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u Give me liberty or give me Death!11
moxtpemkr, Vermont, Friday, august so, 1844.
THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
'PUBLISHED EVERV FRIDAY,
In Lyman's building, Main st. near the Union House
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For AGENTS see last paste.
I wish you to understand, as my feelings, that the ques
tion of slavery, and, most particularly, the question about
the domination of the slave representation, which over
burdens us all, is the great question on which your in
terests are concerned in the government of the United
States.. Q. Mams, at Dedham, 1843.
There is only one proper and effectual mode by which
the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is
by legislative authority, and this, so far as my suffrage
will go, shall not be wanting. Washington.
Then come the Liberty Party , embracing a large portion
"of the virtue, intelligence, and legal knowledge, the Chris
tianity and Patriotism, of the North. Taking the ground
first occupied by Washin'on himself, that slavery was
the creature of the law, and shonld be abolished by law,
they appeal to the ballot-box, not the bayonet; like the
great Irish reformer, having faith in the power of reason,
truth, and virtue, they expect to achieve a bloodless revo
lution more glorious than any yet arising iVom force and
arms. This party, a few years ago, numbered but seven
thousand voters; now, in 1843, they. poll sixty-five thou
sand men at the "ballot-box, haying doubled themselves
very year from the time of their organization. At such a
continued rale of increase, I leave it to t'.ie reflecting to
determine how long it will be before they absorb the whole
political power of the North. Cassius M. Clay.
And can the liberties of a nation be tliought secure,
when we have removed their only firm bans, a convic
tion in the minds of the people that these liberties are the
gift of God? Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I
reflect that God is just; that Hi justice cannot sleep for
ever; that, considering numbers, nature, and natural
means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an ex
change of situation is among possible events: it may be
come probable by supernatural interference! The Al
mighty has no attribute which can take side with us in
uch a contest. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia.
Letter from R. V. Marsh Esq.
For the Freeman.
THE 'ONE IDEA;' on TRUE DEMOCRACY.
God is no respecter of persons. Bible.
Ml men are created equal. Thomas Jefferson,
and the Congress of '76.
Equal liberty is still the birthright of all men.
Benjamin Franklin, 1790.
Give me liberty orgiveme death. Patrick Henry.
Great is Truth great is Liberty great is Hu
manity; and they must and will prevail. John Ad
To secure the blessings of Liberty. V. S. Con
My Dear Sir: As inurh has been said and
written, oflate, respecting a certain party having
but " one idea," I desire to submit, through the
medium of your paper, a few thoughts for the con
sideration of the public. I do this the more readi
ly inasmuch as I have had tny attention called tj
the fact that numerous political speakers, as well
as writers, connected with the public press in vari
oiia quarters of our country, have, as it appears to
me, vainly attempted to make it the subject of
taunt, of ridicule, and misrepresentation. Parties
arrogating to themselves the names of " Whig"
and " Democratic" (with what propriety I leave
with others to determine) have been especially
. prone to apply the phrase to those who could not
conscientiously agree with them in every particu
lar. It was first promulgated by the great leader
of one of these parties, Henry Clay, in the Senate
jn 1839, when he said of the abolitionists " A sin
gle idea has taken possession of their minds."
This has served as a standing text for that, and
for aught I know, other parties to the present
time, But what is quite singular, these parties,
at the north, pretend, at the same time, to favor
this very " idea," and profess, occasionally, to
belong to that " despised class" which Mr. Clay
has endeavored to place " without the genoral
ej mpathy !"
It is well and profitable, occasionally, amid the
j strife and discord of party warfare, to pause and
ieflect on the first great principle which consti
tutes and is the very essence of a government in
which the people, not their servants, or a privi-
, leged number or class, bear rule, I shall not un
dertake to maintain the proposition that such a
government exists on the face of the globe; but if
it doet if such a government can be pointed out,
. then I pledge myself to show yeu a government
jn which the rights of one, whatever may be his
, condition, are not considered superior to those of
another, whether those rights be natural, civil or
religious. Any government which falls Rhort of
this, is not a democratic government; and any par
ty that maintains principles or measures, or sup
ports any man who falls short of this, is not a
Democratic party. We lay this down, then, as u
fundamental principle, natural inherent and mor
al) ajs well as political, lying at the foundation of
every popular government. Call this " one idea,"
if you please. It is a thousand fold, yea, infinite
ly greater in importance to the interests of man,
than the multitude of ephemeral ideas which have
divided and distracted mere political parties from
the days of Cyrus the Persian to the present time.
I should glory in the universal application and
prevalence of this "idea," It will be a proud
day when success crowns the efforts of that party
whose bond of union has been cemented by this
sacred, undying principle of human rights when
victory perches upon the banner on which this glo
rious principle) has been inscribed. God himself
will approve while mankind, by universal con
sent, will accord to such a party, by right and in
truth, the name of LIBERTY PARTY.
Should the enq-jiry be made, when did this party
and this principle have their origin? I answer,
when man was first created "in the image of God."
Every one, thus created, has equally a right to the
benefit of this principle. It has. I trust, from that
time to the present, " grown with his growth and
strengthened with his strength,' and will continue
to increase with the increasing light diffused by
truth and knowledge until it subdues every op
posing obstacle until the huge fabric of slavery,
whether of the mind or body whether of the
white or colored race, wherever found, with all its
kindred oppressions, will become as the "small
dust of the balance.' If these oppressions owe
their origin to political, immoral, religious (or ir
religious) combinations and influence, then it be
comes highly proper, and is incumbent upon every
good citizen who claims to be free, to resist them
with all the moral, religious, and political influ
ence and action in his power. Action is but an
indication of the decision of the mind upon great
moral and political truths; and he who fails (o act
on all occasions at the ballot box, as well as else
where, in accordance with bis expressed convic
tions of right, leads the world to suspect the sin
cerity of his intentions.
Without refering, as I might, triumphantly, to
other periods and othercountries, where this great
democratic principle, to which I alluded at the
commencement of this letter, lias, from time to
time, been developed, I will, for the present, con
fine myself to our own history.
We read that certain oppressive acts of the
British Parliament against the rights and liber
ties of the American colonies roused them, at last,
to open rebellion. But what was the distinctive
principle which, at that time, united nearly the
whole country in one mighty and persevering ef
fort to sustain that rebellion? You will find this
principle not only clearly defined and acted on by
every colonial legislature by public men and pri
vate citizens; but also ably set forth in the unani
mous declaration of the thirteen colonies to the
civilized world on the 4th doy of July, 1776. No
apology can be required for alluding to this in
strument. The time and occasion of its promul
gation constitute an era in the history of Freedom.
It is a masterly summing up, as it were, into one,
of the principles on which every professedly free
government is, or has been, founded. One idea
and that a great one pervades this whole docu
ment: That is, RESISTANCE TO OPPRESS
ION. Or, you may term this the act, and person
al rights the principle; but tbey are both inscpara
bly connected and included in the same ' idea.'
I his oppression manifested itself, it is true, in
various ways, such as "taxaingus without our con
sent transporting our citizens to England to be
tried and condemned for offences pretended to
have been committed here depriving us of the
trial by jury for plundering our seas, ravaging
our coasts and destroying the lives of our people?
These were a few among the many oppressions to
which resistance was demanded. In fact, the his
tory of that government is declared to be " a his
tory of repeated injuries and usurpations, all hav
ing in direct object the establishment of an ab
solute tyranny over these States." " The charac
ter of our oppressor" (the king of Great Britain)
" is marked by every act which may define a ty
rant," This list of oppressions then close? in the
following remarkable language. Let it be remem
be red and applied.
" In every stage of these oppressions we have
petitioned for redress in the most humble terms:
Uur repeattd petitions nave been treated only by
What different treatment have the petitions of
the people received nt the hands of our own ser
vants in the halls of congress?
We thus discover tho ' one idea' embodied in
this whole declaration: and that is, resistance to
every measure opposed to the "self-evident truth
that all men are created equal that they are en
(lowed by their Creator with certain inalienable
rights; that among these are, life, Liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights
governments are Instituted among men, deriving
their just powers from the consent of the
It will not, we imagine, be denied by those who
arrogate to themselves " several ideas!" that A
mcrican slaves arc " men," and that they are also
" governed," but what seems to trouble them is
the " one idea" that they are " equal" in rights
to other men, and that no " just power" can be
derived from ' heaven above' nor from the ' earth
beneath' to "govern" them without their " con
sent." And what troubles them still more is1 th.a,r,
this 'one idea' should be so ably and clearly en
forced in the most solemn state ..paper that ever
emanated from an American Congress, document
which embodies th,e foundation principles of the
American Constitution. ' He who runs may read'
and ' whoso readeth' cannot fail lo ' understand.'
T6 illustrate, further, we will luppose that one
man advocates (what he supposes to be) the right
side of twenty ideas, which he dignifies with the
name of " principles." Another man entertains
one leading idea, which is as comprehensive as
human language, and encircles the globe with its
magic influence that is, the entire equality of
human rights. We discover sonie faint glimpses
of this idea, or principle, in the civil policy and
forms of government adopted by Greece and Rome
in the revolutions of France in the political
reforms and reduction of aristociatic power ef
fected by the people of England, from magna
harta to the present time unv, mo-e especially
n the present peaceful, moral nnd mighty strug
gle of the noble sons of oppressed Ireland for u
epresentutivc government, wherein the people
hall bo taxed and governed by their own consent
only. Crowned heads tremble despotic power is
crumbling the divine right of kings to govern is
exploded; while thrones and kingdoms totter to
their fall by reason of the universal prevalence of
this blessed principle. It is the democratic princi
ple the right of the people to govern themselves,
recognizing the broad platform that they are all
created equal. The only true Democracy is that
in which the people rule, and where consent pre
cedes the right to govern.
It is worse than idle to talk about the variety of
ideas or measures a particular man or party may
entertain until the great question is settled, wheth
er the government shall be administered for the
benefit of all the governed, or only a part wheth
er the object of government shall be to promote
the greatest good of the whole number, or the ag'
grandisement of merely a few whether, in fact,
the government shall be Democratic, or 'Aristo
cratic. What becomes ot the twenty ideas alluded
to, if they are not equal to this one, or this one be
neglected? What are the 'seven' ideas the five
oaves and two fishes of office, for which rival pol
ticians and their partizans contend, when compa
red with this?
What is a bank, a sub-treasury, a tariff, or dis
tribution, when compared with the immutable,
eternal principle of human rights? What are a
few pounds of wool, of cotton, of tobacco a few
yards of cloth or a few cents additional price on
either of those articles, when compared with the
rights of millions of our fellow being, with im
mortal souls? Cnn thnt pnrty, or that government
be called Democratic, which enables the strong to
oppress the weak, the few lo control the many;
and which compels the large mass of the people
to severe, incessant labor, to support the remain-
ler in luxury, idleness and tyranny?
Grant all the importance claimed for these pe-
cuniniary measures, which some term principles;
is there not a safe guaranty that the Liberty party,
sustaining, as it does, the interests and rights ot
the whole people, instead of a part, would also see
that the industrial and economical interests of that
people were properly attended to? Would not
that party, acting on the democratic principle of
regarding equally the rights of the whole, be more
likely to attend to the welfare of the whole, than a
party regarding only the rights nnd interests of a
part? The simple statement of this question must
I think, to candid minds, be sufficient to produce
It can scarcely be necessary to add that the
charge, sometimes made, that the Liberty party
have only one idea, is so obviously intended as a
slander by those making it, and so evidently false
and preposterous in itself, thnt time would be was
ted in its refutation. They have, it is true, a lea
ding idea, which has been the subject of this let
ter. It is not only a leading idea, but it is para
mount in importance to all the ideas of a selfish,
pro-slavery party; yet that idea, when carried out
in all its practical applications, embraces many
others which might, perhaps, be termed subordin
ate to the primary idea ol which we have been
treating. As Liberty men, we unite nnd labor not
only to right one wrong, to redress one outrage,
to correct one evil, and to abolish one system of
oppression but planting ourselves on the broad
and enduring principle of right, of humanity and
equality, we raise our voice and direct our efforts
agninst every system of oppression tending to sub
vert this great cardinal principle of equal rights.
To the accomplishment of this great object,
truth and knowledge arc effectual instrumental!
ties. They are all-sufficient, when properly ap
plied, to combat and overthrow tho errors and
false dogmas the wrong and oppression of every
opposing party in Christendom. Truth may, for
a season, be overwhelmed by falsehood, and
knowledge by ignorance but chains and fetters
cannot confine them. They will eventually tr
umph. In the language of John Adams, 'they will
" Truth, crush'd to earth, will rise again,
The eternal years of God are hers;
While error, wounded, writhes in pain,
And dies amid her worshippers."
Encouraged by this blessed assurance, mid by
the rapid progress of free and enlightened princi
pies, not only in our own country, but throughout
the world, I remain sincerely yours,
11. V. Marsh.
Brandon, Aug. 20, 1344.
"Gone to Texas !" Whittier thinks the old
democratic party is about to disappear; and when
enquiries shall hereafter be made about it, the
significant rrsponse will be" uone to 1 sxas!"
Where are Mens1 Consciences?
For the Freeman.
Mr. Editor: A plain man, unacquainted with
political legerdemain, would come to the conclu
sion from reading the whig papers, that there was
concentrated in the character of Henry Clay, all
the excellencies, the high moral virtues, and heav
enly qualities, which can be connected with human
nature. But let him turn away from these false
representations and eulogies, these rhapsodies of
heated heads, these paltry ebulitions of unprinci
pled partizans, and read the language of Clay de
liberately uttered in Congress "I know there is a
visionary dogma which holds that negro slaves
cannot be the subjects of property; that is property
which the law declares to be property;" how chang
ed would be the character of the man. Would he
not ask, can the man who thus discards the Di
vine law and substitutes human enactment, be a
fit ruler of a Christian people? Can he who thus
tramples on the principles of the Declaration, and
sets up the civil code as the standard of right and
wrong, be the man whose praises are so often and
so loudly sung? Shall erring, fluctuating human
opinion or human law determine what is right? In
one country we see theft allowed, if perpetrated
with cunning and skill; in another, piracy, if con
ducted with intrepidity; in short, the most inhu
man practices, tho greatest abominations and out
rages have been authoi ised by law. The blackest
crimes have been enjoined by legislators and de
fended by philosophers, even in nations we have
denominated civilized and enlightened. What
shall we think of this standard when we recollect
the institutions of Lycurgus, and the regulations
of Plato, and when we find suicide applauded by
the Stoics, and tire murderous combats of Gladia
tors defended by Cicero, and exhibited by Trojan.
Who cannot see in that sentiment of Mr. Clay's,
a disregard of those great commands on which
"hang all the law and the prophets, "a recklessness
of the principles of love to God and love to our
neighbor. Can party politics so blind the eyes of
men as to pass over unnoticed, such an odium on
religion, such a dangerous and fatal sentiment?
This sentiment goes to confound in one, things and
beings, whish the Almighty has separated by infi
nite extremes, it is setting at naught, and tramp
ing on the most sacred and eternal distinctions
mpiously deriding the intrinsic value of a rational
and immortal being. This man has a deep regard
for all law which promotes his pecuniary interests,
and gives license to to his depravity. He mani
fests a most sacred regard for the law of fashion
or honor, and yielding to its requirements he at
tempts to take the life of his fellow man in a bar
Such is the man who is held up in the Louisville
Journal us a paragon of excellence, and that ful
some eulogy is copied into the whig papers of
Vermont and bandied about with great exultation.
From the Emancipator.
Another Whig Mob,
Overscerism seems to be spreading at the North,
although the followers have hardly yet got cour
age to follow their leader by using cold lead to
break the will of those who refuse to submit to
their dictation. In addition to the case of protracted
violence at Iroy, which is described by otircorres-
pondent, we run! in the Uuflalo Gnz., thnt the same
spirit has broken out in Eric county. Mr. J. Kil-
lioii ni, a gentleman ot character, well known in
Worcester county, describes the transaction in
which our esteemed friend Charles H. Stewart,
Esq., of Detroit, the distinguished repealer, was
stopped from delivering a lecture on the princi
ples of Liberty, at Aurora, Erie county, N. Y.
on July 3Gth:
Mr. Stewart, who is a native of Ireland, twelve
years a resident in this country, formerly an asso
ciate anil intimate triend ot U'Conncll, anil in all
respects a gentleman and a Christian, opened the
meeting with prayer, and commenced his remarks
by saying that ho should not attempt to prove the
superior claims ot the Liberty party over that ol
the Democratic party, lor tho simple reason that
they laid no claims to the votes of abolitionists on
anti-slavery grounds; but that as the Whig party
proless to be the anti-slavery party , and the only one
which could do any thing effectually, to advance
the cause of abolition, especially as referred to the
mntter ot 1 cxns, ho proceed to show that the
Whig party were equally unworthy of the sullra-
ees ot Liberty men.
At the moment the whig party was announced
as being professedly nnti-sluvery, a disturbance
was commenced by Lafayette Carver, Esq., a law
yer, and a leading whig of Aurora, who pronouced
the assertion to ue tal.se.it continued to abuse iir.
S. in language of the most insulting character, till
he forced him to suspend his remarks. Carver.
in snite of all the efforts to call him to order
though a justice of the peace .continued to dis
turb the peace, by taunting Mr. S. with being an
Irishman, a locoloco," and ot being guilty ot the
unpardonable sin of presuming to instruct Ameri
cans in the political principles of their country.
When requested in the most respectful manner not
thus to disturb the meeting, but wait till Mr. S.
got through, when he would have an opportunity
to answer him to his heart's content, he declared
that he would noi "sit still and hear his parly vili
fied, parcelled out with a set of damned niggers."
It will be borne in muni, that the head and trout
of Mr. Stewart's offending, consisted in represent
ing the whigs to be pro fsssedly favorable to aboli
tion. It is hoped that in future Liberty men
will not expose themselves to insult by calling
whigs abolitionists. J. KILBOURN.
Mr. Stewart was an enthusiastic supporter of
Harrison and Tyler in 1840.
How the Colord man feels. We cut the fol
lowing from the Pittsburgh 'Mystery' a. paper ed
ited by one of the blackest men we ever knew
but a man of strong mind ami of general intelli
gence. It shows how the colored man regards the
practical oppressors. Chr. Freemen..
.2 Mistake.--The Uniontown Democrat says, in
comparing Clay with Polk, ho (Clay) is always
consistent, always right:
mow, as ever, the great champion of liberty,
and the rights of man. Out against Texas against
slavery-for freedom throughout the world. Which
banner do you choose, Clay and liberty or Folk,
lexns, and slaveryr"
If Clay is the champion of liberty, God help n
when we become subject to tbe influence of tho
slaveholder! If he is an emblem of southern lib
erty, what must the slaveholder be? 'Which ban
ner? do we choose ? Why, neither! They ar
both blood-stained banners to us. Yes, stained
with the innocent blood of our down-trodden kin
dred ! If Clay is a friend of liberty, why dont ho
emancipate the sixty human souls that be now
holds in wretched bondage? No, he is the hater
of one part ot'the human family. Read his colo
nization declarations against the free eolored peo
ple. ' He a frieml to liberty ! He would sink us if
Liberty in Detroit.
We learn by the Signal of Liberty, that Jai. G.
Birney has been speaking with great effect in De
troit. He was engaged in a discussion with Judgo
Piatt, Attorney of the state, and a strong Clay-man.
The Signal gives the following interesting account
of this discussion.
City Hall DiscusstoN. Pursuant to arrange
ment, Dr. Pitcher, president of the Clay Clu.brpre
sided in connection with Mr. Hallock, president
of the Liberty Association. This large hall was
densely filled. Mr. Piatt commenced at half past
seven o'clock, occupying an hear. Mr. Birrrey
followed for the same time. Mr. Plutt replied in
fifteen minutes, and Mr. Birney did the same.
The uttermost order and decorum prevailed. The
debaters as well as the presiding1 officers did alt in
tneir power 10 restrain every expression ot teelmg,
but occasionally bnrsts of applause would be evo
ked by some heart-stirring appeal. No disappro
bation, however, was manifested, but the good or
der and gentlemanly deportment, which charac
terizeDetroit secured to each speaker decorous at
tention. It is due to Mr. Piatt to state that be
conducted his part in a handsome and gentleman
ly manner. He was courteous and even compli
mentary to the moral and intellectual standing of
Mr. Birney, paid a just tribute of respect te tb
intentions of the Liberty party, from whom be dif
fered but in their mode of action; and used I be
language of mildness and reason. His arguments
were candid, and were urged with .all the fore
of which ihey were capable; they were plausible,
ingenious, and well selected; that tbey were no
stronger is not Mr. Plait's fault. They were the
best of those put forth by his party, and were woll
sustained. They failed because of their inherent
That they did fail, and t&at those of Mr. Birnj
prevailed, is admitted, I believe by all of every
party, but certainly bv a decisive majority even of
the Whigs present. It does Mr. Piatt no discred
it to say. that on the subject of slavery, he was un
able to meet Junius G. Birney.
Mr. Birney 's effort was of the happiest nature;
probably the best he ever made the most power
ful ond convincing certainty, tNat the writer ever
heard from him. His language was mild clear
and of the most the most classical purity. Hi
action was in strict keeping with his subject; hi
reasoning was intelligible and convincing. At
times he rose to the highest pitch o-f the most purer
eloquence, thrilling every hearer no less with the
nobleness of his subject, than the appropriate
beauty of his language. He rose with his theme;,
nnd as he descanted upon the Buffalo resolution,
respecting the constitutional provision for surren
dering fugitive slaves; as he dwelt upon the om
nipotence of God's law of the awful daring of
man who legislates against it as he portrayed tho
iniquity of slavery the stripes and lashes of tha
task master the escape of the slave at last the
pursuit the recapture the mocking claim, that
the fugitive owes service he caried with him, hi
whole audience, and a burst of universal applause
proclaimed that party feelings for once fled before,
the more generous sympathies of the American.
When Mr. Birney closed, a voice in the crowd
called "three cheers for Birney;" it was heartily
responded to and though so many hundred of po
litical opponents were present, not a sound of dis
approbation mingled with this tribute of respect.
Says a voice in the crowd, "Give mo Polk first,
The Editor of the Signal, was in Detroit a few
days after, and says that there men of all parties
and conditions, from senators, judges and states
men, down to the class that hold political discus
sions in the grocery, were unanimous in the opitv
ion that Mr. Birney's vindication of the principle
anil policy of the Liberty party, against the char
ges so ably preferred by Mr. Piatt, was full, satis
factory, complete and triumphant.
During his stay in Detroit, our friend Birney
lectured on the position of the Democratic party
with relation to slavery, and showed, in a most im
pressive manner, the inconsistency of the party
with their own principles. The doings of the Bal
timore convention was exposed--aml a strong ap
peal was made to the members of the party, who
disliked slavery and annexation and respected de
mocracy, to unite with the Liberty party thet
true democratic party of the country.
Front the Middlesex Standard.
The Whigs and Democrats of the North profes
to regard it as a great oversight in the Liberty par
ty that it should magmly the t ittta'et iJberty
into a party test, to the neglect of 'other intcicsis."
Tell us, sav they, what you intend to do. in refer
ence to the questions of currency Protection
Such objections to the Liberty party, when hon
estly indulged, are lo be ascribed la inadequate,
views of the character and extent of the evils of
slavery, hs well as of tho proper duties of the gov
Those who look upon tbe anti-slavery move
ment simply as a question affecting the rights and
interests of tho enslaved, take q,uite too- narrow r
view. All the great lending interests of this coun
try, whether moral, religious, pecuniary w polit
ical, arc deeeply affected by slavery. . As a peo
ple, we have a common interest in its oventlwow.
We bilicvc that the system would long since have
starved itself out of existence, but for its connec
tion with the North. The dinins upon the fruit
of our industry have been enormous, and are year
ly on the increase. Take an item from the Post
, Office reports, as an illustration: In 1:843, the
North paid, over its oxp'tiditures, six hundred
thousand dollars, while the South expended e-vcr
its receipts 57I,00OdoHniis. By lh last report f
the Post Master General, it appears that the Foil