Newspaper Page Text
The America Consul at Havana- However necessary it may be for the admira tion to stand by this man, and however they are precluded fromcensuring his L with reboot only that I e. office, but anolocrize for w.""" w! " 1 . - ... Wtj Oi tne xsxpuoixc, ucw- . ,.5 .i mok monir us. who -r i. .sa mien a course i i. SS 'ed, and an outrage on the P" S- tnat Mr. Owen too io- fllnt to eek to excuse his total derencuu.x S v bv pkadTn the proclamation in his defence, duty by pwaa,B i miSappre- and so lniera hum. mcio i,o- f t- ;.w.l.i,1..1. that he performed one SUI S Own . , o J f" w. nin official duty in the premises ? Ad mitting what is not true, that the Americans were all thai the proclamation announced them to be roouers, uiuuuuu, ' f t. j?,.ht; ,lnv that, under the express stipula with Snain. especially insisted lions M "V 1 , i on to meet cases of gravest offence, these Americans were fully entitled not only to a rairanu aeuwraie trial under the forms of Spanish law, but were also entitled, in preparation tor sucn inai, to nave iun and free conference with any consul, notaries, or agents, official or unofficial, whose services they mi"ht require ! Does the Republic deny, that un der this treaty, it was both the clear right and so lemn duty of the American consul to have deman ded, in peremptory terms, not only free access to the prisoners, but all reasonable delay to prepare both for their general defence and for accurate discrimi nation of the guilt of individual cases among them ? And what now is Consul Owen's meau and wretched excuse, given in his own letter, for doing nothing of all of this for standing still, with fol ded arms and marble heart, while the gun-shots, that slaughtered his unarmed countrymen by whole sale, rang in his ears? What is his excuse? Why, forsooth, ho had no time for interference ! No time ! It was his business under the treaty to see that the Cuban authorities gave him time ! It was his business to tell those authorities that ne should tuke time, and that if they touched one hair of the head of any American citizen without giving that citizen not oiily time, but every other privilege guarantied to him as an alleged offender by the very words of the treaty, they did the deed at their peril. And more than this if, in these days of prolonged and thrice-repeated presidential pleasure trips and junkettings, we may say so much of any whig official without " outraging public decency" we would respectfully intimate that on that bloody morning it was Consul Owen's duty not to lie abed till near ten o'clock in the day, when the savage shooting match was just ready to come off! Can any man doubt what is the real explanation of all this shameful inertness of the American Con sul 1 It is in the proclamation the proclamation ! ine proclamation loroaae mm to J r" j nouncing interference unwarranted. The procla- , mation forbade him to interfere, by thus, iu i the ; mi t 1 1.1 " a a 1 piamest implication, denouncing uio mcu oi Jmcdiateiy unfold themselves, we can readily cofi exnedition as without the pale ot the law and the ; -.. , . ., :i i iT treat v. which is the supreme law of the case. The proclamation forbade him to interfere, by empow ering the Cuban authorities to say in the teeth of the treaty, as they did say, that the President of the United States had outlawed these prisoners, and left them to be dealt with just as Concha might chose. charge, again and again, it was the fatal proclamation which unlawfully and prema turely arrogating to the President functions plainly judicial and un lawfully assuming to override and abrogate the plain words of a solemn treaty, not only deprived these men of a legal trial, but struck the American consul with numb palsy, and turned an American official on a foreign shore into a stone statute, having eyes that see not, and ears that hear not, and hands that help not, the miseries of his captive countrymen ! Even to this day it appears he will not go near them in their dungeon ! But, softly whispers the special organ, " Consul Owen," "misapprehended" the proclamation. Did he so i Then censure him if you dare. For he put the same construction on the proclamation that Owen did, and that Concha did, and that we do, and that every body else does, that we know of, except the Republic and perhaps some of the cabi net Commander Piatt tells you in his official despatch of September 1st, from Havana, that, when he visited the prisoners in their jail, "they were told distinctly that they were in the power of the Spanish government, and that nothing could be done for them as Americans, inasmuch as the Pre sidents proclamation had declared that any per sons joining an invading force would thereby for feit the protection of the government of the United States." There you have it all. Nothing could be done for them as Americans ! Nothing could be done for them under the treaty ! And why i " Tlie President had declared" that they had forfeited evey right to every sort of protection or interfer ence ! That was Commander Piatt's construction of your proclamation, and that was his action under it. Censure or accuse him for his course, and he can plead before his peers your proclamation ; and they will sustain, and you cannot gainsay, his con struction of it. Nay, more as we believe and charge, he can plead your own more recent instructions either to himself or to his brother officers of the Sara nac or to both, fully confirming his view of the proclamation by a subsequent official interpretation of your own ! In any event, his position is entire ly unlike Owen's, because, as an officer of the navy, he was to obey the orders of the President, and had -ot me uiscreuonary power which belonged ne cessarily to the consul as a civil functionary. But Owen had not the nerve to exercise his dis cretionary power, and, so in the spirit of patriotism, justice, and humanity take his stand upon the trea ty, and trample under his feet the proclamation which unlawfully, unsurpingly, and to the bloodiest issues, assumed to set the treaty at naught. He lias thus gone down hopelessly down before the patriotic judgment of the American people ; but he goes down with the proclamation in his hand, and he drags the author of the proclamation dwn with him! Washington Union. The Washington Telegraph is very severe on Mr. Secretary Stuart, who made a speech in Boston which " proved a woful failure." He said he never knew what true greatness was " until he found it in Massachusetts," and ho wonld " go back to Old Virginia to impart the lesson to her!" He also stated that Virginia " stands by the Union just as Massachusetts does t" Massachuseets has lately elected a United States senator who is a notorious abolitionist; aud out of the commercial classes nearly every man is tinctured with fanaticism ! Hsnce it was that the capitalists got Mr. Fillmore to come and play a kind of second-fiddle to them for Boston ha? lost $4,000,000 from her abolition riots for the southern merchants have spent that amount iu other cities, which usually went to Bos ton. We like to see every section prosper, but we object to puffing New England, which has made most of hor wealth by legislation that has impov erished multitudes. Wheeling ( Va) Argus. A tall Hibernian entered the office of a music teacher nd inquired, . 44 What is the price of a sawon at music ?' u I charge 25 for the rt quarter, $20 for the second, and $15 for the fiurd, was the reply." " Then, sir", replied Pat. . M Til larn t tTi AAA rillf madown for tW third quarter m a committeemen? Knronean Pauoerism TIia ruiunerism of Europe appears to be one of flu? most serious obstacle m the way of its politi cal regeneration ;yet, though it should seem para- (toxical, regeneration, must, anuapato iu "a irvui pauperism. . It is a common argument with those who affect conservative principles, that the people must be prepared for the use of those privileges which originate with progressive action. ' We con tend that the people who are wise enough to de- . . f . . I'll- i 1A mand any ot those ngnis wmcn nave oeen wiiuucm from them, are prepared to use tnem : ana maw th nwnTthnn. thevwill alwavs prove conservative An instance in point, respecting our first remark is before us, in some statistical information touch ing the political and social condition of Belgium. - - 1 . - . . t . - 1 A VI M. Perceval, a member ot tne xxawouai -cvsacmuijr, has lately made a series of investigations as to the condition of the laboring classes of that kingdom. Prom these it appears that out of 890,566 families which compose the population oi me country, giv ing an average or nve persons w a uiumy, mere are 154,454 wmcn occupy dux asingie room ; zo,- 785 which occupy but two rooms; and which have dwellings composed of three or more rooms. Thus nearly half of the nation live in abodes that have only one or two rooms. A striking1 comparison with these facts is found in the costly system of government to which the nation is exposed. The standing army of Belgium consists of 90,000 men, besides a large corps of general and staff' officers, kept under pay tor a re serve or National Guard ot 90,000 more. Ihe actual cost of this war establishment is over $5,000,000 a year : and, incidental to its support, $1,000,000 of the amount is derived from the annual tax on ardent liquors. The interest of the national debt and the system of amortisation in process for its reduction amounted last year to $7,000,000. The king receives $600,000 a year; and the general cost of the government bears a like proportion to the royal salary. Now, it may be taken as a general fact that the other governments of Europe assimilate in charac ter and cost to that of Belgium ; and that like in fluences are constantly at work in the pauperiza tion and demoralization of the people. Hence it is apparent that there is little hope for the politi cal regeneration of any people, oppressed, discour aged, cowed down by such an overwhelming finan cial tyranny, as monarchy in any form involves. One half of the Belgian nation are confessedly liv ing in a state of social discomfort, and under an inevitable and habitual abatement of the decencies of life. And there is no source of relief for them so long as the system of government to which they are subject is continued. Yet a change in their form of government from a monarchy to a republic, by the act of the people, would at once relieve them from some $1 2,000,000 of taxation ; an amount which would restore to 490,000 families for it is from the labor of the poor the revenue is exacted some $30 each per annum. This, in a pecuniary aspect, is very considerable ; but when we take jto the account the moral influence that a whole- some rament would exert and the induce. mentg indust and enterprise that would im- ceive how greatly the social elevation of the peo ple would be promoted. The conclusion is irresistible, that, the perma nent alleviation of the pauperism of Europe, and the general discomfort of the poorer classes, and their moral and intellectual advancement, must be preceded by their political regeneration. Un happily, this great work can be contemplated only as an achievement at the price of blood. The in stincts of royalism the most corrupt and remorse less of all the isms of the world which have been wonderfully quickened by modern events, are awake to a full perception of this pregnant truth and all its consequences. Hence, we find the le giumists oi xuirope, everywhere, more than ever disposed to resort to mandatory power ; and the cruelties ot irresponsible authority, scarcely cloth ed in the decencies of lesd formality, visited in discriminately upon the wise and virtuous of every class and profession, who are not committed body and soul to the powers that be. That such a po litical condition can be indefinitely prolonged at tne win oi any man or set oi men, however torti hed by the artificial agencies of power, no intelli gent and rational mind can believe. The elements of reaction must be at work, and their develop ment retarded only tor a more terrible retribution Bait. Sun. f From the New York Herald. 1 We have repeatedly expressed our suspicions tnat tne wnigs would knock under to the tree-soil- ers, at Syracuse, while nothing but a liberal appli cation of solar salt applied to the Seward faction. and well rubbed in, would restore the nationality of the whig party of the State. Our suspicions of tne dodge ot the only question at issue between the two sections, are most abundantly confirmed by the piattorm set up by the W hig Convention. The de ception is as transparent as the Crystal Palace. It can be seen through in any direction. Let us look into the matter a little, and then let the read er determine how far those windy, high sounding, out unmeaning, resolutions of the Whig state Con vention will go how far they will satisfy the con servatives ot the South, and induce them to re-umte with their late Northern allies of the late national whig party The compromises consist of several great acts of settlement, m all of which, everything is surren dered to the North except the constitution of the United States. The whole of California, with its apparently inexhaustible gold mines, its rich agri cultural, commercial, and manufacturing: resources. its extensive territory, its vastly important seaboard of nine hundred miles the whole of Alta Califor nia, with all these incalculable advantages, to all of which, upon every consideration of justice and right, and fair dealing, the South were entitled to a divi sion by the Missouri compromise line yet the whole of California was given up to free-soil and the JMorth, as a concession, for the sake of peace, The South also waived their claim to the Missouri line for Utah and New Mexico ; they consented to what they believed to be the dismemberment of slave State, for the purpose of strensrtheninfr a free- sou territory ; they also acquiesced m the abolition ot the slave trade in the District of Columbia, though many Southern men deemed it but an en tering wedge to the abolition of slavery itself ; and this, and all their other concessions, were made for the sake of peace. And what did they cret in re turn ? A law binding their brethren of the North to the simple duty of an honest observance of a plain obligation of the constitution. Nothing more nothing less than a law enforcing the principle of honesty, in the surrender of fugitive-slaves back to their masters. In other words, the South in the surrender of all their rights and title to the new territories, paid the North, in a princely style to be honest. The North accepted the bonus : but how have they fulfilled their share of the adjustment the simple obligation of an honest adhesion to the constitution ? Mr. Clay was right in declaring, as he is said to nave declared, that the whicr party of the North was especially faithless to the compact of the late "ujusiment. ine proceedings of the late whig State conventions in Ohio and Pennsylvania are proof positive against them. They could . not be brought to recognise theif duty of obedience to the rugitive-Slavo act, except in such vague generali ties as were satisfactory to the consciences of the disciples of higher law. They gave up the prin ciples of honeRt.v fnr nVvnl I State Convention of New Yotk has done substan- pally the same, thing 2" Bnrtlj-CnrDlina itankri. Th Constitution and thtJ Vaionyaf lh States .- Tlear mut b Prcierrtd."' 'y RALEIGH SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1851. Notice to Subscribers. The subscriptions of many of our patron will expire about the first of October anil November next; and we take occasion to remind them of the fact,' so that they may renew according to the advance terms, should they rhoiMB to do so. We invite the attention of all our subscribers to our terms, published on the first page of our Weekly and Semi-Weekly ; and we hope those in arrears will at once transmit the money by Mail, and thus save us the commission (SO per cent) which we have to pay for collecting. KeceipU in all cases wul be sent, snowing we unit paid for. - ,: THE CHRISTIANA OUTRAGE. : A friend writing to us from Philadelphia, nnder date September 29lh, speaks in glowing terms of commendation of the charge delivered by Judge Kane to the Grand Jury in Philadelphia, charged with inquiring into the Christiana outrage. " Boldly," says our Correspondent, "did Judge Kane meet the crisis, and nobly did he acquit himself. Had one of our Judges presided, his charge would not have been more favorable to Southern rights, more sound, or more in accordance with the true meaning of the Constitution. A large concourse had assembled, for the oueation had excited much feelinff. The audi ence as well as the Court seemed to feel the deep im portance of Ihe occasion, and each word that fell from the high judgment seat of the law was distinctly heard." Our Correspondent contains : 44 J'tdsre Kane, in commencing his charge, alluded to the facts as published to the world, that a citizen of Maryland, pursuing lawfully with officers of this Court, a person bound to service who had escaped from him, had been resisted by an armed force this person cruelly-assailed and murdered, others of his company severely wounded, and the officers of the law put to fight. This involred the highest crime known to our law, the crime of treasen. His Honor then defined treason in the words of the Constitution, and charged the Jury that any combination to oppose the law of the land, by force, and any successful re sistance to the law, was treason. His Honor stated he was aware that a particular law had been the sub ject of vituperation from many who were unworthy the privileges of treemen ; yet he well Knew tne character and temper of the citizens of Pennsylva nia when he declared that they knew no higher law than the Constitution, and that the laws made in pur- sura nee thereof it was their pleasure as well as their duty to carry out. Such was the substance ot this charge, it tell upon our southern ears like on upon tne waters. Many Southern gentlemen were present, among them Judge Donnell, of Newbern. We were rejoiced to hear such sentiments from the highest judicial tribu nal of the Stale." Some six or seven of those engaged in the outrage at Christiana have already been committed for high treason ; and we learn by the last Northern mail that two others, colored, Samuel Williams and George Mills, have also been arrested on the charge of trea son in being connected with this outbreak. Wil liams, it is said, is the spy who gave the negroes at Christiana warning of the approach of the officers with Mr. Gorsuch. We indulge strong hopes that justice will be dealt out to the guilty by a Pennsylvania Jury. Much, very much depends upon the issue of this case. Judge Kane has done his duty ; let the Jury do theirs, and the effect will be salutary throughout the whole country. COL. BENT.ON'S HISTORY. Col. Benton, it is stated, is engaged in writing a history, which is to embrace the time during which he has been in public life. He has had large expe rience, and is well posted up in political history. His prejudices and vanity, however, may prevent him from doing justice or stating the truth in all cases. The Rochester Democrat, speaking of this forth coming work, says : 44 Curious passage in American Historv. Col. Benton is at Washington, engaged upon his book of history. It is said that he will make some singtlar disclosures, which may seriously embarrass some of bis prominent political friends. 1 he st. Louis Re publican predicts that, if published before the presi dential election, it will create a sensation. One pas sage of it is said to present a curious state of affairs under the Polk administration. It has been read to some one, or some one has read it, and reports that it attributes to President Polk the design, during the war with Mexico, of withdrawing the troops from service altogether. This design is said to have been formed in consequence of the clamor of the whigs about the immense expenditure of money to cirry on the war. The order for this purpose was actually signed by Secretary M-ircy, of the War Department. Col. Benton heard of it late at night. He called on the President, was closeted with him for several hours, and the result was the recall of the order, and the prosecution of the war. Col. Benton claims for him self, as the consequence of the exercise of his per sonal influence in this matter, that he saved the de mocratic party from destruction; and there is much ground for such claim. If true, it is a curious epi Bode of that war ; if not true, Mr. Marcy can explain it. When it is recollected that Col, Benton had in fluence enough with the President to induce him to recemmend the creation of the office of lieutenant general in the army of the United Slates, with the intention to elevate him to that command over two of the greatest and roost successsful generals the worla ever Raw- It Wl I not SUTDrlSe anv inillKllltl man iu hear of the disclosures which it is said Mr. Benton intends to make in his book." The Washington Union notices the above, and says: "The subjoined notice of the political history which Mr. Benton is understood to be propanng inti mates nothing which can shake the confidence of the democratic nartv in the justice, ability, and patriotism nf President Polk and his cabinet. It is, indeed, a source of satisfaction that the disclosures spoken of are so soon to be made, and that the public will have ample means, from living testimony and authentic HopnmeniH. to Dronounce a iust sentence upon the prominent actions of that administration, and partic- i - iha moMia it. A iafli nr rtiRhed find Vpn- erated head, and of Governor Marcy, who was charg inariv uuuu iiic uitiii. u i - ed with the War Department, ana wno penorraea us duties so much to the advantage ot tno country ana to the honor of his own high character. We published in our last a statement tc the effect that a revolution was going forward in the North of Mexico. Dates from New Orleans to the 30th state that the steamship Yacht had arrived there with news from the Rio Grande and Texas; and that her advices from Northern Mexico are of the most important char- The liberating armv. it is stated, has tri umphed, and the revolutionary movement in Sierra Mad re is completely successful. We shall have the details soon. . We fear we shall be so choked with kindness as to be unable to return our thanks. That cravat present ed us by Mr. Harding is as fine as possible, and as black as the wing of darkness. . - . ' Mr. Harding's supply of Clothing is extensive, and his articles are cheap, durable, and handsome. But it is not our purpose to 44 puff" him. His stock and terms, and the politeness and cheerfulness with which he waits on his customers, speak for themselves. P. S. Mr. Harding is a constant, and liberal ad vertiser. . No wonder, then,, that be. succeds so well io business. ' - Kli ' ""' MISSISSIPPI. Thrf following is the Card of the nominating Com mittee, announcing Col. Jefferson Davis as a candi date for Governor of Wat State, ia place of General Quitman,"who declined :' ; : -1 g ,f 44 To tbk People or Mississippi. The committee which waa nnnninted bv the convention which was held in the citv of Jackson on the 16th and ,17th of Juno last, to fill bv nomination anv vacancy which micht occur in the ticket which was then offered to the people, has been relieved of the necessity of in dicating a suitable candidate to supply the vacancy oocaaiomd bv the withdrawal of Gen. Qoitmtm.-Tha people, and the Democratic press of the whole State, have already nominated Col. Jefferson Davis for Governorof Mississippi. We regard, therefore, Col. Davis as the candidate of the people, and we will not withhold the expression of the ready and cordial ocj enrrence of the committee. ' . L E.-C WILKINSON, Chairman, Jackson, Sept. 16, 1851." Col. Davis has taken the field against Gen. Foote. They are both Senators jn Congress. ; Gen. Foote will, in all probability, be elected Governor. The Editor of the Register admits that he was mistaken in regard to the necessity for an extra ses sion of the Legislature, to re-model the Electoral Districts. He makes this admission in his paper of Wednesday last, and then proceeds to bore his read ers with a good deal of stale wit in reply to our ar ticle on the subject. The Editor no doubt now thinks himself witty; but we should not be sur prised if he were to admit before long that he was mistaken in this also. The probability is that he has been misled in this respect, as he was in rela tion to the Electoral Districts, by one of his Corres pondents. We shall not reply to. the Editor's wit. It is some what personal, and, upon the whole, unworthy of no tice. We expect to survive it. A "GRUFFY" SUBJECT. Rail Road officers in Massachusetts are compelled by the press, which is the organ of public sentiment, to 44 walk a chalk line " in the performance of their duties. Witness the following from the Olive Branch : 44 We have had it suggested to us, that we ooght to castigate the new depot master at Fitchbuig. He gave gruffy and ungentlemanly answers to ques tions asked why he should compel passengers to get down into the viaduct on which the cars run, instead ot being allowed to take cars from the platform, as usual, and some other little rather ungentlemanly discourtesies; but we won't say a word about it, because his friends say he is a very worthy man, who happens only just once in a while to feel a little wol fish." fl 91 a S . . Ya . a. tne " new uepot master atritcnourg" will no doubt do better after this. We do not intimate that we have any "g.-uffy " subjects among us, but we copy Ihe above to show how such officers are man aged in Massachusetts. DAN AND MILLARD. Some of the Boston papers contain the following, which they say grew out of the recent Railroad Cel ebration in that place : . 44 Intbhestimo Correspondence. The two follow ing despatches were picked up in transitu between Boston and Washington. What is it all about Washington, Sept. 1 1th. Dear Dan : Want to come to Boston to Railroad Jubilee. Shan't be seen if you are there. Manage to be sick. Yours, MILLARD. Boston, Sept. 11th. Millard, My Boy : Come on. Shall have my usual catarrh. Yours, DANIEL." Railroad Vote at Norfolk. The Norfolk Ar gus, of Monday afternoon, states that at the time of going to press there was an overwhelming majority in the rote by the people there that day in favor of the subscription of $200,000 to the Rail road connec tion from North Carolina with that city. If the Bridge connection cannot at once be effected, the de sign is to adopt the Steamboat Ferry temporarily. Texas. The recent election shows very clearly that Texas is rapidly gaining in population. The in crease in the number of votes already reported as having been castat the fast election, says the Texas Civilian, indicates a vote of at least 30,000 for the whole State. 'Speakership or the next Congress. The names of several distinguished Democrats have been men tioned in connection with this office, vix: Hods. T. H. Bayly, of Vs., George W. Jones, of Tenn., and Linn Boyd, of Kentucky. Mr. Boyd, we believe, has been for the longest time a member of the House. Exactly as we Expected. Sunday's N. Y. Herald virtually admits that the call for the next De mocratic Convention in Baltimore in June next, with the names of most of the members of the National Executive Committee, (our own among them,) pro fessedly signed by authority, and embracing "Greer" and 44 Donaldson," is a miserable hoax. We thank the Pennsylvanian for having in our name and during our absence, exposed this utterly unauthorized trick. As soon as we can get rid of the dust and fatigue of travel, we shall fully expose this second act of wretch ed hoax, at which ths President's organ, the Repub lic, and other Whig papers so greedily nibbled. Etch. Enquirer. The Raleigh Register has been lending its aid in the circulation of this hoax, and that paper pretends to believe it no hoax, but a movement having the sanction of the Democratic party. Will that paper now tell the truth about the matter 1 Will it state that the Herald has admitted the hoaxT We shall see. Senator Berrien 8 Position. The Hon. John McFherson Berrien has issued an address t the people of Georgia, denning his position on the com promise, which makes four columns of the Savannah itepuDiican. neonos in the compromise measures matters for approval and matters for disapproval mat ne is anxious io restore tne harmony on which the value of the American Union depends, and let 44 by-gones be by-gones," in the cherished hope that Drigiuer nours win come, ne condemns the forma tion of the Constitutional Union party, who are run ning Mr. Cobb for Governor, snd indicates his deter mination to support the re-election of Gov. McDonald Baltimore Sun. We have not seen Senator Berrien's letter, but pre sume the above statement of its substance bv tl Sun, is correct. Extract of a letter dated, Sommerville, (Tenn.) Sept. 17, 1851. 44 Crops of corn and cotton are verv inferior, haw. mg had but little rain since the Spring. There can not be over half a crop made here. If it continues dry two weeks longer, all the cotton will be open. liicHWDiuiieiii mings exists in oonin Carolina. . a - - - ..... ueorgia, miesiEBippi, ana a part oi Alabama." The firm, bold, patriotic course of President Fill more has endeared him to the people of North Caro lina, t ii ey are not, thank Heaven, an ongrateful people ! Raleigh Register. It is the fashion of those who would be esteemed the rampant champions of the administration, and the best friends of the Whiff nartv. to accuse those of oeing aisunionists, wno speak the truth to the people iri respect to the prospects before us. Some of iheae fellows would sell the Union, if the natronaorn tkev get for being Union men could be doubled on the oth er score. Wilmlnatm Cnmwrnl True joy is a serene ana sober motion, and th.. are miserably but who take laughing Tor rejoicing. LITERARY NOTICE. William Penh : An Hiitorical Biography from new f sources, tvilh an extra chapter m the " Mfteavlay ft- Charge.?. V ItT . ; A.' W ILLIAH HEPWORTIT IllXON. ) POT male hti Pnmrrnu. is. ,: .. . r j.. k . :T . "To speak, the whole truth concerning .William Penn is a task which requires some eou rage, for be is rather e mythical than a historical person. Rival nations and hostile sects have agreed in canonizing him. England is proud of his name. A great com monwealth beyond the Atlantic regards him. with a reverence similar to .that whicb the Athenian Ml for Theseus, and the Romans for Quirinus. The re spectable society of which he was a member honours him as an apostle. By pious men of other persuasions he is generally regarded as a light pattern of Chris tian virtue. Meanwhile, admirers of a very different sort have ssunded his praises. The French philoso phers of the eighteenth century pardoned what they, regarded as his superstitious fancies in consideration of his contempt for priests, and of his Cosmopolitan oenevoience impartially extended to all races and all creeds. His name has thus become, 'throughout all civilized countries, a sjnonyme of probity and phil anthropy. Nor is this high reputation altogether un merited." So says Mr. Macaulay. To reduce this myth to a man, and prove that man worthy of the high charac ter which has heretofore adorned the myth, is the avowed object of Mr. Dixon's work, a book of some 350 pages, which, while it contains much new and interesting information respecting the founder of one of the thirteen States, has the common fault of bio graphies, beingspun out toa much greater length than the subject will well bear. Biography, mora than any other branch of literature, should be written in light and pleasing style ; the interest of the reader must necessarily flag unless kept alive by the exer tions of the author, which, when too apparent, how ever, have the contrary effect. Mr. Dixon has over looked this fact, and his book may be said to be in teresting in spite of its tediousness. Throughout the whole volume we see too plainly his constant exer tion to produce an impression on the mind of the reader, which becomes fatigued in endeavoring to feel the same degree of enthusiasm on the subject as is evidently experienced by the author. Had he calmly stated his facts, and given his authorities, leaving ii to the dispassionate reader to decide between Mr. Macaulay and himself, instead of railing at what he calls 44 the capricious likes and dislikes, novelties and exaggerations of the historian," the character of the great philanthropist would still have shone out as free from blemish as the halo which surrounds the myth. w One of the most serious charges brought against him by what Mr. Dixon styles 44 the animus of the last Whig history," is that respecting his interference between King James the Second and the Fellows of Magdalene College. Let us compare the two writers, both of whom give, in their notes, references which we on this side of the Salt Lake must take, in a great measure, on their word. After detailing at length James the Second's at tempt to influence the election of President of Mag dalene College in favor, first of Antony Farmer and next of Dr. Parker, against Dr. Hough, the choice of the Fellows, who stubbornly resisted his authority and refused to recognize any one else as their President, Mr.Macaulay says, 44 Perhaps the college might still be terrified, caressed, or bribed into submission. The agency of Penn was employed. He had too much good feeling to approve of the violentand unjust pro ceedings of the government, and even expressed part of what he thought. James was, as usual, obstinate in the wrong. The courtly Quaker therefore did his best to seduce the College from the path of right. He first tried intimidation. " For this we are not refer red by Mr. Macaulay to any authority ; he goes on to say, 44 He therefore exhorted the Fellows not to rely on the goodness of their cause, but to submit, or at least to temporize. Such counsel came stranaelv from one who had himself been expelled from the University for raising a riot about the surplice, who had run the risk of being disinherited rather than take off his hat to the princes of the blood, and who had been sent to prison for haranguing in conventi cles." Such counsel would indeed have sounded strangely from the lips of William Penn, and we cannot believe it ever proceeded from them. Mr. Dixon's account bears the truth so strongly impressed on it, that we should be inclined to consider it a fair statement of the case, even did he not give as so ma ny authorities. He admits that Penn did, at the re quest of the King, attempt to procure an amicable settlement of the case; but on meeting the Fellows ne was convtnceu mat tney were in the right, and un hesitatingly gave his impartial testimony in their fa vor, writing in their presence a letter to the King, which they themselves delivered to him, a pretty sure proof that he had not counselled them to submission In the account of the Maids of Taunton we cannot but think Mr. Dixon has also much the best side of the question. During Monmouth's rebellion the in habitants of Taunton received him with open arms, a 6et of royal standards had been wrought for him at the public expenso, which wore solemnly presented with the Bible and Sword emblems ot royalty to the young adventurer by twenty young girls of the place, walking in procession with their school-mis tress at their head. After his defeat, these children were ordered to be thrown into prison for participa ting in the rebellion. Mr. Dixon throughout his book endeavors to convince us that James the Second was not tne cota-Diooded cruet man which the atrocities committed by Kirk and Jeffries, with his knowledge, and consequently his sanction, naturally lead us to suppose nun to have been. As an instance of his tender-heartednes8,he wished to spare the lives of these children who were considered to have commit ted a crime whose penalty was death; but in order to punish their parents, they were imprisoned and the power of pardoning them given to the Queen's Maids of Honor, who seem to have been at liberty to place wnat price they pleased, or rather what they could get, on each pardon. Mr.Macaulay asserts that they employed William Penn to negotiate with these un fortunate parents, and wring as much money out of them as he could. He cites as his authority a letter addressed by Lord Sunderland.to Mr. Penne. This letter Mr. Dixon gives us in full, and proves, we think, beyond doubt that it was not intended for Wil liam Penn, who never spelt his name with the final e. but for a certain George Penne, known to have been active in the Taunton affair, a pardon-broker and doer of dirty work, who is shown by a quotation from the Kegister of the Privy Council to have 44 humblv ne uiioneo lor tne sole right of keeping a lottery in his Majesty's plantations of America as a reward for bis loyalty. We leave it to the impartial reader to de cide whether such a man would not be more likely to nave oeen engaged by the Maids of Honor in this work, than the celebrated William Penn. Our limits will not allow us to notice Mr. Dixon's other refutations ; indeed we have only slightly touch ed on these two... His book displays great historical accuracy and research. Mr. Macaulay, on many points, quotes no authorities. Mr, Dixon, on the con trary, seems well armed with them, and pronounces " the Whig History one of the most useful additions to our store of historical reading since the appearance of the Scotch novels. Yet fn one instance we cannot but .think Jie oentiUWr'Maiilafiiy telhV ns mat during Penn s court favor "his own sect looked coldly on him, and requited hi? services With quy." This Mr. Dixon indignantly denies in hj tra chapter, yet he constantly M us in the his Work that daring his connection with KintJ ! an intimacy which seems to have beenpeame', rather than political, Penn was accused by tnl" being a Jesuit in disguise ; in his speech beforeV committee' pf the' House of Commons, he h' says 44 nor hath this been the report of the rabhT ly." Even his friend Dr. Tillitson, one of the' Divines. oCthe dayhad his doubts on the and did not feel sufficiently assured to deny the sation on his own knowedge; while Mr Fy"" himaelf. thouorh so inHicrnant nt th. 1. . a w.arKe lha, p uiu nvi, in looi, wiuie residing at rvensiniiton well with his brethren, tells us that in ic?a .'. eat of. his own sect.for a tiaie looked coldly on hi"1 his morals or his lifethey only pretended t" demn the too active part he had taken in eon- of the world..": Such quibbles are unworlhv giafiao u vt tiiaaiu & 171111 Though he bean culdlv treated for a time Ktr onrn l- . nay hate to enter into his enlarged views on all subiect, ... .u.v ual(btci at 4n,suay,witheiilio .1. mo ouvictjr, ur me world at lare. Hi the tate ot all men who live in advance r n..:. Was Entering life with every advantage which education' social position, court influence, and wealth could ei ' him, he renounced all for conscience sake, and w enabled to live in the dissolute Court of Charles th! Second, and associate intimately with the lead' spirits of the day, and yet preserve himself free from their contaminating.influence. Had he withdrawn from them altogether, he would not have been so desert ing of praise. He shunned the vices without avoiding the company of his early friends; far easier would it have been to have left them altogether, but he look ed on his worldly station and influence with James as a talent, for which he would be held accountabl Yet he did not hesitate to risk the loss, not only 0f his position at court, but a large part of his personal property, when they could only be retained by com promising his opinions. The personal as well as the political friend -and ardent admirer of the life and principles of the immortal Sydney, he used every ex ertion to ensure his election to Parliament at a time when it was his obvious interest to stand well at court. To He under the least suspicion of a leaning towards republican principles, was at that time suffi! cient to ruin any man; yet he petitioned and obtained irith his grant of land, the most liberal charter er er given to any colony.. His code of laws drawn up. with the help of Algernon Sydney, as far as was com patible with the reserved rights of the Crown, was strictly republican, and still forms the basis of the Constitution of the State he founded. Though Lord Proprietor of the soil, having obtained the grant in place of a just debt, he only reserved the right of three votes in Council for the Governor, which office was hereditary in his family. To realize what was considered as a mere Utopian scheme he cheerfully sunk a large fortune, and though owner of thousands of acres, was at one time too poor to pay the expenses of a voyage across the Atlantic. Well may Mr. Ma caulay say, 44 his confidence in persons less virtuous than himself led him into great errors and misfor tunes." Nor should his exertions in favor nf roll. gious liberty be forgotten. At a time when to doubt the policy of persecuting the Papist was considered worse than treason, he boldly avowed in his speech before the committee 44 that he wished to give the lib erty which he asked, and would have none suffer fur a truly sober and conscientious dissent on any hand." When we consider that in that age liberty of con science was almost unheard of, we cannot sufficiently admire this sentiment. Papist and Episcopalian, Pres byterian and Independant, were each for bringing others to their way of thinking. Even the much persecuted Puritans, driven to seek refuge in what seemed a barren wilderness, turned all the power of their laws, not only against their persecutors, but ev ery other sect. It remained for the despised Quakers the followers of George Fox to proclaim through their champion, William Penn, 44 Liberty to all creeds!" Well may thev elorv in his name: and who will blame them for seeking to free it from lli shadow which has been cast on it by one of the great est writers of the day 1 We would not presume to decide on the great question of Mr. Macaulay's e- racity, but we hope all whose minds have been in fluenced by what he has said of 44 the courtly Qua ker," will read Mr. Dixon's book ; and we leave it to the unprejudiced reader to decide whether the name of William Penn, as the firm unflinching friend of civil and religious liberty, will not hereafter stand forth on the page of history free from myth or stain. Telegraphed for the Baltimore Sun. Important Fugitive Slave Case Four Fugitive retiea ana Ucltverca to their Owners, de. Harkisbukg, Sept. 28,1851. One of the most im portant fugitive slave cases that has yet turned up in Pennsylvania, has been disposed of here, in the most summary manner. Four alleged fugitive slaves, named John Stoucbe'i John Bell, Edward Michael, and Fenton Mercer, charged, on oath of Michael Lentz, on suspicion of Having oeen participants in ins fugitive slave rioiai Christiana, were arrested on Fridav at Fishersville, in Dauphin county, and brought to Harrisburg, and committed to prison. Mr. aicAlister, the U.S. Commissioner, and James Fox, the District Attorney, admitted the illegality of the commitment, and immediate! v after the discharge of the prisoners Commissiorer McAlister pointed to them and declared them in charge of his officers, as fugitive slaves. The U. S. officers then hand-cuffed them in open court, and conveyed them to the Com missioner's office, where an examination was held with closed doors. Several reputable citizens who were nresent during the proceeding, declared in ODen court that the mana cling of prisoners under such circumstance was an outrage, and Judge Pearson expressed bis willingness to arrest ine u. a. omcers tor contempt 01 coun the charge was brought against them. I hey were yesterday brought before Judge fear- son, on a writ of habeas corpus, when it was found that there was not the slightest testimony to connect them with the Christiana outrage, or that they were in mat vicinity at the tune.. The judge decided w magistrate, who committed the defendants, guilty0' the most gross dereliction of duty in issuing a coin' mitment without evidence of supposed guilt and there upon ordered them all to he discharged. It appears that the charge connecting the prisoner with the Christiana outrage waa a mere pretext W get them committed to the county jail, in order to obtain time to telegraph their alleged owner. The examination resulted in their being handed to their owners. Very deep feeling was engendered in the community, but no violation of the law occurred. A Canadian vessel, from Canada, arrived at Fair port a few days since, with a load of iron rails rect from England-for the C. P. & A. Railroad. v v .:, ,'; ... . PainestilU Telegraph This iron was purchased pv whigs who prate j the necessity of protecting American industry, and yet go to- England, purchase the iron, pay transporta tion across the Atlantic, storage, insurance, & anr. then pay 30 per cent on -the original cost, as a is"u tax, rather than purchase Railroad iron at home. -y-- - . i . t unto maiemu"' Isn't it singular that mineral waters are only bene ficial to the wealthy I In all our experience we ne er knew a : physician to ad vise a poor man to go Saratoga, or any othet watering place, . They wises a mas; is, the more he . will be a worship per ef the Deity. n