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Hew to the Line.
SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, OCTOBER 26, 1895.
ME. LINCOLN AND THE?
COLORED PEOPLE, v
Ssvxkal weeks ago published
in the Uboad Ax an Extract from
Mr. Lincoln' speech, delivered
September, 1858, wherein he
shoTed his race prejudice and hos
tility to the negro. Since then
sereral of the Utah newspapers and
a number of gentlemen of this city,
hare called into question the cor
rectness of our conclusions. As a
farther proof that this distinguished
President and the Republican party
generally Hid not care for the aboli
tion of slavery, we publish the fol-
. lowing letter, which speaks for it
.self: . .
"Washington, Ang. 22, 1862.
"Hon. Horace Greeley:
"Dear Sib. I hare just read
yours of the 19th mat., addressed
to ; myself through the New York
Tribune. If there be in it any
statements or assumptions of fact
which I may know to be erroneous,
I do not now and here controvert
"I there be i&n ys inference .which
X may believe to be falsely drawn, 1
co not now and here argue them
"If there "be perceptable in it an
impatient and dictatorial tone, I
raive it in deference to an old
friend, whose heart I have always
supposed to be right.
"As to the policy I 'seem to be
to leave anyone in doubt. I would
save the Union. I would save it in
the shortest way nnder the Consti
tution. "The sooner the national author
ity can be restored, the nearer the
Union will be the Union as it was.
If there be those who would not
save the Union unless they could at
the same time save slavery, I do not
agree with them. If there be
those who would not save the
Union unless they could at 'the
save time destroy slavery, i" do not
agree with them. My paramount
object is to save the Union, and not
jeither to save or destroy slavery.
"If I could save the Union with
out freeing any slaves, I would do
it if I could save it by freeing all
the slaves, I would doit, and if I
-could do it by freeing some and
leaving others, I would also do that.
What I do about slavery and the
colored race, I do because I believe
it helps to save this Union; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I
do not believe it would help to save
the Union. I shall do less when
ever T shall believe what X am do
ing hurts the cause; and I shall do
aore whenever I believe doing
more will help the cause.
"I shall try to correct errors
when show to beerrorsf aad.1
sium accept sew views as iaec as
they shall appear to be trae views.
"I have here stated say purpose
:ucuiuiBg co bj views OX. ill CM I
aty;andl.intad bo iaodifcatkm
of my oft-expressed personal wish
that ail men everywhere could, be
The above letter is taken ver
batim from The American Conflict,
Vol. II, page 250, by Horace
Greeley. It was written in reply
to the letter from Mr.Greeley, in
which the President was severely
criticized for not declaring the
slaves all free, and contained a deep
insinuation that the President was
subserving to the interests of slave
holding. The author, on the next page of
the same volume, says:
:"It is a Pope's bull against the
comet," suggested the President.
"$o the President hesitated, de
marred and resisted."
-The preliminary proclamation of
Mr. Lincoln, issued on the twenty
second day of September, 1862, in
formed the people of the rebellious
states, that unless they submitted
to the authority of the Federal
government, -the blacks would be
f setyfree on Janaaryltt,'1853J?ad"
that if all or any portion of
the said states should thus submit,
the proposed proclamation would
not apply to them. This is the fair
and legal construction of the lan
The proclamation itself, issued
January lst,1863,especially excepted
large portions of several seceded
states, and also omitted Missouri,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Delaware and
Maryland, where slavery existed at
the very time, to the same extent
as in the more southern states.
This proves conclusively to our
mind, the statement we have often
made, that "the slaves gained their
freedom through the fortunes of
war, and not from any design on
the part of the Republican party,
even on January 1st, 1863."
In thi article we do not desire
to detract anything from the great
ness of President lis coin. That
he was honest, patriotic, wise and
consistent, we heartily believe.
He was a kind-hearted man, and
one of the greatest of our honored
presidents. Uut we have simply
queted from history, and the re
cords show that "Mr. laacoln was
not aa Abolitionist, and' is .aotea-
titled to the. credit of destroying
slavery by design, or from his ex
alted opinion of the colored people.
If he were living today he wo aid
not claim the distinction, aa he- was
too honest a man to. wear a wreath
of glory that did aot rigfctfally be-
fog.tohi.. J :
Thus again we say, that as time
goes on, and the passions and
prejudices of the civil war cool
down, it becomes more and more
apparent that the negro has been
the political football of the Repub
lican party for the past thirty years.
It is now the duty of the colored
people to shake off this incubus of
ignorance and sentiment, aud read
the history of the past with an im
partial judgment and act as intelli
gent, progressive American citizens.
inations in Chicago, have since
gained national prominence. Mc
was one of Carter Harrison's poli
tical proteges. On the weit side of
Chicago, where the great popula
tion of Chicago is, he advocated the
nomination of a worldngman-Hjon.
Frank Lawler to represent the
workingmen's interests in Congress,
as against the powerful orator, and
man of great influence, the Hon.
John F. Finerty. This fight is a
memorable one in the political his
tory of Chicago, the more so because
Lawler's chances of victory over
iKsiiHrin rgtflfcri rtWkimr l.
p. w. McCaffrey.
The above cut of Mr. P. W.
McCaffrey, by those who know him,
will be pronounced a good one. It
shows a well-balanced head, a face
of great determination, and just
such a man who, in his own partic
ular way, will always be looked up
to as an excellent leader, his leader
ship comprising the traits of firm
ness, consideration and the very
acme of geniality. In a word, he
perfects his own plans, and will be
driven into line by no roan.
Mr. McCaffrey first saw the
light of day in Dundee, Scotland,
npon July 30th, 1839. His parents
were not wealthy, but they man
aged to give him a" very liberal
education. From boyhood he had
a great desire to travel, and had
his mind fixed, as a start, upon
America. He landed in New York
before he was eighteen years of
age, alone, a stranger in a strange
land. There he engaged in mer
cantile pursuits until 1881, and, in
addition to the cultivation of
business habits, he received a valu
able insight into practical politics,
not aloae ia New York City,but also
the village across the river
Brooklyn. The year 188" foand
him in Chicago. His political ex
perience there, a a organiser of
worldngaien, made hia prominent.
Men whom he advaaced'by obtaia.
lug xuc ihmu cenau pouncu non
such a man as Finerty 'were con
sidered very small. However, Law
ler "got there."
Just after this great political
fight, Mr. McCsffirey, through the
sickness and death of his wife, de
cided so as to drown the associa
tions daily arising before him to
go to Kansas City, then one of the
most boomiusr cities in the West.
There he embarked in the real
estate and hotel business, working
as manager, for three years, for the
well known firm of Messrs. James
Morton & Sons, of Kansas City. A
man that can hold down a position
in the great firm of Morton & ,
Sons for three years can never be
called unreliable; because Morton
& Sons will engage no one except
he is strictly business, being busi
ness men of the first water them
Leavimr Kansas Citv he landed
in Denver in 1890. and accented
the position of steward in the
Markham hotel In Denver h
never took any prominent part in
pontics, tie made several speeches
one mac was sol
Mr. McCaffrev arrived in Salt
Lake City in 1891, His political
career here is well known. Hii
present position, as general man
ajrer of the United Wnrfcintrm-'.
Democratic dabs, is aa evince of
nis ability aa a leader, and they are
determined to stay by him mntil
sunset of the 5th day of November
next. - -rf
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