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J M 0 U N TTI M FREEMAN SXSh If Liberty and Equality, M a n ' int m on birthright; God's richest gift R eligion and JLaw their defence. BY POLAND & BRIGGS. MONTPELIER, Vt., FRIDAY, JANUARY 3, 1845. Vol. II. No. l. 1 V 1,1 V THE GREEN MOUNTAIN FREEMAN, IS PUBLISHED EVERY' FRIDAY MOKNING,- In Lyman's Building, Main St., MONTPEMER, V. Terms $1,50 in advance, or $2,00 ftfter the ex piration of three months from ths time of subscri bing. ICF" Transportation of papers will in no case be paid by the publishers, without a special Agree ment to the contrary. OCJ- Advertisements inserted nt the usual rates. J HE FREEMAN." ' 'Tlic Liberty Pnrly and llic Wlii;s. j.j ,. ... For the Freeman. -f A n article published in the Salem Uegisler and copied into the Boston Atlas of the 5th iust., de serves a passing notice; especially as it contains the(" embodiment" of many other charges against the Liberty .party, made by other luminaries of less notoriety, which advocate the cause ot the whig party- . . , The article alluded to is headed "Liberty Party, " " What it has done." Tim gnes on lu state that "It has given the SO electoral votes of Now York to Polk and Dallas, Texas, Free Trade and the extension and perpetuation of slavery. It has done the same with the 26 electo ral votes of Pennsylvania, and probably the 9 of Maine." "It has, in all probability, made James K. Polk President of the Vniled Stales;" together with many other charges of sim ilar character. If these charges are true, it surely becomes the Liberty Party to look about them to confess their sins, and to " repent in dust and ashes." The Liberty Party plead " not gvilly," and ." put themselves on the country" for trial. Since the smoke and dust of the political campaign tins, in a degree, blown over, and the excited passions ol the combatants have, in some measure, become calm, it may be well for all parties to take n retro spective view of the late political canvass, and endeavor to ascertain, (if the election of James K. Polk is au evil,) through whose agency, and by what influences, tbo "deed has been done." That we may have a full understanding of the case, it will be necessary to recur to the origin ol the Liberty Party its objects and the measures pursued to accomplish thoso objects. From the commencement of the present United States, many philanthropists were much pained that a government professedly founded on purely republican principles, should yet cherish in its bo som a system of absolute ami unconditional slave ry, by the operation of which about on:; sixth of the whole population was claimed to be I he abso lute property of a small portion of the other five sixths. These philanthropists, such as Frankl'n, Wash ington, Jefferson, and other distinguished individ uals, both in the free and slave Slate., expressed much alarm at the existence of this sysleni in our land of freedom, und many incisures were tallied j of as remedies for this acknowledged political and j religion evil. But the Fathers and Patriots died off, one after another, and ihe public mind having become more accustomed to the evil, like other sins common in a "community. '""-"I "iti not that a"0""'"" torn while, which its enormity .de manded from a professedly republican and religious people, True, there may have been, and pro! ably were, during all the apparent apathy on (his subject, soli tary individuals, who, like Elijah of old, were " very jealous for the Lord God of hnslit," hi, like him might have thought, that " they only arelejt," and that, should they exercise ihe bold ness of this ancient servant of God in declaiming against this sin, their lives might, and probably would be the forfeit of their temerity. Yet we may reasonably hope that, during all this time, there may have been not lcs ihnn "seven thousand in our Israel, all the knees which have not bow ed unto this modern Baal." The first political action (of w hich I have any knowledge) intended as a system of operations, to du away this enormous iniquity was the organiza tion, in-1840, of a very few individuals in several of the free Stales of the Union, as a Liberty Party, who presented an independent ticket for candidates fo the oflice of electors of President and Vice President of the United Stater. So few were the pioneers in this warfare for human liber ty, that in Vermont the whole number of votes cast amounted to only 319! and throughout the free States to only some five to seven thousand. In justice to the friends of humanity it should be re marked, that the vote would undoubtedly have henn miieh'i'reHter. hut for tbo fact tlvif ilin villi candidate tor President, (ueu. Harrison,) was a resident of a freo State, and not known by many to be committed to the friends of slavery ; but do clured by Ail friends to be an abolitionist. The writer of thia has to confess, that although at that time he was a professed abolitionist', ho sustained the whig nominee, tin the year 1841 the friends of the slave, finding they had been deceived with regard to Gen. Harri son's chaactrr respecting sluvery, began to make regular organizations to accomplish their object. These were commenced at this time in many of the free States. In this State the party held a Convention in May, previous to the convention of either of the old parties; and as the Liberty Party was composed of some who had formerly been members of each of the other parties, they nomin ated candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Gov ernor onlyone from the former whig, and Ihe .other from the former democratic party, each gentlemen of the highest reputation ol distingush ed ability and moral worth. That no seeming par tiality might be thought to exist with respect to the other parties, the convention made no nomin ation of a candidate for Treasurer. Had they done bo, one of the old parties -would have had two candidates from their former ranks, and the other but one. , It may be well now to consider tho spirit in which these nominations was met by those from whom they .had seceded. Each of the other parties, soon after the an nouncement of the liberty candidates, heldconven- ons. Many of the whig party were in favor of kipting the Liberty candidate, (Judge Williams) ,tetr candidate for Gov.j but other counsels ailed, and Col. Paine was adopted as the whig llidate for that office. This nomination was obnoxious to many whig, and immediately n i it after, one of the newspaper of that party (the Rutland Herald) came out with the nomination of Judge Williams as their candidate fur Governor. This aroused the ire of the friends of Col. Paine ; and the Vermont.Watcbinan, the leading organ of the Whig party, came out with n long editorial, in vindication of the proceedings of the convention, and strongly censuring the course of the Rutland Herald, urging various " objections to Judge Williams," which he said were " insuperable in the judgment of sterling whites!" The first of said " objections" was in the following words; to wit- , " He had been nominated by another and hostile party which makes no distinction between whig and loco foco principles," Now, if this be , a valid "objection," (am1 id I doubt not but it is with somo " sterling whigs") the same would have holden good had the Liber ty party nominated any other person as their can didate for Governor. Even had they nominated Cvl. Paine, according to this whig logic, the whigs could not have taken him up, because, forsooth he had been nominated by another party!! Well, by means of earnest entreaties, persua sions and throats, Judge Williams was induced to withdraw his name from tha cuuvn.ss. The Liberty party, finding themselves thus shoved out at the " tail end of the whig cart," and forever proscribed by them, concluded to set up in full for themselves, and thus to " fight on their own hook," and in behalf of freedom, which they consider as ihe fust great principle which a free people should contend for. They immediately held a convention, and nominated a full set of candidates for their officers, and have not failed, every year since, to make their nominations. The first article in the Liberty party creed is, a determination to " support no slaveholder for of fice : and to oppose ;the election to oflice of all who support slavery or its abettors." This creed was made known at the first organization of tho party, four years ago, and has ever since been published to Ihe world. It cannot therefore be said that we have deceived other purties with re gard to our principles: they knew on what grounds we stood, and it was tlieir privilege to "govern themsehet accordingly." 'I'liia pi'iviloga both the whig mid democratic parties have availed themselves of, as they each had an undoubted right to do. Each nominated a slaveholder for president the former by acclania tion the latter, after long protracted stiifo and contention. Each party undoubtedly consulted w hether, without the aid of the Liberty party, and EVEN IN DEFIANCE OF IT, they should 1)0 lllllo tO elect their candidate. Each professed to be con fident of success. One only could be successful, and, now the defeated (whig) party, chagrined at their defeat, and filled with rage nt the result of their own doings, with impudence unparalleled, face about and exclaim, "tho Liberty Party has d me it!" The Liberty party do not deny, but rejoice to be'itve, that they have the numerical power sufli ciout to have given a different result to the election; but they would have been recreant to the first priu "T1"' itioli- itrtptnl'ntimi recreant 10 justice, humanity mid freedom, to have partaken of the " unclean tiling" (Ma. cry,) pioci.tod to iheni by each other party; and tie would, in all soberness) here inquire, whether the whig party, who went into the contest wiih their eyes open, having thrust us from them, and said, "Whom you sup port, we will not support" knowing that we were pledged not to support a sUivc-holdcr; still, as in defiance of us, presented a slave holder to the pub lic as their candidate. Under these circumstances, I repeat, does II become Ihe whigs to turn round and say "the Liberty party has don: it!" In conclusion, my opinion is, that the Liberty party might, in all honesty and sincerity say, with regard to the slavery candidates for president, as did the lady who saw her husband engaged in mortal combat with a bear. "Gentlemen," said she to the by-slanders, " I beg you not to interfere in the least give them a clear field and fair play; it is a matter of perfect indifference to 1110 which of iheni comes off conqueror." H. Chelsea, Nov. 27, 1844. From the New York Evangelist. Aii Innnoliiliori lo Slavery. Our roadors li:uc heard of, and some have wept over, the fate of the Rev. Charles T. Torrey who has been convicted in the State of Mary land, and who will doubtless soon be doomed, to long years of imprisonment and separation from his family and friends, and the rigor of punish ment awarded to the criminal. It is a hard lot for it man of education and sensibility, who is compelled to feel, amidst all his punishment, that bo suffers for that which neither the law of God, nor his own conscience condemns liim, and which no man who carries in his bosom a heart of flesh can really' disapprove. He has broken the laws of a slave state; and the court and jury who found him guilty in accordance with those laws, are not to be blamed ; but they are laws, which, in God's sight, bring infinitely more guilt upon those who have made, and who execute them, than upon him who has broken them. What crime has Mr T. been guilty of ? Let us state a few facts furnish ed by a correspondent a clergyman of hirdi standing and estimable - character, which may help us to answer the question. A few years ago, the writer of this passed a week at Barnum's Hotel, in Washington. A young slave, about twenty years of age, was in at tendance for such services as were required. One morning as James was building the fire, the fol lowing conversation occurred. "Who owns you, James ?" "Mr A. owns me now. ' lie bought me about. three years ago of Mr Brown, and lets me to Mr Barnum." ' "What does Mr Barnum pay your master for your work 1" "I do not know ; I get none of it myself." "Do you expect ever to get your liberty, James?" ' , "No sir ! My former master was very kind to me, and gave me a portion of my time, and told me that as soon as I would pay him five hundred dollars, I should be free. I paid him a little over two hundred dollars, when he failed, and I was sold to my present master, wfyo takes every dollar of my wages, and now I have no hope of ever being free, and the thought makes me so miserable that at times I can neither eat nor sleep." James having now finished the fire, left the room, and there was one who, in his weakness, sat down and wept, and prayed for that poor brother, who is probably now in the fields of the South, toiling a hopeless slave, till death shall release him from Hsloe. Now, suppose he had said to him, "JanWs, the North star will guide you to freedom. Here are five dollars. May God bless you in your endeavors to regain those rights of which you have so long been de frauded." The Rev. Mr Torrey, in the fulness of a sympathizing heart has said this; and for thus doing to his brother as he would that ills brother should do to him, professed Christians are calling him a "thief," and a "slave-stealer," and he is torn from his home of prayer, from his wife and children, and lies chained in the dun geons of an American prison. But there is an eye that witnesses this scene, and there is an hour of terrible retribution hastening on. When travelling some years ago, Rt the South, a gentleman, who was a professor of religion, in formed the writer that a young slave, of fine per sonal appearance, and about eighteen years of age, and a member of tho same church with him self, complained to him, with tears of anguish, that she was compelled to be the concubine of her master's son, a dissolute fellow, whose har em consisted of all the young females on the plantation. And here this poor Christian girl, perhaps the sister of the wretch, calling himself a Southern gentleman, who was thus abusing her, was compelled to submit to his outrages. If she raised a hand of resistance, of utterred a cry of remonstrance, there was no power on earth to rescue her, in.tb.ose lonely fields, from the most merciless revenge. Supjiose this gentleman had said to her, "My Christian sister, my heart bleeds for you. You must seek refuge in flight. You must traverse many a weary mile, in cold, and hunger and ex haustion, before you can reach the Canada line, where alone you can dwell in safety. And when you arrive at that cold, Northern clime, penniless and friendless, your condition will be desolate in the extreme. But if you die by the way, it will be better than to live as you now live. Here is my cloak, it may help to keep you warm, as you sleep in the woods, these cold nights. And every night I will plead with a God of pity and ot mercy, that he may assist you, my sister, to escape." The Rev. Mr Torrey, as he witness ed such scenes as these, has had every fibre of his soul excited to intense emotion. And in such language has he imprudently ventured to speak to these victims of hopeless oppression. And for thus speaking, there are professed dis ciples of Jesus Christ who call him a " thief, " and a "slave-stealer." And Americans, boast ing themselves the lovers of liberty and justice, tear him from his agonizing wife and children, and immure him in dungeons with the pirate and the murderer. And professed Christians who hope to stand at Christ's right haftd in the il.tr tif juO-moM, oay, "they have served him right." Who can wonder tint our professions of attachment to liberty and religion are becom ing a stench in the nostrils of the civilized world ? About two years ago, a clergyman, in the State of Ohio, heard some one knock at his door late in the evening. There stood a colored man in rags, his cheeks hollow with famine, and way worn and trembling with the fatigue of lonrr travel. "Can you give me a mouthful of bread," says the poor man, "I am perching with hunger." "Walk in friend, is the reply ; "who are you and where are you from ?" "I am escaping from slavery, and left Ala bama about four weeks ago. I travel at night, guided by-the North Star, and conceal myself in the woods during the day. I have lived upon berries and roots and grasshoppers, and I am now almost dead." A supper is immediately prepared fir him and the clergyman and his wife sit weeping at the fire side, as they listen to his long, long story of toil and woe. They bow together m lainuy nraver. and the clergyman, in a Voice inarticu late with emotion prays : "O, Heavenly Father! bless this child of thine, and help him to escape from that wrong and outrage to which he has for so many years, been a victim. And help us, O God ! to do to him as we 'would that others should do to us,' were we in similar circum stances." They feed the famished fugitive, they give him a comfortable bed for the night. The wife mends his tattered garb; and nourishing him with food and sympathy for another day, when evening comes, and the North star shines brightly in the clear bluq sky, he tremblingly hastens on his dreary way, strengthened and comforted. And the rustling of every leaf causes his heart to quake, for fear that it is the slave-hunter behind hiin, ready to grasp his victim. God bless the poor fugitive ; and (Jod be praised that there are some hearts that will feel for. thee, and some hand sthat will aid thee, if they do thus expose themselves to fine, imprisonment, mutilation and even death. The Rev. Mr Torrey has thus felt, and has thus imprudently expressed his Christian benevolence, and for so doing there are men of intelligence, and who consider themselves his brothers in Christ, who assail him as a "thief," and a "slave-stealer." An imprudent love of liberty plunged La Fayette into the Austrian dungeon at Ohnutz. An imprudent sympathy for the outraged Indians, cheated und driven from the graves of their fathers, plunged Worcester and Butler into the State prison of the Georgi ans. And an imprudent expressions of sympathy for these poor slaves, has immured the Rev. Mr Torrey in the gloomy prison of Maryland ; and there the exemplary and honored Christian min ister must lie for years, and from exposure to hardships to which he is unaccumstomed,- per haps die ; wife and children weep scalding tears as they are thus robbed of the most affectionate, faithful and innocent husband and father. And yet there are those who hate named the name' of Christ,' who say all is well ! Shortly after the insurrection among the slaves in Virginia, several years ago, a gentleman' hap- peued to be travelling in that State. The stage coach was filled with passengers, and among the rest was an officer in the United States Army who was called out to assist in quelling the in surrection. The conversation turned Upon the scenes which occurred during that short but bloody conflict. Said the officer, "There was one stout fine looking negro man who was shot by a ball through the body ; as he lay on the ground dying, I stood by his side. His countenance expressed much more than or dinary intelligence, and I said to him, 'Why did you join this insurrection. You must have known that the whites were too powerful for you, and that in the end you could not succeed. He turn ed up his eye to me, fixed it steadfastly upon me for a moment, and then said, with an expression of great resolution, I knew perfectly well what the result would be : CTp'but I had rather die than be a Slave !' "And what did you think of that sentiment, thus expressed," said the traveler. For a moment he hesitated, for the stage coach was filled with Southern gentlemen, and it might be imprudent, in the presence of the Chivalry of the South, to express approval of such a sen timent. He hesitated but tor a moment, ana gathering his energies as for an effort of great moral courage, he said, "1 must con less that in my judgment, it is a noble sentiment by whom soever uttered, and could not refrain from hon oring the man for it." For a moment there was perfect silence in the stage-coach ; and then the embarassing subject was dropped, by a sudden change of the conversation. I he Rev. Mr 1 or ry feels the sublimity of this sentiment. He has practically given utterance to it. He has spok en words of sympathy and encouragement to those who would rather die thati be slaves. And for this, his imprudence, he is now suffering, and for years probably must endure the greatest of earthly woes, the desolation of his home, the prostration of all his hopes, and thus may he linger, till, with an impaired constitution, he is hurried to an untimely grave. These are the victims we are immolating upon the altar of slavery. Those are the sacrifices we are offer ing in the temple of this modern Dagon. There are but about two hundred thousand slaveholders in these United States ; and yet these few slave holders, so contemptible in point of numbers, are driving to unpaid toil two millinons and a half "of their fellow-men ; and are keeping a whole nation of twenty millions of people in continual turmoil and trouble ; and are making the very name of an American a by-word and a hissing throughout Christendom. It is too much altogether too much to lie patiently endured. Meanwhie, let us bespeak on behalf of this much abused and unfortunate man, the fervent pray ers of every friend of freedom, and every follow er of Christ. From the Christian Citizen. All Mortgaged. To one born and bred in New England, the fontimcnt must be inevitable, that it is a "free country." The language of every-day life comes with that capital idea. It is the first idea that infancy is taught, and the last one forgotten by age. Freedom, Liberty, Free Institutions, fyc. are terms of costly water in the jewelry of our patriotism. How pleasant it is to think be it true or false that cold, hard soiled, pure-skyed New Eng land is, indeed, a free land ! that in her long struggle for freedom, she expunged from her soil every crimson snot, every lineament of human slavery, and severed every ligament that connect ed her with that bloody, inhuman institution ! And so we thought. We jjot out of our cradle with that idea. It was in our heart when we first looked up at the blue sky, and listened to the little merry birds that were swimming in its bosom. It was in our heart, like thoughts of music, when the spring winds came, and the spring voices twittered in the tree tops; when the swallow and the lark and all the summer birds sang for joy, and the meadow stream chim ed in its silvery treble, deftly singing to the dai- When every thing was alive with the rap ture of freedom, we thought, among other bright and boyish vagaries, that this land was free free as the air; otherwise we would not have slid down hill on it, or rolled up a snow fort, or have done any thing of the kind by way of sport. And we were told that it was free. Old men that wore queus, and hubbed about on crutch es, came and sat by our father's fireside, and showed great scars on their flesh, and told how much it cost to make this land free. And on a hot summer day of every year, the people stuck up a long pole in the middle of the village green; and they tied to the top a large piece of striped cloth; and they rung the bell in the steeple; and they shot off a hollow log of cast-iron; and the hills and woods trembled at the noise, and father said, and every body said it. was because this land was free. It was our boyhood's thought, and, of all our young fancies, we loved it best; for there was an element of religion in it. We have clung fondly to the patriotic illusion, and should have hugged it to our bosom through life, but for an incident which suddenly broke up the dream. While meditating one sabbath evening, a few weeks ago, upon the blessing of this fre!, gospel land, and on the liberty wherewith God here sets his children free,' a neighbor opened the door, and whispered cautiously in our ear, that a young sable fugitive from slavery had knocked at his door, and he had given him a place by his fire. "A slave in New England !" exclaimed we as we took down our hat; "is it possible that slaves can breathe here and not be free!" There were many of us that gathered around that young man; and lew ot us had ever seen a slave. There were mothers in the group that had sons of the same age as that of the boy; and tears came into their eyes as he spoke of the widowed slave mother; and there were sisters, with Sunday-school books in their hands, that Burrotinded him, and looked in his face with itrange and tearful earnestness, as he spoke of the sister he had left m bondage. He had been "hunted like a partridge upon the mountains," and his voice trembled as he spoke. His pursu ers had traced him from one place to another; his feet were bruised and swollen from the chase; he was faint and weary, and he looked around upon us imploringly for protection. Starting at every sound from without, he told, with a tremu lous voice, the story of his captivity, and re-cap ture; for thrice he fled from slavery, and twice had he been delivered up to his pursuers. He was checkered over with the marks of the scourge, for his master had prescribed a hundred lashes to cure him of his passion for freedom. A worse fate awaited hiin, if he failed in his third attempt to be free; and he walked to the window, and softly asked the nearest way to Canada. Cana da and heaven, he said, were the only two pla ces that the slave sighed for, and he tied up his clouted shoes to go. He laid his hands on the latch, and his eyes asked if he might go. We knew what was in his heart, and he what was in our own, when the children came near and ask ed their parents why the negro boy might not live in Massachusetts, and why he should go so. far to find a home. And we looked in each other's fa ces and said not a word, for our hearts were troubled at their questions. home one asked tor tlie "uonit, and it was read; and there, amonj great swelling word: about liberty, we found it written, that there was not an acre nor an inch of ground within the lim its of the great American republic which was not mortgaged to slavery. And when the reader came to that passage in the bond, his voice fell, lest tlie children should near it, and ask more questions. He passed the instrument around, and we saw it was written "too fairly writ" tint there was not a foot of soil in New England not a spot consecrated to learning, liberty or religion not a square inch on Bunker Hill, or any other hill, nor cleft, nor crag, nor cavern in her mountain sides, nor nook in her dells, nor lair in her forests, nor a hearth, nor a cabin door which did not bear the bloody endorsement in fa vor of slavery. "It was in the bond" the bond of our Union, "ordained to establish justice, pro mote the genera welfare, and secure the bless- ings uf liberty to ourselves and our posterity" it was in that anomalous instrument that the slave-hunter and his hounds might seize upon his trembling victim on the holiest spot of land of the free. It was a bright night. The heavens were full ol eyes looking down upoti tlie earth; and we wished that they were closed for h;df an hour; that the clouds would come over the moon; for the man-hunters had come. They had tracked the young fugitive, and were lying in wait to seize hiin, even on the hearth of a freeman. We shall never forget that hour. We had attired the young slave in a female garb, and put his hand within the arm of one of our number. A pas sing cloud obscured the moon, and the two issued iiuo the street. Softly and silently we followed them at a distance, and our hearts were heavy within us, that Massachusetts had no law that could extend protection to that young hu man being, or permit him to be protected with out law. It was a strange feeling to w:alk the streets of Worcester as if trending on the enemies' ground; to avoid the houses and faces of our neighbors and friends, as if they were all slave holders and in pursuit of the fugitive; as if here, in the heart ot tne uid Uay Mate, there was something fellonious in the deed of mercy that would obliterate tne track ol the innocent image of God flying for life and liberty before his re lentless pursuers. We passed close by the old Burying Ground, where slumbered many a hero of "Seventy-Six." There, within a stone's throw, was the grave of Cant. Peter Slater, one of the "Indians" who threw the taxed tea into Boston harbor. It was a moment of humiliation and in dignant grief, when passing by his monument, we compared the taxes on tea and sugar of his day with that despotic land tax, that slave breed ing incumbrance, that Shylock mortgage which the founders of our constitution imposed upon every square inch of New England, in the terms of "the bond." We have now neither time nor space to tell- the story of that young fugitive. We wish he might tell it himself upon every hearth stone in New England. We wish no human heart a need less unpleasant emotion; but we would that every child in this "land of the free" might see a slave, a being that owns a Uod, yet owned, and bound, and beat, and sold by man. We would have the rising generation well instructed in the term of the "bond," and a few personal illustra tions of the condition which it "secures" might be of service in defining their path of duty. They will soon enter upon this goodly heritage; and shall we give il over into their hands encumber ed with this iniquitous entailment in favor of slavery? No ! if there be wealth enough in all New England's jewels in the cabinet of her great deeds of virtue and patriotism let us lift this bloody mortgage from one square, acre of her soil, whereon the hunted slave may say, "I thank my God that I too am at last a man!" When, trembling and panting, he struck his foot oithat consecrated spot, the chase should cease, though his master and his dogs are at his heels. That English acre in New England should be an other Canada for the fugitive bondman. He should carry a handful of its soil in his bosom as a certificate honored throughout the world that he was FREE. KIDNAPPING. Two young colored men, free bom, were stol en from Wilmington a few nights ago, and taken, it is supposed to some one of the southern slave marts. As soon as they were missed, the aboli tionists started a chase and traced them so far as to leave little doubt that they had been to Mary land, and passed into the hands of a professional slave trader. It is yet doubtful whether they will be found and rescued. In the pursuit many other cases were heard of, showing the horrible extent to which kidnapp ing is carried on in Delaware. Fifty or sixty persons, it is said, have been stolen from the low er part of the state, within the last six months, and we have the most respectable authority for adding that men who are in the habit of taking up run away slaves, almost invariably fall into the habit of stealing the free. A perfectly natural result. Pennsylvania Freeman. EXTRACT from Gov. Hammond's Message to the Legislature of South Carolina. HOW IS ABOLITION TO BE PUT l)OWN ? Though all these efforts may fail to coerce con gress to pass an act of emancipation, and can hardly succeed in organizing an extensive insur rection among our slaves, it cannot be disguised that they are doing mischief here, and may soon effect irreparable injury. They, must be arrest ed. It is indispensably necessary that they should be arrested in the shortest possible period of time. The question is, how is this to be done ? Argu ment and remonstrance are clearcly useless. All appeals to sympathy, to interest, and to the guar antees of the bond of union, have failed, as yet, and will I have no doubt, continue to fail. See ing as we of ths South do, tlie naked impossibili ty of emancipation, without the extermination of one race or the other, through crimes and horrors too shocking to be mentioned; leaving a devastat ed land covered with ashes, tears and blood. I cannot doubt that you will he justified by God and fnt are generations, in adapting any measures Iwioivir startling they may appear, that will place your rights and property exclusively under your own control, and enable you Id repel all intirfcr enr.e with them, whatever shape they may assume. And as you incur a danger of no ordinary char acter ; one so subtle and insidious in its approach es that there is no ascertaining how soon it may be too late to resist it; I believe you will be equally justified in ta,ang these measures as early and de cisively as in your judgment you may deem prop er. iMi-iiovr.MENTs. To show how far behind the age in improvement slaveholding communities are, a late, writer mentions among other things, that in the slave States the sawing of lumber is still done by hand, and that in the neighborhood of sufficient water power; and also, that not long -since, a whole wedding party rode half a dozen miles to see the operation of a common pump, which some enterprising Yankee had substituted for the bucket drawn up with a rope or pole by main strength, the use of which was so establish ed, that the memory of that oft-consulted per sonage, the oldest inhabitant, "runneth not to the contrary." Niwburyport Herald. The Liberator remarks : "If Walker can only be suffered to return to the North, that 0y BRANDED HAND! ! must be held up in the presence of all the people ; and the effect will be to fill their bosoms with indig nation and horror, and to unite them for the o verthrow of the diabolical slave system." There is a trial in progress in Indiana, to test the right of a slaveholder, in any one of the not or iginal slave States, to recover a fugitive slave from any of the States cut out of the old North-West Territory. The language of the ordinance estab lishing the N. W. Territory expressly excludes such a right. We believe Mr. Birney was the first to point out this protection to persons claimed as Blavo! in that portion of our country. SPEECH OF BERIAH GREEN, Delivered at the Liberty Convention, holden at Albany, Dec. 4th, 1844. Mr. Green remarked, that he did not think best to speak further at present, on the subject of the Native American party, so much having al ready been said on that subject ;' and especially as he should take the same side with his friend Gerrit Smith, who had just taken his scat. Mr Green went on' in some general remarks in substance as follows : It has been common (said Mr G.) for those who refuse to unite with us as friends of freedom to call us men of One Idea. This they had done by way of reproach, and to show us up as shallow minded men men of contracted views and circumscribed philan thropy, &-c. He was willing to admit that we are men of"One Idea," and from its magical in fluence we would not escape. It was a grand, comprehensive, and wonder-working idea an idea th it regards man as man that honors and respects hiin as man and looks upon all as c qual brethren an idea that will not be restrain ed in its action and influence until the brother hood of the race is acknowledged, and inaliena ble and equal rights are accorded to each indi dividual of that brotherhood. It has now come to pass (continued the. speaker) that after due reflection, therefore, we are willing to adopt this Grand One Idea as the professed friends of freedom, and wear it as our insigna. We are however, to make a wide dis tinction between an idea and a mere notion ; we must make a wide distinction between what is merely incidental and what is essential. In this light Abolitionists abhor and oppose the Chattel principle, in its application to man, as the essen tial element and evil of Slavery. Against this essential element we all stand pledged ; and herein is the grand difference between us and those, who suppose themselves as much opposed to slavery as any body but they look at the in cidents of Slavery we at its elementary princi ples : and I affirm (said Mr G.) that in so doing these very individuals become themselves the vic tims of the chattel principle in the loss of their manhood. They prefer the incidental to the es sential. This class of persons are always sac rificing the means to the end. In this view the chattel principle is widely spread over the land. It enters the churches and the halls of legisla tion where it secures its victims, and. even the friends oi freedom are. not exempted from danger, by misapprehending a mere incidental for the great One Idea w hich we hail as God's presences When anv problem occurs for us to solve, we are warned to be careful, lest we get off the plat form.and weaken ourselves and thin off our numb ers. Now in relation this very Native Ameri can party it is not because a man is black merely, that we as Abolitionists, are to stand up and vindicate his rights against oppression, but because lie is a man ; and we, as a Liberty party, feel ourselves pledged to render assistance wherever tho hand of oppression is about to fall heavily upon man. In this respect our English friends, he thought, had failed. They went t the battle for West ..India negro emancipation,, '! 1 r t .- Jt-...