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M FREEMAN, ; .
"Give me Lib ertyorigiv e me Death!"
MOIVTPEL-IKR, VERMONT, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1844
THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN.
PUBLISHED EVERV FRIDAY,
in Lyman' i building, Main it. near the Union House
J. C. ASPENVVALL, Editor.
J, POLAND, rublisher,
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For AGENTS see last page.
large, neglected class. 80 few were willing to do
anything for this class of needy sufferers, and so
many are ready to promote the other popular
forms of benevolence. After the Deacon had
closed his brief remarks, the speakers that follow
ed, according to appointment, on the subject of
Foreign Missions, perceiving that the Dencon es
caped unharmed, ventured to make a bare allusion
Now, 1 ask, why all this studied silence on this
subject in the conference, by the agents and friends
of societies that profess to have this world's re
demption from sin, for their great object? Socie
ties professing; to have for their object the supply
of the destitute with the means of pure religious
instruction at home and abroad; and, at the same
time overlooking the most destitute and suffering
class ot human beings on earth. When pathetic
ally describing the needy condition of the heathen
in other lands, not deigning to bestow one single
sympathetic remark upon the millions of heathen
slaves in our own land? 0 why this fear of
speaking out on this subject? Why does slavery
rule the ministry and church as it does the State,
in this country? Is slavery to control every great
movement: an idol before which all' must bow
down? Are their societies controlled by the all
pervading fear of losing the fellowship and pat
ronage of slaveholders? Are home missionaries
Then come the Liberty Party , embracing a large portion sent into the slave States pledged to silence on the
.fit . . if 11 11 1 .1 r 1
vi me virtue, intelligence, and legal knowledge, me itins- Rii,if nP BuVBr ,! , fi.lUvhin cl!.0l,lfBra
as good christians ? Does it not become the friends
of the slave and of Christianity to inquire whether
those who are supported or aided by their contri-
I wish you to understand, as my feelings, that the ques
tion of slavery, and, most particularly, the question about
the domination of the slave representation, which over
burdens us all, is the great question on which your in
terests are concerned in the government of the United
States.. Q. Adams, at Dedham, 1843.
There is only on; proper and effectual mode by which
the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is
by legislative authority, and this, so far as my suffrage
will go, shall not be wanting. Washington.
tianity and Patriotism, of the North. Taking the ground
ifirst occupied by Washin'on himself, that slavery was
'the creature of the law, and Bhonld be abolished by law,
they appeal to the ballot-box, not the bayonet; like the
reat Irish reformer, having faith in the nower of reason.
truth, and virtue, they expect to achieve a bloodless revo- butions as home missionaries are lending their in-
the last twenty years, he has not drunk, sold,
bought or distilled a single drop of intoxicating li
quor. JL Hose who are accquainteu wun tne nan
us ot Mr. Morris, require no information ot tins
kind. While noticing this mutter, we might as well
state,thut we know of no man on our county ticket
who is not a tetotaller. A Liberty man who urink9
rum, is a rare instance."
lution more glorious than any yet arising from force and flu ence to support slavery ?
arms. This party, a few years ago, numbered but seven
thousand voters; now, in 1843, they poll sixty-five thou
sand men at the ballot-box, having doubled themselves
- f . 1. t : C A 1 1.
continued rate of increase, I leave it to the reflecting to ' reenian
determine how long it will be before they absorb the whole flShinfftOIl CO. COBICl'dlCC.
political power of the North. Cassius M. Clay. B.
j ... ... , , Mr. Editor: In reply to the communication
And cm the liberties of a nation he thought secure, . ...
when we have removed their only firm basis, a convic- ot tnH Montpelier Association, which has appear-
Letters from James G. Birney.
The following letters from Mr. Birney to Mr.
Errett,nnd to the Hartford Committee, will be
read with interest. We prefix the subjoined note,
which was addressed to us as .explnnatnry of the
reasons why the opinions of TjfTfBirney on the
subjects here discussed, had nou been previously
Lower Saginaw, Mich.
Sept. 2, 1844.
To THE EDITORS OF THE SlGNAL '.
Gentlemen, Within the last five or six weeks,
I have received letters from persons resi
ding in different parts of the country, requesting to
be informed what are my opinions on several sub
jects of National policy that now interest the pub
lic mind. Un the laritt, 1 had already communi
cated my opinion in a letter written in reply to one
received from a gentleman residing in Pittsburgh.
My opinions on a National Bank on the distribu
tion of the proceeds of the Public Lands, &c. &,c.
were given in answer to a written request made by
a committee appointed by the citizens of Hartford.
Trumbull County, Ohio.
Under the expectation that my letters would be
published by the gentlemen to whom they were ad
dressed. I referred all subsequentenquirers to them
for my opinions. But not having seen them, or
any notice of them, in the public journals, I beg
that you will give them an insertion in yours; and
that you will send to each of the subjoined names
one of the papers containing them.
JAMES G. BIRNEY.
lion in the minds of the people that these liberties are the ed in the Vt. Chronicle, against my right to hold a
g.u ot uoor iaaeea, 1 1 emme tor my country, woen 1 protracted or antislavery meeting where God in
reflect that Uod is lust; that Hn justice cannot sleep for- ,. ., , , ,,
ever: that, considerine numbers, nature, and natural hlS Providence opens a door, I would say, first,
means only, a revolution ot the wheel ol tortune, an ex
change of situation is among possible events: it may be
come probable by supernatural interference! The Al
mighty has no attribute which can take side with us in
uch a contest. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia.
For the Green Mountain Freeman.
Mr. Editor: The Windham County confer
ence of ministers and churches held their annual
meeting atTownshend the 17th and 18th of Sept.
In connexion with which was the annual meetiug
of the Sabbath School, Bible, Tract, Education,
Home and Foreign Missionary Societies. Re
ports and addresses were made. It was pleasing
to witness the zeal manifested by speakers and
hearers in their good causes. While there was
much pervading the meeting that rejoiced the
heart of christian benevolence, there was some
things of an opposite character.
It was painful, amidst high professions of be
nevolent regard for the well-being of man, to dis
cover decisive evidence of the presence of the
.great master-spirit of our country slavery. There
did not appear to be benevolence enough in the
hearts of those who arranged and controlled the
exercises, nor in the accredited speakers to over
come this spirit. All these seemed awed into si
lence in regard to slavery and the millions of
wretched heathen within its all-crushing and with
eiing grasp. No person was invited to take any
jpart in the exercises who was known to bean out
spoken and consistent practical abolitionist. More
than one minister of this description was present,
to whom no opportunity was granted by the cleri
cal, managers of the meeting to say a word. They
evidently were not to be trusted. No allusion to
the subject was made in any of the numerous
that they have entirely misrepresented the case as
it is. They say I went to Georgia to hold a pro
tracted meeting by invitation of, and to uphold cer
tain disaffected members of Mr. Ranslow's church.
This is not true in any sense, and I proved it to
the association beyond all reasonable doubt. The
following letter will present facts as they are:
West Poultney, June 25, 1844.
Rev. and Dear Brother: received yours by a
member of our Conference. You wish me to state
particularly, "how you came to our place." In
answer to this, I would say, it was by my request
and invitation. I consulted with Br. Sabin, the
baptist elder of Georgia, who was favorable to
your coming, and attended, as you will recollect.
I know of no congregational brethren that invited
you to come. The preacher of the cong. church
was much opposed to your coming. I know of no
other facts in thecuse that are connected with your
invitation to visit us.
Yours in the bonds of a pure and peaceful
gospel, Geo. McKillifs
P. o. 1 he meeting was not considered to be a
tnethodist, baptist, or congregational meeting, but
that Bro. Kellogg was coming from Montpelier,
and all were requested to attend. G. McK.
Thi3 letter was before the association when they
decided that I did wrong to hold a religious meet
ing with the methodist and baptist brethren, in
their place of worship, to lead souls to Christ. -Now,
because I have not confessed that I di
wrong in holding a meeting with other christian
denominations, they erase my name from their
minutes, and send it abroad to the world. How
far this is christian, and liberal, the church and
world must judge.
They say I break their rules. Well, they for
med these very unchristian rules, us they owned
at the time of their adoption, to keep me out of a
prayers on the occasion, nor bv anv of the clerical
.speakers or agents. No mere laymen was invited Cttlvillist BaPtist church. whe'e I had agreed to go
or, expected, to speak on these subjects. A very
by request of the minister and church, to hold a
similar conference of ministers and churches. "ieetin&- Wlltl others, opposed the adoption 0
where only ministers are allowed to speak, except these rules at the time and told them 1 cou'(' "ot
iby especial grace! Will the freemen of Vermont
,call such a meeting a conference?
No allusion was made to the subject of slavery,
till the Report and set speech on Home Missions
were completed, about 10 o'clock the second day,
when all had been said that the managers desired.
Then a layman, a 'delegate, Dea. G. of J. arose
,nnd requested the privilege of making a few re
imarks. To this, an objection was instantly rais-dtr-the
iwant of time. This was at length over
ruled, and a few moments graciously granted.
Pea. G,. was known to be a practical, consistent
abolitionist, who carried his principles out every
where. And the conference had not forgotten his
remarks before that body some years ago, on the
l. 1 I-.. TkT 1 1 n
ue governeu uy mem. now, wun tnese lacts 11
view, every body must see, that their course tend
to hinder Evangelists in their work of promoting
revivals, and all antislavery agents (who happen
to be ministers of our order) from their work of
mercy. I appealed from tho decision of associa
tion, but was gravely told that I could not appeal
to the church, because the association was not an
ecclesiastical body was no more than a lyceum,
or temperance society.
I now see the hand of God in leading me along
where I can, untrammeled, hold meetings and la
bor to promote revivals with all christians, where
He is pleased to direct me. I entreat the God of
all mercy to open the eyes of those four brethren
subject of slavery. The objection (want of time'i wno met 'n Middlesex, and voted as named above,
was evidently a plea against hearing any thing and influence them to unite in the use of the means
from him again on the subject of the slave's woes, which in our age have been so signally blessed in
He commenced . by remarking that he took his promoting revivals of religion,
.stand on that platform to supply a lack of service Sherman Kellogg.
on the part ot those to whom we have been accus- Will the editor of the Vt. Chronicle be so
,tomod to look for instruction. He then alluded to f?001' ns to publish the above, that I may be heard
the millions of slaves in our own country, and to hy the sumo who have heard the association?
,.tse thousands of self-emancipated slaves in Can- ' S. K
,ada, who were entirely overlooked in the opera
,tmnsof the benevolent societies there represented. Thomas Morris. Our opponents, incessantly
He assigned as a reason why himself and other engird in inventing and circulating falsehoods,
l.niuinn:... ua ,i 1 ... have circulated a story in Ohio, that Thomas Mor-
.V iv . 1 r , . '' engaged in a distillery. The Cincinnati Her-
wM tucii uuiiBuiioh 10 io so mucn tor mis ad asserts; on the authority of Mr. M., that, "for
To Mr. Errett, of Pittsburgh.
Lower Saginaw, Mich. 3
August 5. 1844.
Dear Sir: Your friendly letter of 12th July,
reached me more than a week ao. Agricultural
calls, particularly imperative on us here at this sea
son of the year, have prevented my answering i
till to-day. 1 heir continuing pressure will com
pel me, now, in replying to your letter, to confine
myselt rather to a statement or the conclusions 1
have been brought on to the tariff question, than
to insisting on the reasonings by which I have been
led to them.
That our government will ever adopt direct tax
ation of any sort, as a permanent revenue system,
seems to me altogether improbable: at least, too
improbable to serve us n busis torensoir- from. A
commercial people, as we are, will draw their rev
enue trom the Customs. 1 hey will believe and
ghtly, as it strikes me that the proper objects of
taxation may be as encctually and as equitably
reached by this mode as any other.
A tanrr lor revenue t j meet the ordinary expendi
tures ot the government wili have to be the rule.
1 his once settled, should occasions arise demand
ing extraordinary expenditures, the people will
cheerfully consent to higher duties to meet the ex
igency. But higher duties than are necessary for
revenue will never, I apprehend, become the per
manent policy of the country. It would not be ac
quiesced in by a majority so largely preponderant
as to produce even silent submission, much less
cheerful assent to it, on the part of the minority
I he moral in Hue nee of our political institutions
forbids our looking for such a result. These insti
tutions have impressed on us the sentiment, that
any inequality of right to enjoy all the benefits
flowing out of the anion of the government is tin
just. 1 he existing generation has grown up under
this influence. It has begotten in them strong re
pugnance nay, even a spirit of resistance to any
and every thing that has even the semblance oluu
mumty or privilege conferred on a particular por
tion ot the community. Kigbt or wrong, they be
lieve it savors ot the arislocrancal, in the most odi
ous sense of that word, as it is received and nat
urally enough by a people whose Constitution
and torm of lioverriment declares them all equal
ly entitled to its benefits, lo insist on a protect
ive tariff, then, further than a revenue tariff can
be tnnde protective, is, as it seems to me, to op
pose the natural the constant, and therefore, 1
the end, the irresistible influence of principles tha
lie at the foundation ot our political organization
1 here are other circumstances too important to
be passed by unnoticed. The uninterrupted peace
that we have enjoyed with European nations, and
tnat tney have generally enjoyed among them
selves for more than a quarter of a century th
nearness into which this happy relation, aided by
the steam-engine, has bro't us and them the con
stancy of our mutual intercourse with them the
sympathy and co-operation that thi.s intercourse
has already brought about among the good and the
learned among ourselves and in other countries,
in the pursuits of humanity, literature and science
the ties that it has created by- marriages and in
business of lioee ercry Tiume and description I
ties that under its influence, are multiplying and
strengthening themselves every day all, all con
tribute to arouse and foster our discontent at be
ing compelled to pay, at New York or Philadel
phia, double price for articles made in Birmingham
or Lyons, merely to encourage, comparatively,
a very few in our cwn country to engage in the
competition to produce them. It is true, that these
causes are almost imperceptible in their processes
but they ore, on that account, the harder to be
resisted. They may be slow auxiliaries, but un
less I am greatly deceived as to their power, they
they will be found sure ones, in removing the ob
stacles yet remaining in the way of Labor every
where receiving all that it can justly lay claim to.
The sentiments I have expressed above would
not, I know, meet with acceptance in many parts
of the country. Many, even of the most faithful
of the Liberty party would probably dissent from
them. 1 have not been forward to publish them,
lest, by doing so, I might, in some degree, contri
bute to divert our friends from our paramount ob-
tect, the overthrow ot tne stave power; and be
cause I felt well assured, as 1 still do, tnat it the
Liberty party come into power, the whole country
will soon be brought into the most favorable cir
cumstances for harmonizing all its apparently dis
cordant interests and for settling on their proper
basis all the important existing questions of nation
al policy. Wow, the labor ol the country is made
up of hostile nart3 slave and free, lrreconcila
ble in their nature, the v can never be brought to
operate harmoniously together under one system
of legislation. Let no one, then, look for jarrings
and dissensions to pass awav from among us, till
slave labor have passed away, or be leen to be
passing away, with a certainty of its speedy and
The accession to power of the Liberty party im
pliesas I tuke it the speedy extinction of slave
ry every where within ourcountry; and, of course,
the bringing of all its Labor into a homogeous
state. Till our labor be brought into this state,
all legislation for its benefit must, necessarily, be,
in a great measure, unavailing; and this can be
done only by the extinction of Slavery.
But you are ready to ask, how could the Liber
ty party, if in power, extinguish slavery, seeing,
as is admitted on nearly all hands, that the gener
al government except as a war measure, to save
itself has no constitutional power over that insti
tution in the States') I reply all that is necessa
ry to be done, is for the appointing power of the
general government to bring into its offices and sta
tions of honor and trust and profit, throughout the
south, only such as are noslaveholders only such
as practically acknowledge, that all men are crea
ted equal and entitled to their lives and liberty.
No objection can be made to the constitutional
itj of such a course. It is as simple, too, as it is
constitutional, and it will be found as effective as
t is simple. Its spirit and object would commend
t to all, except the slaveholders themselves; for I
mve always found it true, that however slow a
people may themselves be, to put away wrong
from among them, yet when once justice is boldly
done on it by their rulers, the act never fails re
ceiving their heartiest sanction of approba
tion. 1 he slaveholders would at first huddle to
gether for their mutual defence. But it would be
navailing. I hey could no more withstand the
nfluence of public opinion, now purified by an il
ustrious act of justice, and flaming on them from
every side, than the snowdrift of an April night can
witnstand the meridian rays of the next day's sun.
1 nave written you a much longer letter than 1
ntenueu wnen 1 commenced writing. A he use
ou make of it is left entirely at your discretion.
impose no terms of a "confidential" character, I
entertain no opinions on subjects of geueral con
cern, to which my tellow citizens who feel inter
ested to know them are not perfectly welcome.
My opinions are the ottspring ot the best data that
I can command. As long as I believe them true, I
respect them too highly to be ashamed of them. If
I ascertain them to be false, it costs me no strug
gle to disown them. A single remark 1 beg to add
to what I have said on the tariff. I am opposed
lo all rash legislation, or to violent changes in the
existing order of things when lawful interests have
oecome implicated with it. Were 1 now a mem
ber of Congress, I should oppose the repeal of the
present tariff, before it was f'airlv and fully tried.
it it should be found to work well for the country,
and the country generally were satisfied with it, I
should continue to supprt it. In this case, my the
ory would be proved false by tacts against which
no theory ought to be maintained. But should it
work ill for the country, and there should be
growing discontent with it, 1 should tavor its re
duction to the revenue standard but so gradually
that all the interests involved in it might, in the
highest possible degree, be saved from loss.
1 am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient Rervant,
JAMES G. BIRNEY.
Hartford, July 31, 1844
Dear Sir: The relation in which vou stand
to the American people, as a candidate for thei
suffrages, is our only apology for addressing you
this letter. We do not for a moment doubt you
willingness to give your views upon all questions
of national policy, which are legitimate subjects of
legislative and executive action.
The undersigned having been appointed by
meeting ot the citizens of this place, irrespective
ot purty, a committee to ascertain your views up
on subjects of importance, which agitate and di
vide the people ot this Union, and upon whic
they nave not been uoie to hnd sutistactory evi
dence ot your opinions on record, have been 111
structed to propound to you the following ques
1st. Are you in lavor ot a tanll ot duties upon
foreign imports, which, while it shall raise sum
cient revenue to meet the expenses of the govern
ment, shall make such discriminations as will af
ford protection to the industry of our own coun
try against foreign competition?
2d. Are you in favor of distributing the proceed
01 the public lands among tbe states r
3d. Are you of the opinion that Congress has
power to establish a national bank? j
4th. What is your opinion with regard to tho
policy of such an institution, its powers to regulate
exchanges, and its safety and availability as a de
pository and fiscal agent of the government?
5th. Are you of the opinion that Congress has
power in any emergency in time of pence to sever
the relation of master and slave in the States?
6th. Has Congress power, in your opinion, to
abolish the domestic slave trade between the
Upon other great and important questions of
govermental policy, your opinions are known to
the committee, and are satisfactory. We venture
to solicit your early attention to these poiuts, and
t consistent with your feelings, a reply to the
amne for the information of tho people of this vi
Very respectlully yours,
L. C. JONES,
ROBERT M. BEEBEE,
SALMON N. HART.
Hon. James G. 'Birney,
Lower Saginaw, Mich.
Lower Saginaw. Mich
Aug. 15, 1844.
Gentlemen: Your letter ot the 31st instant,
came to hand a few days ago. You do me but jus
tice in according to me entire willingness to conr
communicate the opinions that I entertain on sub'
jects of national concern, to such of my fellow cit
izens as feel enough ot interest in knowing what
they are, to make inquiry of me in relation to
them. I proceed, therefore, to answer vour ques
tions in the order in winch they appear in your
letter except the first, relating to the tariff. On
this I communicated my views, but very recently,
to a gentleman in rittshurgh. He will, doubtless,
publish the letter in which those views are pre
sented if he has not already done so. To that
letter I beg leave to refer you for my answer to
your first inquiiy.
2. I am not in favor of distributing the proceeds
of the public lands among the States, by handing
over to each State its proportional share. The
most safe, simple, just and effectual way to make
them subserve to the interests of each and all the
States now existing, as well as of others that may
hereafter be admitted to the Union, is, to place
them in the treasury of the U. States.
S. Congress has power under the Constitution
to establish a national hank. Congress has taken
opposite viewi ot its powers in the premises at
one time acting as if it did not possess the powerj
at another, as if it did. The point in dispute baa
been submitted to the supreme court the tribunal
provided by the constitution for authoratirely de-
laing mis anu an other such questions and it
as decided in favor of the constitutionality of a
ational bank. In this decision I fully concur.
4. I am not in favor of creating a national bank
whilst slavery is continued in our country. Slave
labor, on a large scale, can never support itself
r, 1 should rather say, it can never support toe
ndolence and prodigality, which it never fails to
beget in those who lay claim to its fruits. It has
been estimated that the slure States are indebted
to the free, in at least, three hundred millions of
dollars at the crash of 1837. I am not rare that
this estimate has been called in question because
of the largeness of the sum. The interest on it, I
uppose, was never paid to any considerable ex
tent, before the principal was discharged by the
legal bankruptcy of the debtors. Tbe late nation
al bank, with its branches extending throughout
the south, affording great facilities to that insol
vent portion of the country for possessine itself of
the honestly earned and often hard-earned capital
of the north. 1 would not renew these facilities.
What might be my views on this subject, if all
the labor of the country were free, it would be su
perfluous in me to say. Commercial men of . all
parties speak highly of the present state of, ex-
hanges throughout the country. As it has been
brought about by the natural course of commercial
dealings, it is, I think, more to be relied on, as a
permanent condition, than if it had been produced
by a lorced or artificial process. As to the safety
and availability of a national bank as a depository
anil fiscal agent ol the government, I should regard
t favorably, it the time should ever come when
the general welfare of the country would call for
such an institution.
5. My mind strongly inclines to the opinion.thnt
f Congress can rightfully abolish slavery in time
of war, it may also abolish it in time of peace. A
vicious state ot things existing in the community,
or anv nart of it. mav as certainty, though not as
suddenly, become destructive of the government
n a period ot peace as ot war. Ihe principle,
then, 011 which Congress might rightfully proceed
to abolish slavery, as a measure of relief and safe
ty in war, might be equally applicable and imper
ative on tho same grounds, in time ot peace. la
both cases the instant at which abolition would be
ordered to take place, would depend on the sound
judgment ot the government.
As a people, we have undertaKen before uoa,
and all the nations of the earth, to maintain in our
political organization, the principles of liberty as
serted by us in the Declaration of Independence,
, . V .... . j ry Mir-
anu substantially repeated in tne uoustiiuiion. i
have thus voluntarily brought ourselves under a
guaranty to expurgate our country from wbateyer
is inconsistent with these principles, nothing is
more palpably so than sluvery. We areuthen, un
der a pledge to the world and to one another to
abolish it; and in as far as our government has
permitted slavery to remain at ease much more
to enlarge and magnify itself it has proved recre
ant from its solemn undertaking; brought on us,
as a people, the charge of hypocrisy, and dishon
ored us before heaven and earth.
Persons of great experience and intelligence as
jurists, have satisfied themselves that tne consti
tution authorizes in express words the lutumeni 01
this guaranty, by the goveraincnt. Congress say
they, has nothing to do with the relation of master
and slave. Neither the relation itself, nor the par
ties between whom it exists, are any where men
tioned in the constitution, whilst at the same time
it declares, that no person shall be deprived of
liberty without due process of law:' (Amendment
IV.) and this without the slightest reference to his
being a native or a foreigner, a citizen or an alien,
black or white. Those who are called slaves at
the south are called persons in the constitution.
Are the slaves deprived of their liberty? They
are. By due process of law? No. Then why,
it is asked, are they not entitled to the benefits of
the constitutional provision within the words and
spirit of which, it would seem, they are so express
ly brought? But should the Liberty party be
brought into power, a proceeding wholly unobjec
tionable as to its constitutionality as simple as it
is constitutional and one that would prove aa ef
fectual as it is simple, would doubtless, be adopted
for the abolition of slavery, h is, to confine the
appointments to office under the government to
such as are not slaveholders. The justness and
propriety of such a measure would be us unobjec
tionable as its other characteristics; for surely nothr
ing can be more unreasonable than to exclude
from all share in the administration of the govern
ment from its offices and its honors those whose
lives are passed in open contempt of its funda
mental principles. , ., .
6. It is mv opinion, that Congress can stop tne
domestic slave trade, between the States, under
that provision of the Constitution which gives it
the power to regulate commerce among them. If
it be said that Congress have no power to obstruct
the transmit or removal of persons' from one of
the States into another, it may be replied, that, if
commerce lay its hands on person and transmute
them into things to deal in, she bring nerseit, ,Dy
that act and in relation to that matter, completely
within the scope of the constitutional provision.
1 ought not to conclude this reply to your com
munication, without stating tsa all my views 01
matters, merely of polity, are greatly qualified by
the consideration of their practicability, consistent
ly with the harmony and the fraternal feelings of
oui whole population, as well as by a decided pre
ference of economy, simplicity, impartiality and
directness in the management of public affairs, over
what is prodigal, or artificial, or exclusive, or in
direct. The genius and spirit of our population
will bear patiently no other system ol administra
tion, and he who disregards them proves himself
incompetent, as a statesman, for the country and
the times in which his lot is cast.
I remain, gentlemen,
your most obd't serv't.
JAMES G. BIRNEY.
To Messrs. Lucian C, Jones, i
Salmon N. Hart, Com., &?.
Robt. M. Beebe. S
"This once." The expression itself is evidenca
of a misgiving, of a doubt, whether you can right
fully do what you propose. You certainly imply
that you will not do so again: why this assurance,
if you are satisfied you are right? If you are no
satisfied, why will you stipulate, even with your
self, to vote for a slaveholder? If it were necessa
ry which is not for you to "choose between two
evils," you might select from a world-full of infi
nitely smaller ones than voting for slaveholding rur
Itri; and it would puieleyflu te fad a freater;