years after the passage of that resolution,
promulgated one of those principles which is bind
ing on the party, in these memorable words:
"I would sutler the tortures of the inquisition
before 1 would sign a bill having for Us object the
abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia or
in any manner give count enance lo the project."
Mr. Clay also says, in his resolution to the Sen
ate 1S37 "The institution ol domestic Slavery
OUGHT NOT TO r.E ABOLISHED IN THE District of
Columbia." And yet they vole for the man! 'We
are to know the Whig party by w hat they DO,
not by what they say.'
3. The annexation of Texas.
Mf Clay, while Secretary of State, instructed
Mr. Poinsett, our Minister at Mexico, to open a
negotiation for the purchase of Texas he lias
never pledged, himself against ultimate annexation.
He docs not take the ground of James G. Birney,
that it is unconstitutional and wrong, or that it
will extend and perpetuate the slave power to ad
mit Texas to this Union but treats the question
as one cf expediency apply ing to the present time.
"Personally," he says in his lust letter, "I could
have no objection to the annexation of Texas."
His leading objections are, that it is now unpopu
lar that it will involve us in a war with Mexico.
endangering the integrity of the Union unless we
oLtuiii tlio nwcni ol Hint power. 1 hat 1 am cor
rect ill this opinion of his views I will refer to a
leading Whig journal, the N. Y. Commercial Ad
vertiser; That paper says:
"Many of the friends of annexation say that
Mr. Clay goes far enough for them, for they con
fidently believe that Mexico will assent to the
measure and that nine tenths of the people of ihe
Union will go lor it. IS one but those having in
terests staked on IMMEDIATE annexation can
oppose Mr. Clay's views.."
William C. Rives, a Whig- Senator and warm
personal friend of Mr. Clay, but a few days since
stated in a speech at a large public meeting in Vir
ginia "I believe Mr. Clay is for ultimate an
nexation the whole course of Mr. Clav shows
4. When the Whig members of the Vermont
Legislature expressed themselves so strongly,
against the "admission of new slave States," did
they forget Henry Clay's speeches & votes on the
Missouri compromise? Well may they say to
their idol, who is the 'embodiment of Whig prin
ciple' "No more of that, Hal. and thou lovest
5. Slave trade among the States. Our Legisla
ture adopted the following:
Resolved, That Congresses possess the power
to prohibit the Slave trade between the several
States and ought lo exercise that power.
Henry Clay in reply to his whig friends in Ver
mont, and more especially to those w ho voted for
the above resolution, uses the following language.
"I deny thai the General Government has any
aulhorily whatever , from the Constitution, lo abol
ish what is called the slave trade, or in other words
prohibit the removal if slaves from one slave stale
to another slave state." Speech in tho Senate,
This is the "unkindest cut of all" especially as
the recent National Whig Convention have in
serted as nu article of the Whig creed that "Hen
ry Clay expresses the genuine sentiment, princi
ple and purpose of the Whig party."
It is stated by Vt. Whig that nine resolutions
passed at the last session ol the Lcgis aturc. and
adds, "they nre necessarily but re-atlirmations of
the principles previously set forth." I apprehend
they are somewhat different from the others, or he
would have published them. One of these resolu
tions exposes the proslavery doctrino of Daniel
Webster in the case of the Creole. Another is in
"Fifth. That we desire the speedy abolition of
slavery tnrougliout the whole land; and that we
win use ail. (list and lawful means within our pow
cr, to accomplish that end."
Is it not in vour "power" to refuse vour vote
for a slaveholding candidate for President who de
clares ho will not abolish slavery even in the
District, nor the slave trade between the states?
In concluding what I have to say on these resolu
Hons, I trust it will be inapproprialo to add a cau
tion from the 5th chapter of Ephesians read at the
opening ot the Whig Convention at Baltimore.
"Let no man deceive you with vain words."
People of Venn nt! there is no alternative.
You mustswallow your own doctrines bow down
and do homage lo the dark spirit of slavery sell
your birthright for a mess of pottage in fact, he
come slaves yourselves or else break loose from
your shackles become independent & support the
really Democratic Liberty ticket on which alone
depends th", salvation of tho country. For let me
add that one of the most ridiculous and preposter
ous notions, that ever found access to the brain of
a reflecting being, is the exploded idea that the
Whig or Democratic, parties favor the abolition of
In conclusion I will remark that my space,
much as I have occupied, allows me to furnish on
ly pari of tho immense and overwhelming evidence
that tho whig party are not opposed to slavery.
51 0XTPEL1ER, YEMIOXT, FRIDAY, AUG. 21, IS 11.
r-'-r .. . .
i LIBERTY TICKET,
Nominated by the National Convention, May, 1343
JAMES U. 12IHXKY,
Fon Vice President,
LIBERTY STATE TICKET.
WILfilAM 15. 8UAVTER
FOR LIEUT. GOVERNOR,
For Representatives to Congress:
OSCAR L. SHAFTER,
WILLIAM II. FRENCH,
For State. Senators:
WINDSOR COUNTY !
Austin V. i'laase,
Oliver lea son,
Sumner A. Webber.
BENNINGTON COUNTY :
John II. Campbell,
John C. Willson.
FRANKLIN COUNTY :
ADDISON COUNTY :
Benjamin F. Haskell.
Josiah W. Hale,
William E, Sherman,
ORLEANS COUNTY :
George H. Page.
Thoughts for Abolitionists.
The present is a time that calls preeminently
upon every friend of Liberty, to recur to and
weigh carefully the fundamental principles of our
organization, and strengthen himself from the
righteousness and glory of our enterprise, for the
conflict before us.
Wo believe that tho doctrines of man's natural
equality and inalienable rights, as expressed in our
governmental creed, are not mere speculative ab
stractions, irreducible to practice, but are the le
gitimate ends to be secured and protected by the
constitution anil legislation of the country. We
believe that the Constitution of the U. S. y.-as in
tended and adapted to "secure the blessings of
Liberty," and not the curses of slavery, to the
(then) people of the U. States and their posterity;
and that nothing but an titter penversion of its
spirit and letter has allowed slavery to remain in
the States where it originally existed, St extended
its curses over seven now Statps admitted into the
Union. We belive that Congress, possessing 'cx
eZim'ue' power over the District and Territories,
and over the trnile between the several States of
this Union, is alone responsible for the existence
and extension of this curse, and that the Free
States, holding a large majority in that body,
stand out before the world as the guilty respon
dents to the charge of supporting slavery! We
are fully pursuaded, also, that no "other interest"
of this nation, even in a pecuniary point of view,
can compare with the abolition of slavery a sys
tem of pauperism, which can only exist by monop
olizing the patronage and the fostering care of the
General Government, and by filching millions an
nually from the pockets of free labor industry.
Our only security for national freedom also con
sists in speedily destroying this very foundation
principled of despotism this revolutionary germ
which if cherished, must sooner or later, as
said Thomas JelTorson, "from nature and nat
ural means abac," spring up to subvert our liber
ties, and in su:h a contest, the "Almighty has no
attribute which can take sides with the oppressor."
Let these millions of our worst enemies, bo trans.
formed into frjftnds, having a common interest in
the protection of the Government, and we are as
secure from internal revolution, as invulnerable to
Sad experience has also taught us, that nciihcr
of the great political parties of the country "have
any aim or design at the abolition of slavery."
By the united and alternate action of those parties
has slavery been extended over the seven new
States of this Union, over the District of Colum
bia and the Territory of Florida, the inter-State
and coasting slave-trade fostered and protected;
the treasures of the nation, poured out like water,
in the Florida war, in Indian treaties, and in trea
ties with foreign nations, to recover fugitive slaves.
To suit the purposes of slavery, these parties have
alternately applied and kept in fore?, the gag to
the mouths of freemen in Congress; they have
forged fetters for our limbs, in the law of 1793,
by which we are bound to kidnap and return fu
gitive slaves to the sepulchre of all their rights and
hopes, and are forbidden, under a penalty of im
prisonment and a heavy fine, to obey the plainest
injunction of our Saviour, in ministering to the
wants of tho suffering fugitive. During the last
session of Congress, these parties united in passing
resolutions condemning "all efforts of abolition
ists or others, to induce Congress to interfere with
questions of slavery, or take the incipient syeps
in relation thereto." NOT A VOICE FROM
VERMONT WAS HEARD AGAINST THIS
INFAMOUS RESOLUTION! And both these
parties arc now doing their utmost to elect to the
highest offices in the nation, men, pledged against
all attempts to abolish slavery, and in favor of
prostituting the energies of the general govern
ment to its support and defence.
Under this state of things, tho Liberty party has
sprung up, based upon the equal and inalienable
rights ot" all men o life, Liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness, and "determined to know nothing"save
the carrying out of those principles in the legisla
tion of the country. Not that these "other inter
ests" about wheh so much is said, nre lost sight of,
but they are held as only the dust in the balance,
when compared with natural rights; and it is held
as the height of absurdity to attempt to patch up
and render secure those minor interests, when the
very foundation and occasion for them is utterly
The organization of the liberty party is now
complete throughout the free States, and com
menced in two or three of the slave States; we
havo our candidates for national, State and
county officers, and the friends of freedom arc
flocking to our ranks as fast as our principles be
come understood. Every inch of gound has been
hotly contested by the pro slavery parties, but the
truth is mighty and it will prevail. Every one of
our positions are acknowledged, every hope of
breaking up our organization has been abandoned,
and the old parties stand on cither hand, with
trembling in their joints, expecting, that after the
present election, there will be a breaking up of
the old parties, and a new organization upon the
principles of the Liberty Party. Did we say all
hope of breaking up our party was abandoned?
We mistake: as a last resort, the northern whigs
have seized upon the Texas question, and by mak
ing a false issue, are endeavoring to take advan
tage of the prevailing anti-slavery sentiment to
elect Henry Clay, and consummate their pro
shivery designs. How far they will succeed, time
will show. Let us look at this subject a moment
in this connexion.
The vt higs are not, as a party, pledged against
annexation. We havo from week to week
given abundant proof that Southern Whigs were
in favor of annexation, and wo challenge our whig
friends to disprove it. Tho whig Governor and
state officers recently electeit in North Carolina,
the successful whig candidates in Louisiana and
Alabama, over which our whig papers are crowing
so lustily, are in favor of immediate annexation!
Waddy Thompson is pointed at as one Southern
Whig who is opposed to the scheme. Admitted,
hut ho is avowedly opposed to it on the ground that
it will have the effect to abolish rather than
strengthen slavery; and supposing all the southern
whigs occupied the same ground with him, would
amount to? But we deny that Mr. Clay is pledg
ed against annexation. Where is the proof? Cer
tainly not in his public life, for his many acts up
on the subject of slavery have uniformly been to
extend and strengthen it, and on the subject of
Texas, he has heretofore labored to secure it.
But his letters say the whigs there is the proof.
Well, then, to the letters. In bis last upon this
subject, he says distinctly, that he has no "PER
SONAL OBJECTION to the annexation of Te.r.-
as, but would not wish to see it brought in at the
iminent hazard of the Union;" plainly imply
ing that his course upon the subject will be govern
ed by the prospect of saving or destroying the
Union for. he says in substance, we must have
the Union to make slavery safe in our frontier
slave states! (Think of this, northern freemen!
who are tho shvc-holdersl) These being Mr.
Clay's views, what will be his probable course if
placed in the Presidential chair? It is well known
that at tho south they are taking the preparatory
steps for a convention to dissolve the Union, pro
vided Texas is not annexed. In such an event,
what would be Mr. Clay's course ? Alas! we have
melancholy proof in his former acts. How was it
in the case ot llio Missouri compromise? The
south clamored for more slave territory, &, threat-1
encd to dissolve the Union if it were not granted;
cessity of a Liberty party, and so fully imbued with
its principles, that his old partizari predilections
were destroyed as governing motives. He has
long been an abolitionist, and for several years a
Liberty man. At the time hu avowed himself a
Liberty man, lie was an acting Judge, and was
thrown overboard by the 'more favorable party.'
Judge Shaftcr is a true Democrat, a laboring man,
of unimpeachable moral character, and universal
ly respected and beloved; and that he is possessed
of peculiar qualifications for the office for which
ho is in nomination, his political opponents admit.
As niu.-li may ha said of the Liberty candidates for
Lieut. Governor and Treasurer.
Liberty men of Vermont ! with such prinpiplea
for our platform, such men for our standard-bearers,
and such prospects to animate us, shall we
not go straight forward, and do our part towards
realizing the anticipations of our Liberty poetr
" From our Green Mountains to the sea,
One voice shall thunder we are free!"
We have recently learned from several towns
in the State, that the friends of Mr. Polk are ei
ther so ignorant or so wicked, as to urge his
Clay coiiipi..i,.incl 'a way the righto of the . ground tnat lie is not a slaveholder!
i. ...I....... : it " ' .. I W e can hardly believe iticrn limoecm. ouua
it he safe to trust them? The moment they be
came convinced that annexation would strengthen
slavery as every rational man must be, sooner
or later then they would be bound in order to he
consistent, to go for annexation and what then
would be the condition of our northern whigs?
powerless to prevent it! Southern whigs are in
favor of perpetuating shivery, and will support
measures to secure that end; so that when northern
whigs promise to do any anli slavery work, they
promise that about which there can bo no
harmony of action in their party, and which they
can never fulfil. But, say the whigs, Mr. Clay is
pledged against it. His friends say he will never use
the veto power, and what then would his pledge
XT ..... t. ... 1 . I . . . . . tt i t '
rvomi, aim slavery iriumpneo : now was it in
the case of South Carolina nullilic-ision ? A dis
solution of the Union was threatened, and Mr.
Clay compromised away the rights of the North,
and slavery nsain triuinnhed! How will it br
ill the case of Texas? If the South threaten
ngain, as they undoubtedly will, will Henry Clay
desert them? No sooner than a mother would
desert her sucking child ! The rights of the North
would again be sacrificed trusting that the patri
otic "dough-faces" would brook the insult!
How then shall wo prevent annexation? By
swelling the Liberty vote, in favor of a man who
is pledged u a consistent opposition of annexation !
Let us be honest with the South once, and no long
er play the hypocrite. If we nre opposed to an
nexation, and to the evidence and extension of
slavery, let us vote for a man who agrees with us
in principle, and no longer belie our professions by
voting for a man pledged to support slavery, and
having no 'personal objection' to the annexation of
Texas. An overwhelming Liberty vole at the
coining election will exert infinitely more influ
ence against annexation, than every thing else
combined: it is all that will prevent the consum
mation of the foul deed This will array the
entire representation from the free states against
the measure, and parties will be placed in their
true position. Our representatives are not going
to betray us on this question if we will only be
consistent, and show them that, our principles are
not lost sight of at the polls. Never forget the ad
mission of Gen. Towson, of Maryland "Who
doubts but Texas would have been annexed long
ere this, but for the controlling tower pos
sessed by abolitionists over political parties in the
Perhaps we cannot do better than to say in t'.iis
connexion a word or two relative to the respect
ive gubernatorial candidates in this State. Of
the Democratic candidate we will not speak, as lie,
we suppose, agrees with his party, in support of
Texas, slavery and all, and ask no favors of aboli
tionists. The presumption is, that no true demo
crat will give him his vote.
WILLIAM SLADE, the Whig candidate, lavs
great claims to the support of the abolitionists, and
contends that the Whig party h tho true 'Liberty
party.' He is well known as an old political nnti
niason, who contended strenuously that, as mason
ry was a political institution, we directly support
ed it by sustaining masons for political offices.
lie was finally instrumental in selling out the an
timasonic party to the Whigs has been sustained
by them in Congress for several years, and is now
bending his whole energies to elevate a Royal
Arch Mason to the Presidency! Mr. Simla has
made good speeches in Congress in favor of the
right of petition, and tho power and duty of Con
gress immediately to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, Territories, and the inter-State
slave trade; hut has rendered the whole nugatory,
and showed conclusively that his attachment to a
pro-slavery party was stronger than his regard for
anti-slavery principles, by supporting administra
tions pledged against tho accomplishment of these
objects. In 1840, this gentleman urged abolition
ists to 'lay aside their principles' & vote for 'Tip
pecanoe and Tyler too;' and the sequel has shown
that abolitionism was 'laid aside' with a vengeance !
NAw, Mr. Slade claims that the election of Henry
Clay will be a triumph of antislavery principles!!
When Mr. Slade was dropped as candidate for
Congress at the last election, he was disaffected,
and run i pou 'his own hook;' and we have Whig
authority for saying ho was promised a seat in the
U. S. Senate at the close of Mr. Phelps' term, if
ho would withdraw: which he consented to do.
Wo have also good Whig authority for saying
that Mr. Slade consented to run as candidate for
Governor only upon the condition that, if he could
draw in enough of the 'fanatical abolitionists' to
secure the power to the Whigs, he is to resign the
office of Governor, and be elected to the Senate!
Dare the Whigs deny this?
Mr. Slade is now traversing tho State to secure
his own election, and the Stato to Henry Clay, a
man who declares "ho would sooner suffer the
tortures op the inquisition" than favor a pro
ject which Mr. Slade has spent thousands of dol
lars of the people's money to show ought immedi
ately to be accomplished, through tho action of
Congress and the President!!
WILLIAM R. SHAFFER, the Liberty candi
date, is a man not so extensively known, proba
bly, as Mr. Slade, hut quite as favorably known
so far rs his acquaintance extends. We believe
he formerly acted with the Whig party, hut when
interrogated on the subject at the time of his nom
ination last winter, he replied that " he had prac
tical LY.brg'offii to which party he had formerly
belonged" a sentiment that done honor to the
ter, for it is universally admitted by the Demo
cratic press and by the intelligent of that party,
that Mr. Polk is a slaveholder, and in this respect
is on a level with Mr. Clay. This fact being ad
mitted, no formal proof has been considered nec
essary. The only disagreement we have seen
with regard to this subject, has been os to tho
number and condition of Mr. Polk's slaves. Im
mediately after his nomination, the Pittsburgh
(Pa) American, charged that he was one of the
largest slaveholders in Tennessee, hiring them out
by the year through the State. A friend and ac
quaiiitanco of Mr. Polk, through the Cincinnati
Herald, denied that he was one of the largest
slaveholders in the state, saving that he owned
but about 50, all of which (except five or six house
.servants) were upon a plantation owned by Mr.
Polk in the State of Mississippi. To this state
ment the Pitr-iburgh paper demurs, and persists in
its first assertion, as follows:
"We know that slaves bclon-rinsr to James K.
Polk, were hired in 1359, at a furnace near tho
Tennessee river, belonging to Messrs. Youii",.
Walker, Nicholson, and William J. Polk, (a cous
in of J. K. Polk, and a good Whig,) of Columbia,.
Tennessee. The price paid some of them was
150 per year to their master, and found in food
and clothina- by their employers. How many oth
ers he may have hired out elsewhere, or whether
any'morc we know not; but that slaves of his were
so employed nt that place, in the summer of 1339,
is a fact we learned of the furnace owners men
tioned above, and when on the ground."
Whether Mr. Polk hires out his slaves in Ten
nessee or woiks them under an overseer in Missis
sippi, makes but little difference; lie's a pretty
Democrat at any rate! Indeed, had we no proof
upon the subject, we should take it for granted,
that any man who would deny the people the right
of petition upon the subject of slavery, seek the
annexation of Texas to strengthen the slave-power,
and vole against abolishing the foreign slave
srade, ought to bo the owner of slaves, to be con
The Cloven Foot.
0 ur whig legislature have for several years pass
ed resolutions in favor of abolishing slavery in tho
District of Columbia, in the territories, &c. &c.,
and when the claims of our whig friends to be 'as
much opposed to slavery as any body,' have been,
called in question, these resolutions have been
pointed to as triumphant proof. And thus multj.
tudes who would wi-di to be considered abolition
ists, have retained their connexion with the whig
party, supposing these resolutions to be a true ex
pression of sentiment and intention, and without
looking far enough to see that they were utterly
contradicted in practice. But the whigs, in their
burning zeal against the Liberty party, are begin
ning to leak out their true sentiments, upon this
subject, and verifying what the liberty party have
asserted that these resolutions were mere clap--traps
to gull abolitionists with, while they had no
real " aim or design at the abolition of slavery."
Several of their leading men in this vicinity, and
some who have made great pretensions to aboli
tion for years, now boldly deny our right to abol
ish slavery in the District of Columbia! One of"
their champions, in a club meeting in this village,
a few evenings since, ridiculed the idea. Whatf
said he, will the slaveholders in the district submit
to have slavery abolished ! Or will those in the
States submit to have their trade in slaves be
tween the States prohibited? I tell you nay ! !
And these sentiments were received with appro
bation by the audience! Another prominent whig
remarked to us a few days since, that he would'
support no man for congress who would vote for
the unconditional abolition of slavery in the dis--trict
of Columbia !
We rejoice that our whig friends nre showing
their hands upon this subject, that sincere aboli
tionists, who wish to use their constitutional pow
ers for the abolition of slavery, may no longer be
seduced into the support of that which they would
abolish : and that the suffering bondman, who, as
he has heard these- loud professions of anti-slavery
from leading politicians, and tho solemn resolves
of sovereign States,
"Has felt the hope within his bosom dying.
may learn to wait patiently until that Being who
leaves not the affairs of this world to the guidance
of a blind fatality, shall, through the instrumentali
ty of honest men, work out their deliverance.
j man ! He was so thoroughly convinced of the nc-
K3" The Watchman suggests the propriety of
the Patriot and Freeman being united to, oppose
the whigs. We would respectfully suggest that
neither of us have consciences or throats elastic e
nough to amalgamate with a party, and swallow
down its organ, which we have hitherto uniform
ly and most bitterly opposed. Can as niuch be
said of a certain other paper in this village?