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GREEN PR MM 4 n "i 03 1 M 0 Liberty and Equality, Man's common birthright,, God 9 richest giftReligion and. Law their defence. BY POLAND & BIUGGS. MOMTELIEll, YT THURSDAY, AUGUST 28, 1845. VOL. II, NO. 85. If 0 UJ JLU Mi MJJ 1YJL L 2& THE FREEMAN- ' ' for the Freeman. CONSISTENCY OP CHRISTIAN ABOLI TIONISTS No. 4. Although slavery lias found a place of refuge in the church, yet it evidently is hut a precarious one, wholly dependent on a certain contingency, over which it can exercise no legitimate control. , It never had, it never can havo any legitimate right in the church. And as it cannot abide the light, being itself but n'creature of darkness, the inmates of this great bulwark have only to let their light ehine, and its existence there ceases. Hut before we farther proceed it seems necessary that duo at tention should be paid to a reply which, since my last, has-appeared in the Freeman. So fur, how ever, a this reply is nimlu up. of objections and arguments which have already been under cotuid eration, I must, in order to avoid repetition, pans over it, and for irreply refer your readers back to my first and seeond communications. The writer appears to be very sanguitio that I have wholly mistaken his position, and that consequently I bave only been fighting with a man of struw. But my position was purely defensive; 1 did not de sign to make an attack on him, or on any one else. Very serious objections, as 1 thought, were urged against myself and others, which 1 endeavored to meet in the best way I could. But if I was mis taken if it was indeed but a man of straw with which I had to contend surely I rejoice in it; for there is not only less danger, but more honor in fighting with a man of straw than with one com posed of mora substantial material. I did not suppose the writer to be of that clues of people who are opposed to all organization, though he seems to have inferred that from some of my re marks. On the contrary, I inferred from remarks which appeared at different times in tho Freeman over his signature, that ho was, at least, so fur as his views and footings wore concerned, with the True Wcsleysna. But it appears that, after all, 1 have been greatly mistaken' in tho matlor; for bo oow gives us to understand that tho organization for which he contends is to be of an anti sectarian principle, an organization, it would soem, in op position to all sects, and yet, of itself, to bo no feet. What kind of an organization this will be, or how it will succeed, timo only will show. But If we may jndgo of the future by the past, and of this enterprize by that of similar ones which havo appeared in our country, we shall bo safe in the conclusion that it will either end in the creation of a now and distinct sect, or else in a disorganiza tion. I do not call in question Brother Porneroy's sincerity in this strange movement any more than ho doe mine. But I hnvo lived !long enough in tho world to learn that the hourt is dscoitful above all things anil desperately wicked; consequently, that it is possiblo for men, who aro the greatest sectarian, to honestly think themselves divested of nil sectarian 'principles. Tho unity of 'the church I acknowledge to bo very desirable But all attompts to promote this, so fui as my observa tion has extended, by high professions of anti sec tarianism has ever served to scatter Christ's sheep, instead of uniting them. Notwithstanding the many insinuations which tho writer hns seen fit to throw out in his reply, it docs not appear that I have saiil anything from which ho ought to have Inferred thut I was disposed to givo the least coun tenance to slavery either in tho church or out of it. It is truo I could not appreciate his views of church reform, and thereby rocojnize tha different re ligious denominations of our land, as being totally anti christian in their character. And it Feoms that on this account, and this only, ho has been pleased to stigmatize mo as "arguing against church purification," as " fighting against the truth," as "pleadinj fifteen years for incorrigi ble offenders," as '' having charity for systematiz ed robbery, murder, incest, and adultery,'' togeth er with a long catalogue uf crimes which slavery permits; and that, Metliodut laws cover tip and Calviuists encourage. And, as it would seem, with special reference to myself, ho also asserts, that abolitionists constitute the bulwark mid hiding place of slavery ; thus making mo out, as I should judge, vastly more guilty than it is possible for any slaveholder to be. And yet, though ho has fixed such a weight of guilt and responsibility on myself, he nevertheless apologizes for me, by say ing thut he doubts not tny sincerity, and by calling me brother not less than a dozen times in his com munication. .New I aver that, according to his own showing, ho is at least in the same condemna tion with myself. For, while he censures me for apologizing for the ehureli and for remaining in it, be also apologizes for me, and remains in connec tion with a pclitical patty whiah, if his reasoning be correct, is the bulwark and hiding-place of lavery. How can ho do this? Is it consistent for him, after having, in tho fear of God, withdrawn from all pro-slavery churches, still to "udliero to a political party which is tho bulwark and hiding place of slavery ?" "Is slavory any better in tho Liberty party than out of it?" Is abolition fellow ship for slavery holy and consistent? " Is slavery wrong in Methodism and Congregationalism, and right in abolUionistn ?" " Is it wrong in tho church nnd right in tha Liberty party?", "Or does" he think that by remaining in the Liberty party he can thorn it into action, an 1 thereby exert a good influence?" Those, and the like inquiries, I shall leave for his consideration, and pass to observe that Scripturo example, and tho example of the most eminent modern reformers, fully sustain the position which I havo herein maintained. Moses and tho prophets were nssocinted with a people that wore noted for being stitT-neeked and rebell ious. And yet, notwithstanding this, wo learn nothing from their history favorable to secession. It is truo Jeremiah did, on one occasion, in conse quonco of the unparalelled spread of wickedness, indulge himself in a wish "that he might leave his people and be at rest." But it doca not appear that even this waa ever granted him. Our Sav ior, whilst b waa here on earth, strictly adhered to tha Jewish church, ever acknowledging its au thority, and itriclly observing ill ordinances, tho' he was Lord of all. And the apostles, following his example, continued so to do until the temple was dostroyed, and aa end tlrereby put to the Jew ish polity. And yet, durinjr this wholo time, the Jewish church was well nigh as corrupt us it pos sibly could be. At the commencement of the lef prmation, the corruptions of the church of Rome wero such as to truly astoniih the world. And yet Martin Luther, following the ezumple set by Christ und his apostIes,adhered to the church until be had laid the foundation of the reformation deep und wide. Nor did he even then separate from the church until there was no alternative left hi in but to either do so or else recant his principles. Hud he done otherwise, mid in the commence ment of his work seceded from the church, "the leaven of popery would not have been purged out, and protestantism would have died in tho shell." But ho, taking the course which should bo pursu ed by every reformer, labored first of all to reform the church to which he belonged, of its errors, und no doubt would'huve continued so to do until tho wholo Roman church had been reformed, or until death hud put an end to his labors, had not the popo. in order to put an end to his further suc cess, issued his bull of excommunication against him. And John We.-dey, pursuing the same course in relation to the English church, notwith standing all its corruptions, continued his relation ship to it unto the end of hisjife. Tome, there fore, it is evident thut wc, es christians, owe alle giance, first of all, to our Maker: it is uur duty t labor, to the utmost of our ability, to reform the church to which wo belong, of its errors. And if we can discharge this duty and still retain our relationship to it, as did Wesley, we ought not to be censured for bo doing. But if tho discharge of this duty should bring us into contact with the church, er its constituted authorities, so that we should be left, as was Luther, to the only alterna tive of a separation from the church or a recanta tion of our principles; to separate, in that case, would bo an inevitable duty. And God would not only approbate us in so doing, but in caso we should, of necessity, become a distinct scat, ho would, nevertheless, own us ns his people, "tho' Abraham should bo ignorant of us, and Israel ac knowledge us not.'' Tho entertaining of these views, and the having become convinced of tho exceeding sinfulness of slavery, has led me to adopt tho course which I have in relation to it. At the commencement of the abolition movement, I found myself in the pale ef a church which, from the nature of its or ganization, must ever be a mighty engine either for good or evil. And, owing to a provision of its original principle, it was, at that time, a mighty bulwark of slavery. But this circumstance, bo (ar from influencing me to leave tho church, was a special inducement for remaining in it. Having been an itinerant from my youth, I had conse quently a largo circlo of friends over which I could oxerciso an influence favorable to the op pressed. And as I was constantly having new fields of labor, I was continually having now op portunities for extending that influence. This field of labor, therefore, which providence seemed to assign me, I did not feel at liberty to abandon. Had I done so, I should have deserted my post, anil in my own esteem havo been liko tho hireling wlu, when ho seoth the wolf coming, leaveth tho sheep and fleeth. It was also apparent thut the different sections of tho church were so identified with each other, and that such was their unity, that two such opposite principle) ni slavery and anti slavery, could not long exist in it without coming in direct contact with each other. F,very movement of tho abolitionists at the north would, in the nature of things, bo followed by a corres ponding movement of the slaveholders at the south, until the question would be brought to a diiect issuo and iho church bo compelled to take such action in the case as would leave to one or the other of the parties no alternative but to either sepurato from the church or else abandon their principles. But such was the blindness that then pervaded our Israel, und so strong was tho hold which slavery had upon the church, that it could not reasonably lie expected that this crisis would be brought about in a moment, nor without some very special and systematic efforts on the part of the friends of tho slave. How far theso anticipa tions have been realized, and what is the present state of tho controversy, tho doings of tho late convention of slaveholding Methodists at Louis ville, Ky. will, to some extent, show. (To bo continued.) GEO. PUTNAM. Albany, July 27, 1845. Letter from J)eli:i A. Webster- To the Editon of the Freeman: Gentlemen: Having been informed that num bers, both in this community and abroad, have de rived from some portion of my remarks on slave ry, tho impression that I believe it a moral wrong to aid in tho escnpo of slaves from servitude; and being asked n farther explanation by some of your readers, wbi have been so kind as to manifest a duep and heartfelt sympathy in my misfortunes, I am induced to ask for this note an insertion in the columns of your highly valued paper. I regret that I did not express my views more clearly and more fully on this head, as I would not bo understood lo say that I would think it morally wrong to do anything for the slave, which we would wish done for u, were we sluves ourselves. I merely expressed my opinion in relation to the expediency of first planning his i-scape, and seduc ing him away; and which opinion I am told is er roneous. It may he 1 am entirely mistaken in my views on this point, und I desire instruction. Per haps it was wrong in me to venture an opinion un til better informed; for my opportunity for obser vation has by no means, been extensive. I would not dare say, that no combination of circumstances could exist, where a person would not Billy be justifiable, but even commendable, in laying motives before the slave to induce his es cape. For I believo I could name some, where even slaveholders themselves woultl not consider tho act in the least degree blameworthy. . Somu have inked mo if I thought it right anil lawful, even after the slaves had got into the free states, instead of re'urning them to their niustor, lo aid them on their way to Canada? In reply, I will merely add, that I have never questioned the propriety of rendering assistance wherever it is needed, if in my power to do so. And when 1 cnanee to meet a wavfanns straneer. who is hungry, cold, or weary, it is with pleasure that I feed, clothe, or help him to a nighl'a lodging; and if he wants a few shillings, I freoly eive it, and God forbid, while I bave health to lubor, that I should slop my ears at the cry of the poor, or turn my back upon the needy. Nor would I stop to inquire whether the sufferer was a freeman, anil suddenly reduced by some dire calamity from al- fiuonce to penury and need, or whether all his life ho had been a ilave, crouching under the iron rod of oppression, and his honestly earned wages kept back by the stealthy hand of the oppressor. I say, I would not stop to ask these questions; but my first concern should be to see his wants sup plied. And should I then learn theormerto be tho caso, I could shed the tear of pity over his re verse offurtuue, and wish him a happier lot. But if perchance.it should be the latter, so opposed am I to delivering bock ths slave that has escnped from his master, with tears of joy I would congrat ulate his successful flight, and bid him God-speed to the asylum of Canada. Yes, I would open, my purse, and, if ho needed, bestow upon him tho lust dollar. I have done it oncejr yea more, and Would lo it again. Or, if he chose to dwell on the ver dant shores of Champlniii among our, nominal mountains of freedom, i would cordially bid html welcome, and use my feeble influence (if need he, at the hazard of my life) to protect his rights. And lie, in my humble opinion, who would not do as much, is either destitute of the feelings of a hu man being, or is grossly ignorant of the uppulling degradation of slavery. Nor should I stop to inquire whether the Con stitution of the United States justified tha recap ture of the slave, and requited the citizens uf this State to return him to tho irianstcaler, for I con sider no codo of laws made by man obligatory, w hich aro dinmelrieally opposed to the laws writ ten with thefinger of God. Yours, fcc. D. A. WEBSTER. Ferrtsburgh, Aug. 19, 1845. For the freeman. Is it So! History informs us of some subjects ef an aris tocratic government, who were dissatisfied wilh their laws, which forbude the privilege of worship ping God in their own way, and they chose to suf fer privations in the wilderness rather than live under such rule. Like sincere friends of truth they steered their course toward a land of red men and wild beasts, braving the Ocoan's storms, relying on their own exertions and tho care of a common Farent for success. They reached tho place of their destina tion and planted there a colony of Reformers. In a short lima sickness annoyed them and death swept off half their number in six months, yet they persevered, & chose to tux thoir exertion &. ingenu ity rather than be taxed by tha Priests for a doc trine to which they could not subscribe. They remonstratod with their oppressors, but in vain the evil grow until forboarance ceas ed to bo a virtue; they then published to the world ono of the most ablo documents ever writ ten, setting forth their wrongs and asserting their hts, and to maintain those rights, pledged to each other their 'lives, tbuir fortunes, and their a cred honor,' declared their independence, and war was the result. Their enemies fell beforo their instruments of death by thousands they conquered and the con ductors of this work of death havo been applauded for thoir bravery aud love of Liberty by '.ho whole world. An ohscure individual volunteered as a soldier of the revolution in the struggle for liberty, fought in nil tho battles through tho war at its close, married a wife from among the daughters of the colonists, reared nine sons and a daughter, who havo often been seen gathered around the "old arm chair," listening to their futhor's story of tho war for Liborty, which alwuys closed with tho in junction upon the sons, to maintuin and defend to the latest day of their lives, the rich inheritancoso dearly bought with tho blood of their father. The Patriarchs of Liberty framed a now gov ernment, perfectly free in all its parts; it was the united wisdom of the best men of'lha age, applaud ed ut homo and abroud, as the cradle of Freedom, tho Asylum of tha oppressed, and the homo of the brave aud free. Under this government, our old soldier received ninety-six dollars a year, nfto'r the war, until bis death. Now the father being dead, the mother with nine children aro claimed as slaves, and sold at auction, to the highest bidder in the market! The sons, taught to love freedom, soon began lo give avideuco that "as the twig is bent the tree's inclin ed," und for u poacuble attempt lo become free men, tlmy were punished with two hundred lashes of the whip yet tho father's last words of Liber ty kept sounding in their ears, ninl after twenty years of slavery, two sons succeeded in escaping to that tyrannous government their father hud left ninny years before, and gained their Liberty. The man who assisted tho "fugitives" to cross u river in his flight, now lies in a loathsome dun geon, awaiting the end of tvvelvo long years to utiuio for the crime. The futliur received ninety-six dollars a year for bting for his Liberty. The sons received each, two hundred lushes on their naked backs, for pre suming to be free and the man who dared to say they wero freomen, now lies in n dungeon for the crime. Do you usk where this outrage is practiced?! answer in these Unighted States! Was it right fur our fathers to FIGHT for their freedom and wrong for thoir sons PEACEABLY to seek fieedoin? Must American citizens flea to Canada to find n refuge from Slavery? Is that b FREE government, where men, wo men and children, aro sold at public auction in the street? Sons of New England, In behalf of threo mil lions of bond-men for humanity's sake, and the dying request of our Revolutionary fathers, will youlperniit those abuses to exist? I beseech you to act like true sons of those Rev olutionary Fathers, and answer those questions at tho Ballot Box. LIBERTY. Estentiah of a thortugh Liberty Man. There are two principles, ssys the Emancipator, essen tial to a thorough going Liberty man. These two are, 1st. A fixed conviction that we aro not to mix, merge, coalesce, or confederate with either of tbo other parties that now divide the land. 3d, that we aro to use the means with the determination and sure expectation of overthrowing both the other parties, and bringing the government of the United States under the control of our principles From the Batten Morninj Chreiicle. TIIE GREAT MBtRTY CONVENTION. In to-day's paper will be found the call or in vitation for a Liberty Convention, to bo compos ed of delegates from New England, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, to meet in Bos ton, on Wednesday, the first day of October next. The expediency of holding a convention and the time and place for its assemblage, have been determined upon after a comparison of all the epinions drawn from an extensive correspon dence with many leading friends of Liberty in Ohio, and othet States. These questions being settled, it only remains to ask, Shall we have a Convention worthy of the Crisis and the Cause? The Liberty party was formed to promote the prime object announced in the declaration of sentiments adopted by the. convention which or ganized the Ameriean Anti Slavery society; 'the ,bc!ition of slavery by moral and political ac- At. 1. ms i" tts ivovro,, its real object. Jt !s a party of 'one idea' an idea whose scope is too large to be grasped by any other existing po litical partv in the nation. This idea is the bond of its union, the secret of its strength. To abandon it, to commingle it with other ideas would dissolve the uniting tie of the tried and determined band, which, in a dark hour, staked their till upon the deliverance of three millions of American slaves from n cruel bondage, and tha whole American people from their foulest shame, their deadliest curse. Tie object to be secured and tho mode a- dopted by the Liberty party for its accomplish ment, may challenge the loftiest reach of philan thropy, the brpadest scope of statesmanship. The bssisipf that party furnishes a platform on which all true friends of tha slave, who havo faith m human agency for the attainment of human ends, musf'rally. Those professed enemies of slavery who cannot stand on this basis, possess few ele ments, mental or moral, which can be made a vailable for ultimata success in our undertaking. As they may regard this basis a9 too narrow or too broad, too exclusive or too general, bo will their principles and measures be found in prac tice ithr too etherial for mortal use, or too temporizing to endure tho trials which the re form will encounter at every step of its progress. To its 'one idea,' then, fct'the Liberty party ad here. Cling to H, and the cause is safe aban don it, and all is lost. Though our immediate progress will be apparently slow, our final tri umph will be certain and complete. Nor is the horizon of the Liberty movements even now des titute of bright signs of promise. Never has the anti-slavery sentiment had so strong a hold upon the public conscience, as at this hour. Directly and indirectly, in the church and in the state, at the North and at the South, by tho fleeing of the fugitive and the trembling of the oppressor, we discover pregnant indications that the day of the flari's redemption draweth nigh. And is this t!ie time to falter, in the attack this the epot to change the order of battle? No! Our parly re cently passed through the ordeal which tried it3 principles and tested its policy. The trial mid the test compacted its ranks and inspired its courage. Its heart is sound, purpose unshaken The campaign of 18-1S has been opened with a series of conventions distinguished for their wisdom, ability and enthusiasm. To givo an nnptile to n movement so nobly begun, a great convention for tho eastern and middle States was projected, and is now lormally invoked. The names appended to the invitation, havo long been familiar to the abolitionists of the Union. We speak but the unanimous sentiment of our friends when we say, that their call will be as cheerful ly responded to, as it is heartily uttered. Maine the vanguard State, bordering on those domin ions whose soil will not bear the foot print of a slavc--she will come. New Hampshire, though disgraced by the rule of politicians whose prof ligacy will hardly find a parallel in the annals of party, yt the banner State she will come.-- Vermont, whose independent sons are as free as their own mountain air, and whose laws never recognized the relation of master and slave she will come. Rhode Island, where civil feuds have too long stilled the cry of crushed millions, will send her abolitionists of by-gone days to re new their pledges at the altar of humanity she will come. Connecticut, the land of steady habits, slow to change even from wrong to right, furnishing: some of the choicest spirits in the Liberty host she will come. New York, from the quays of her commercial emporium, and the banks of her Hudson, from the meandering lines of liar canals and the fertile plains which bord er her lakes New rork, ever foremost in the conflict she will come. New Jersey, protest ing against that 'broad seal' which covers a thou sand slaves, and those judicial Pharaohs who will not let the oppressed go free she will come. Pennsylvania, repudiating the domination of rul ers who cant of democracy and practice tyran ny, and emulating the precepts nnd example of her great founder she will conic. So, too, we hope that Ohio, Michigan, and the States still beyond, will not stay behind. As to the Liberty men of our own Massachusetts, wo will pledge our faith that they will he present in large num bers, and wilh sn open hand and a glowing heart, welcome to their world-renowned Fan- euil Hall their brethren from the other State3 of the Union. WHINE, WHINE, WHINE I It is ludicrous to see how the whig editors whine about the votes cast by the Liberty party, at the same time that thy affect to despise thtm for the smallnesa of their number, and the insig nificance of their principles. Has it com to this, that tho gi est nnd immaculate, whig party, so proud in its triumph of 1810 so fastidious of itfl associations during Tyler's reign so con fident of its strength in 1314, has been utterly overwhelmed by t handful of despised abolition ists, find its leaders reduced to the necessity of a continual whining, whining, whining, about a few votes, cast in a few states, for freedom t Why, we would pity them, if wo were not obli ged to laugh at their folly. The rank and file of the party, except here nnd there a greenhorn, utterly despise this whining of their presses, and would gladly throw off the leaders that have led them into such a dilemma. Ohio Amcr. Maine Liberty Address Extract. But, fellow citizens, you will probably say, that admitting all the ovils of slavery as they affect the religious and moral char'acter of our country, and justly as we may be, by cherishing and upholding, and extending slavery, rendered obnoxious to the charge of being a nation ol hypocrites, of being fulse to all uir professions of a love of liberty, of just an equal rights to all men feeling as we do that slavery '13 the great controlling interest of the country, and fast draw ing into its vortex all others what remedy shall we apply to cure the e'vil, and how shall shall we apply it? The question is natural and pertinent. And we respectfully, answer it, in the first place, by asking of you by wdiat means, the slave power, or, in other words, the slaveholders have acquir ed, and, for near half a century, held the con trolling power in the government, while thcyj have ever been, in numbers, a .email minority, 'and the freemen have always "been a great ma jority? The answer, though not honorable to our sagacity, or evidence of strong'attachmetit to the great principles of liberty, is obvious. Slave ry, with the people of the .clave states, is the great undivided, absorbing interest, cr deemed so to be, however erroneously. Hence, whatev er they may call themselves, whether democrat or whig, as minor interests may prompt, on all questions, which they suppose may affect tho in terests of slavery, the slavcholding states present an undivided front. In servile ranks they all rally in support of tho institution of slavery. No matter that, under its deadly influence, religion is but cnother name for oppression, and duelling and assasination an index to their code of mor ality and honor no matter that under its influ ence they may be growing poor, so long as they can draw the deficiency from your hard earnings no matter that they are receiving tha contempt and ecorn of the civilized world, they cling to slavery, and will while they can gratify the lust for arbitrary aud irresponsible power and their love of idlenes3, and vicious indulgence. While they can fatten on the spoils of oflico, ;or revel on tho luxuries extorted from unrequited labor- on the contrary, tha citizens of tho frca states have no such interest, one and undivided, round which to cluster, and on which to concentrate their efforts. They have from the commence ment, been divided into two great political par ties, each believing that the interest of the coun try would bo best promoted by having their own partizans in tho administration of the government and so nearly balanced, that tho ascendency could only bo acquired and maintained by severe snd protracted struggles, each party has sought aid from the slaveholders, and courted it more or less successfully, a3 they have been mors or less subservient to the slaveholding power, and prepared to sustain this ono favorite institution ct slaveholders. I no sv.ccess ot parties in t:ie free states has usually been in proportion to tho abject devotion, manifested to the slave power. From the very organization of the two great po litical parties in the free states, and a3 the expe rience of more than forty years lias shown, they will and necessarily must be wielded in the hands of slaveholders, as instruments to batter down the great principles ofliberty, equality of human rights, on which our free, republican institutions are founded, and which are antagonist to slave ry, that diabolical, but only cherished, institution of one half, and soon to bo a majority of the states of this Union. Yes, fellow citizens, it is by your divisions, while wc hope and believe you are all aiming at one great object, the protection and perpetuation of free institution.;, that slavery has been lenjith entiing her cords and strengthening her stakes, till sbe'lias planted herself in the seat of power, showing that she is thcGod of our Country. But do you ask, if the two great political par ties aro to be abandoned, what docs the Liberty party expect or hope to accomplish? Fellow Citizens, the great principle of the Liberty party is hostility to slavery etem il enmity to this a- bominable institution the re-estalilishmrnt of those great principles of Freedom, which our fathers fought to secure, and which slavery has cloven down tile inalienable right of every hu man being of every complexion, and kindred, and language, to life, liberty nnd the pursuit of hnp pine.'s. Is this a weak party? Yon fellow citi zens can make it strong. Is it a despised par ly? You can make it respectable. Is it a fear ful minority in the United States? The people if the Free States am make it the majority. It can then wipe out the stain of slavery from our capital. It can prevent the admission of more slave states into the Union. It can cut off that fungus, Texas, which unconstitutionally, has been engrafted on the tree of liberty. It can confine the monster within its constitutional lim its, and there leave it to moulder in its own in trinsic rottenness, till it becomes the loathing of those who fancy beauty in its form and propor tions. What prevents tins consuination so de voutly to be wished? The power is with the voters in the free states. Is it but for them to will it, and it is peacefully, quietly, safely and constitutionally done. Let the still small voice of the ballot bnx utter your fiat that slavery shall cease, from our land, and that voice will be rev erberated in thunder tones through tho length and breadth of our whole Country liberty to the captive and the opening of the prison to them that nre bound. Who Annexed Tbxas ? Mistify as ycu may, neighbor, these facts are incontrovertible that John Tyler, was elected by the Whigs that he took Daniel Webstor into his cabinet, w ho Was driven out by the clamors of the whig leaders that his place was supplied by John C. Calhoun, whose appointment was confirmed by n Whig Senate, that Tyler, Calhoun cc Co , projected thegigantia schemo of annexation that a Whig, introduced resolutions in the House to consunr ate this scheme, nnd that a Whig Senate also passed them that these sam resolutions were forwarded by John Tyler to the Texian govern ment, and adopted by it. So here is tho matter in a nut shell. Let each ono draw his own conclusions from the premises. Mercer Lvmin4 ctry. Frera the Boston Mornir.g Ciroulcle, WHHJ CHARGES, Tho Whig papers charge tho Liberty party with assisting to elect I'clk, and .s a necessary consequence, with the attr.exatinn of Tens. I am something of a Whig myreif, taking from the post-office not less than tl'.rc.i of t'lo.'U papers regularly ; but llicir insolence has become so rampant, and their loj;ic so preposterous, thut I cannot bear it any longer without attempting a reply. In 1SQ0, Henry Clay denounced the Aboli tionists in the Senate of the United Stales, hand ing us over to the tender mercies of the mob law. lleal.w asreried that two centuries of legislation had saw tinned and sanctified negro slavery j ad- ing, what the hw declared property wss prop erty. 1 Ins declaration was received witu joy by the South, and Calhoun embraced him on the spot, but it shocked and disgusted every friend of the slave. In 13-10, the Whig-sin the Ilr.rrisburgh Con-" vention were so confident that these ecntimenU would be remembered by tho abolitionists, aa well as his conduct in regard to tho Missouri compromise, that they considered him not avail able, and another candidate for the presidency was selected. Even the success of Harrison, however, was doubtful, for he had once before been run off the track; and the leaders of the party made uncommon exertions. The powers of darkness, through the agency of hard cider, log cabins, and coon skins, wero invoked, and pre vailed; and they hoisted in tho old soldier so high, over his opponent, that many thought they could do whatever they undertook. It was not, there fore, because the Baltimore Convention believed Clay's offences were forgotten, that they rentur- ed to nominate him they did it in ojtx defi ance to every Ab:Ulioni$t in the land. la the mean time, however, the locos had learned thaj "some thing) could bo done as well as others" that electioneering wa3 a gamo that two cwM, play at and they succeeded, Now it appears to me that the charge sgaiDfl the Liberty party of assisting to elect Poik, oomeq with a very bad grace from those who disregard, ed their wishes, and shocked their feelings by nominating the man who, of a'.l others, had done) mora to extend the blighting curso of slavery o ver this continent. If those editors had not eaV. en shame and drank after it, they would Lido their heads from tho presence of all honeal men. But they say if abolitionists had not voted fur Dirncy, Clay would havo been elected, becauso most of them were originally Whigs. This how ever, is not to the point. These assertions aro either doubtful or untra?, whers I am beet ac quainted; and besides, no abolitionist who was guided by principle more than by party, could vote for a pro-slavery candidate. The very idea is r.bstird. Depend upon it, if any did so, they were not mow than half cured half baked of half twisted. Vv'cbsler said indeed, that "whoever gives a vote for llirtiey, gives half a vote for Polk;" and why did he not add, that the other half went for Clay? It did not suit his purpose ; and doubt less hoped that by this sophistry he could be wilder the intellects of Dome honest voter. Now observe this Wie. A veto fcr Birney who could not be elected, nnd a vote for the man in the moon or nobody wlso could not serre, must have the same effect, or rather no effect at all, on cither Clay's or Polk's election; and eny assertion to the contrary, sets common sense itf defiance. Ah Elector, Who voted for neither Birney, Clay nor Folk, WORTHY OF NOTICE. Anti-Slavery men cannot obtain justico from' from their opponents in the free States. Their measures are denounced, their motives question ed, and when a change in public sentiment takes place on the tiubject of f lavery too palpable to bo denied, it is denied that we have had any influ ence in producing it. On the contrary, it has come to pas despite their injurious course! What the cause is, is another question. No one pretendj to give any explanation. The truth is; the change jiut happened, without any cause at all! Very different is it in the slave States. Whou a man there becomes penetrated with a convic tion of tho evil of slavery, end filled with a pur pose to move for its extinction, he feels at ouco that his natural allies are the anti-slavery men of the free States. To them he looks for effi cient svnipathy to their efforts he attributes tho healthful changes in sentiment in regard to slave ry, which h ive alieady taken place their mess tires he is disposed to adopt their characters ho is brave enough to vindicate. The anti-slavery men of the free States will yet have to look fi r justice to their brethren In the slave States. The 1 e of oppression there, is quick-sijhted to discera Cin. Herald. bis real frienda,- EIDE YOUR TI?JE, A cardinal f.-.ult with those who undertake reformatory movements, is, that they will not 'bide their time.' They becomo impatient wit& slow progress, and the ling delay of euueess, forgetting that society retraces but ono of its f.ilss steps at a time, and must be reasoned with and persuaded at every step. Patience patience, is the great virtue needed by all who are ia advance of the age. They must wait lill those) they have left behind, catch up with them, nor tire waiting. 'Let patience have her perfect work.' 'And patience begetteth experience, snd experience, hope, and hope maketh not aaa mod.' "Bide your time one false step taken Perils nil you yet hive doiio, Undismayed erect unshaken--i Watch and wait Rnd nil is won. 'Tis not by a rush endeavor Men of state to greatness climb; Would you win your rights forever, Calm nnd thoughtful bide your time." "Take the Liberty Party: Thev stand hv tho Constitution in its whole letter und spirt', nnd ate orcacAt nud xottiyibls reform only.'-' C Jw.