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Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, March 06, 1860, Image 1

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VOL. XXXVII.
Staunton
JOS. A. WADDELL, )
L. WADDELL, Jr., >Proprietors.
RICHARD MAUZY. J
TERMS.
!3<f- The "SPECTATOR" is published once a week
at Two Dollars and fifty Cents a year, which may be
discharged by the payment of Two Dollars at any time
within the year. No subscription will be discontinued
but at the option of the Editors, until allarrearagesare
paid.
AD VERTISEMENTS often lines {or less,) inserted
three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents for each,
subsequentcontinuance. Largeradveriisementsinserted
in the same proportion.
A liberal discount made to those who advertise by the
year.
Professional Cards, not exceeding sevenlines, will be
inserted for one year for $5 00 —6 months for $3 00.
One square, (ten lines) 1 year $8 00
" " 6 months 5 00
« " 3 " 300
Two squares 1 year 12 00
" " 6 months 8 00
«< » 3 " 500
Three squares 1 year 15 00
« " 6 months 10 00
-• " 3 " TOu
One third column 1 year 18 00
" " " d months 12 00
•< 'i «< 3 " 800
One column 1 year 50 00
" " 6 months 30 00
All advertising for a lest time than threemonths, will
be charged for at the usual rates—sl 00 per square for
thefirst three insertions, and twenty-five cents for each
subsequent issue.
MARKWOOD & GRAVES,
FASHIONABLE TAILORS, --Aa
Opposite the JWarblc Yard, Wi
Main St., Staunton, Va. -J-**-
WOULD inform their friends and the public gen
erally that they are now prepared to execute
work entrusted to them in the neatest and most fash
ionable styles.
As they have had the practice of six years as CUT
TERS they feel confident of pleasing all who may
favour them with tbeir custom, and they hope by
prompt attention to business to merit a liberal share
of patronage-
Sta.int.on, Sep. 6, 1859. _____
JAS. H. MCVEIGH. EDGAR T. MCVEIGH.
JAS. H. McYEIGH & SON.,
(Successors to McVeigh k Chamberlain,)
WHOLESALE GROCERS,
AND DEALERS IN
Liquors, Wines, Tobacco, Segars, &C-,
PRINCfi STREET WHARF,
Alexandria, Va.
March 29, 1859.--ly.
Western Virginia *
MARBLE WORKS, M I
AT STAUNTON j_j| II
HARRISONBURG. HU
HARRIS I KELLEY. ____jj
Staunton, April 7, 1858.
GEO. M. COCHRAN. JAMES COCHRAN.
COCHRAN & COCHRAN,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
STAUNTON, VA.,
WILL practice their profession in all the Courts of
Augusta and the Circuit Courts of Bath and
Highland. Strict attention will be given to all busi
ness entrusted to their care.
Aug. 24, 1858.
POWELL HARRISON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
STAUNTON, VIRGINIA,
WILL practice in the Courts of Augusta and High
land.
J__f~ He may be found at his office, adjoining the
Sheriff's office.
Dec. 9, 1857.
GA . SMITH Manufacturer of S\Wi
• Ladies' Shoes of all descrip- W_
tious, keeps a large stock constantly ou <______—'-%jf
hand aud oifers tliem at very reasonable prices. Also
MISSES' and CHLuDREN'S SHOES. His stand is
next dooh to the Post Ofpice. Patronage is res
pectfully solicited.
Staunton, May 17,1859.
GUY «S_ WADDELL.,
REAL ESTATE AGENTS,
STAUNTON, VIRGINIA.
BUYERS AND SELLERS will find it to their ad
vantage to call at their office in the Brick part
of the Old Bell Tavern.
Staunton, Sep. 6, 1859.
G. C. YEAKLE, V
DBAL-R IN
CLOCKS- WATCHES AND JEWELRY
SILVER AND PLATED WARE,
Opposite fa. Hotel, Staunlon, Wa.
Staunton, Aug. 30, ltss9.
J. M. MANGER
ATTORNEY AT LAW, STAUNTON, VA.,
WILL practice in all the Courts neld in Staunton,
and in the Circuit Courts of Albemarle and
ckmgham. Office in the brick-row, in the rear of
he Court-house.
Staunton, Dec. 30, 1857.
JOHN W. MEREDITH,
DEALER IN
JEWELRY- CLOCKS- WATCHES, &c,
Main St., Staautou, Va.
"__T° Watches and Jewelry Repaired.
Staunton, Jan. 17.
DOCTOR JAMES B. GILKESON— Having
located in Staunton, tenders his professionalser
vices to the public. He may be found, when not pro
essionally engaged, at the room over the Saddle and
Harness establishment of Mr. G. H. Elick, nearly op
posite the Post Offlce.
Staunton Feb. 8.1859—tf.
A. D. CHANDLER,
UNDERTAKER,
Staunton, Va.,
KEEPS METALIC CASES of all sizes, at Staun
ton and Millborough Depot, at City Prices.
Stannton, July 19, 1859.
R. L. DOYLE,
Attorney at Law- Staunton- Va.,
WILL practice in the Courts of Augusta, Rock
bridge, Bath and Highland.
July 29, 1857.
KIRKWOOD HOUSE,
Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D. C,
JOHN H. k A. W. KIRKWOOD,
Proprietors.
Washington, March 24,1858—1y
DA. KAYSER would call attention to a new
• lot of French Cassimeres, Long Shawls, Canton
Flannels, Furs, Velvet Ribands, and many other
things just to hand.
Staunton, Nov. 15, 1859.
EALING WATER.-DR. W. B. YOUNU,
Druggist, has a large lot of Healing Water for
sale, and is the regular Agent for it in Staunton.
Dec. 13.
LOT OF FINE HAVANA CIGARS and
CHEWING TOBACCO just received and for
sale by P. H. TROUT k CO.
Staunton, Nov. 8.
O TOVES, STOVES. -We have just received 52
O Stoves of various patterns, some entirely new, to
which we invite the attention of the public.
Staunton. Oct. 25. WuODS k GILKESON.
JUST RECEIVED.— The best and cheapestlow
price TOBACCO that can be found. Wholesale
or retail by JNO. B. EVANS.
Stannton, July 26, 1859.
CORN MEAL— For sale in large or small quan
tities at the STAUNTON STEAM MILLS .at
market prices. Apply to
_May 31, '59. S. A. RICHARDSON, Sup't.
PHYSICIANS can always be supplied with a ful
assortment of Medicines of the best qualit. at
DR. H. S. EICHELBERGER'S.
Staunton, Jan. 25, '59
CO 4L OIL—A splendid article, at
DR. W. B. YOUNG'S.
Staunton, Nov. 1.
FURS I FURS!— IS sets of Furs just received,
and will be sold at a very low figure.
Staunton, Nov. 8. PIPER A FUNKHOUSER.
-i HANDSOME COAL ORATE for sale by
1 WOODS & GILKESON.
Staunton, Oct. 25.
MIITIER'S HEAVY GOODS-A full supply
tor Servants' Wear, just received by
_ Staunton, Oct. 11, 's<J.' TAYLOR & HOGE.
JUST~REC_rrV_rO--A very fine assortment of
CLOCKS to be sold very low.
Stauuton, Aug. 9, '59. G. C. YEAKLE.
BOOK FOR FARMERS.— Campbell s
Manual of Agriculture. ROB'T COWAN.
Staunton, Nov. 15.
LEATHER ! LEATHER ! !—MOO lbs SOLE
LEATHER good stamp—for sale by
Oct. 25. p. N. POWELL k CO.
Sfauniim $jomtM
thiscelaaheous.
ladd, webster & co.,
131, BALTIMORE ST., BALTIMORE.
manufacturers of
IMPROVED TIGHT STITCH
SEWING MACHINES,
For Families and Manufacturing Establish
ments.
LET Manufacturers, Planters, Farmers Housekeep
ers, or any other persons in search of an instru
ment to execute any kind of Sewing now done by ma
chinery, make sure they secure the best, by examining
ours before purchasing. Samples of work sent by
mail,
WHAT CONSTITUTES A GOOD SEWING
MACHINE?
1. It should be well made, simple in its construc
tion, and easily kept in order.
2. It should make a tight lock-stitch, alike on
both sides of the material.
3. It should sew any and all materials that can
be sewed.
4. It should be able to use Cotton, Thread or Silk
directly from the spool.
5. It should be able to sew from coarse to fine,
and from thick to thin, with rapidity, and without
changing the tension.'
6. It should be able to make the tension greater
or less, on both the under and upper threads, aud
with uniformity.
7. It should have a straight needle, curved ones
are liable to break.
8. The needle should have perpendicular motion.
This is°absolutely necessary for heavy work.
9. It should be capable of taking in the largest
pieces of worfe.
10. It should be able to bind with a binder, hem
with a hemmer; should stitch, fell, run and gather.
11. It should be always ready to work.
12. It should be capable ot using the same size of
thread on both sides of the work, and of using differ
ent colored thread or silk, above or below, to corres
pond with any two colors of cloth to be united.
13. It should be able to make a long or short
stitch.
14. It should be able to fasten off the seam, and
commence sewing tightly at the first stitch.
15. It should run easily aud make but little noise.
16. It should have a wheel feed; none others are
in constant contact with the work.
17. It should not be liable to get out of order.
18- It should not be liable to the thread nor
skip stitches.
19. It should not be necessary to use a screw-dri
ver or wrench to set the needle.
20. It should not be liable to soil the operators
dress.
21. It should not form a ridge on the under side,
nor ravel out, nor be wasteful of thread, as is the case
with all chain stich machines.
22. It should not be 'more trouble than it is
worth.'
23. All of these advantages are possessed in our
machine. LADD. WEBSTER A CO.
Dec. 6,1859.—1y.
FOR GOVERNOR.
GABRIEL HIRSH!
FOR LIEDT. GOV.
WILLIAM JONAS!
NOTWITHSTANDING the failure of the Atlantic
Cable to come up to the expectations of some ol
the knowing ones of the Old and New World, yet
GABRIEL HIRSH, one of the largest stockholders
in the concern, for the purpose of cultivating a frater
nal feeling with all mankind, has extended it as far
as the city of Staunton, where it is performing some
of the greatest achievements of the age, in the way ol
exhibiting at his old stand, on Main Street, the
largest and most complete STOCK OF GOODS ever
brought to this market. The greatest wonder, how
ever, even surpassing the operations of the Cable, are
the "CHINESE JUGGLERS," on exhibition at his
window, where the prettiest man in the country is al
ways to be found engaged in Repairing Watches
anil Jewelry.
$4,000 offered some time since, is still in
the handsofaresponsiblegentlemaninStaunton,ready
to be banded over to any one who will bring forward
a superior workman in his line. G. HIRSH.
Stsuunton, Oct. 19, 1858—tf
CONFECTIONERY ESTABLISHMENT!!!
CHOICE VARIETIES
FOR THE SEASON AT THE STAND
FORMERLY OCCUPIED BT
WM. T. MOUNT, Main St., Staunton, Va
MAGNUS S. CEASE
WOULD respectfully call the attention of the cit
izens of Staunton and vicinity to his large and
en irely new stock of FALL GOODS, which he is now
receiving aud opeuing, cousisting of Wate.*, Sugar and
Soda Crackers, Picnics, Raisins, Figs, Currants, Cit
ron, Dates. PruDes, English Walnuts, Filberts, Al
monds, Ground Nuts, Pecan Nuts, Lemons, Oranges,
Sardines, and Candies of every description.—
Also Fancy Goods, French Candies, Cakes and
Toys.
ISgF* Wedding parties furnished at the shortest no
tice, and on the most reasonable terms.
Also Fresh Peaches, Lobsters, Pickles, Catchups,
kc, kc
He will sell on reasonable terms, and respectfully
solicits a share of patronage.
§3fr* Candy sold at Wholesale and Retail.
Siaunton, Nov. H, 1859.
GIiKAT EXCITEMENT AT THE
CLOTHING HOUSE OF
JACOB POLLITZ,
(brandeburg's old stand.)
THOUGH the Great Eastern has met with serious
accident, vet mv large and well selected stock of
FALL AND WINTER CLOTHING will abundantly
show that my cargo of Goods did arrive sately, and
includes the greatest variety of well finished clo
thing ever brought to this market.
My present stand, at Brandeburg's old Corner
and Opposite the Va. Hotel, gives a sufficiency
of room to show to my customers as nice a stock
of ClothiDg as can be exhibited this side ot Baltimore
and which 1 will sell at Baltimore City Prices.
The public are invited to examine my stock, before
purchasing elsewhere, at least all those who consid
er that "a penny saved is a Denny made."
* JACOB POLLITZ,
Brandeburg's old stand, Opp'te Va. Hotel.
Staunton.Oct.il. 1859.
FIRE AND LIFE INSURANCE.
IS the ALBEMARLE INSURANCE COMPANY,
Charlottesville. The Capital of the Company is
large and well secured, and its business conducted on
the most prudent principles. Lives of Slaves insur
ed at the lowest rates. Apply to
HUGH W. SHEFFEY, Agent.
I am also Agent of the CHARTER OAK LIFE IN
SURANCE COMPANY, one of the most substantial
and prudently conducted Compa's in the United States.
The widow of the late John H. Brown received through
me $ 2,5u0 the amount of the policy on her husband's
life. HUGH W. SHEFFEY,
Dec. 13.—-3 m.
TANNERY. —I have this day associated my son,
Wm. B. Gallaher with me in the Tanning busi
ness in the town of Waynesboro' and the business will
hereafter be conducted in the name of H. L. GALLA
HER & SON.
Persons indebted to my Tannery are hereby notified
to come forward and settle, aud those having claims
against it are requested to present the same for pay
ment. My sou, Wm. B. Gallaher, will always be found
at the Tannery and is authorized to settle for me.
Public patronage is solicited for the new concern.
!__•" The highest Cash price will be paid for hides,
skins and bark at all times. H. L. GALLAHER.
Waynesboro', Oct. 4, 1859.—1y*.
DR. JAMES JOHNSTON, SURGICAL Ac
MECHANICAL DENTIST, having been located
permanently ia Staunton for the last four years, would
respectfully inform his frieuds and the public gene
rally, th.it he still continues to practice Dentistry in all
its various branches, with the strictest regard to du
rability and usetulness.
Office on the south-side of Main Street opposite the
old Spectator Office.
Staunton, Nov. 29, 1854.
WHEAT WANTED The Staunton Steam
Mills Co. will pay the highest prices in Cash
for Wheat. Farmers wishing to dispose of their
crops will probably consult their interests by bring
ing samples to S. A. RICHARDSON, Sup't.
Nov. 15,1859.
C~ OACH BODY VARNISH, a superior grade of
Copal Varnish, Japan do., Demar, do., Mastic
do., anu all other Varnishes, for sale by
Staunton, Nov. 29. P. H. TROUT k CO.
FURS. —A few sets of very handsome Brown Rus
sia, Fitch and Sable Furs. Received and for sale
by D. A. KAYSER.
Staunton, Nov. 22; 1859.
ORN SHELUERS We have on hand four
different varieties of Corn Shelters and Separa
tors. WOODS k GILKESON.
Staunton, Oct. 25.
LADIESMCLOAKS.— We have just received a
new supply of Cloaks of the very latest style
worth, from $18 to $30.
Staunton Dec. 20. PIPER <_ FUNKHOUSER.
WAITERS.— Several handsome sets of Waiters.
Also single do. for sale by
Staunton, Oct. 25. WOODS k GILKESON.
LARGE QUANTITY OF SALTPETRE for sale by
P. fl. TROUT k CO, "
Staunton, Nov. 29.
PURE GROUND PEPPER--^(-round by ourselves.
Also Pepper in grain. P. H. TROUT & CO.
Staunton, Nov. 29.
4 LL kinds of Iron Machinery fitted up at the work
i I Shop of the Staunton Foundry.
Sep. 13, 1859. A. J. GARBER k CO.
IT'OK flats. Caps, and every style of Gents' Furnish
! ing Goods, call at J. POLLITZ'S
Staunton. Oct. 11,1859. Clothing Ho*.sn
UOFAS —A new lot Solas, just to hand, very cheap
O Staunton. July 19, '59. A. D. CHANDLER.
STAUNTON, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY, MARCH 6, 1860.
T«" : ; Ji__3E**__S&__»i__
"poetry.
The Battle-field.
BT W. C BETANT.
Few American poems have gained so much ce
lebrity as this. The eighth stanza, in particular,
bas a world-wide reputation :
Once this soft turf, this rivulet's sands,
Were trampled by a hurrying crowd,
And fiery hearts, and armed hands
Encountered in the battle cloud.
Now all is calm and fresh and still;
Alone the chirp of flitting bird,
And talk of children on the hill,
And bell of wandering kine are heard.
No solemn host goes trailing by
The black mouthed gun and staggering wain
Men start not at the battle-cry.
Oh, be it never heard again!
Soon rested those that fought; but thou
Who minglest in the harder strife
For truth which men receive not now,
Thy warfare only ends with life.
A friendless warfare I lingering long
Through weary days and weary years,
A wild and many-weaponed throng
Hang on thy front, and flank, and rear.
Yet nerve thy spirit to the proof,
And blanch not at thy chosen lot;
The timid good may stand aloof,
The sage may frown, yet faint thou not.
Nor heed the shaft so surely cast,
The foul and hissing bolt of scorn;
For with thy side shall dwell at last,
The victory of endurance born.
Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again;
The eternal years of God are hers;
But Error, wounded, writhes with pain.
And dies among his worshipers.
Yes, though thou lie upon the dust,
When they who help thee flee in fear.
Die full of hope and manly trust,
Like those who fell in battle here.
Another hand thy sword shall wield,
Another hand the standard wave,
Till from the trumpet's mouth is pealed
The blast of triumph o'er thy grave.
To Addie.
May peace be ever with thee, love,
And may her bright and hallowed wing,
Be spread above thy pathway, love,
And joys forever round thee spring,
With no dark cloud above thee, love,
To darken or obscure thy sky,
But ever calm and peaceful, love,
Your hopes fixed firmly up on high.
Though by-gone years have proven, love,
To many a sad and weary heart.
That tears and sighs do ofteu, love,
Make up the life the greater part;
And when oppressed by sorrow, love.
The soul it cries out for relief;
But those who give their succor, love.
Oft make us feel more deep our grief;
Keep up thy courage bravely, love,
How oft the morn of life is found;
A type of Nature's day-spring, love,
With clouds and darkness gathered round;
But see! the clouds are driven, love,
Far from the bright cerulean sky,
The day it closes sweetly love,
The sun's bright beams reflected high.
So oft we see the dawning, love,
Of life, with care a heavy pall,
Surrounding all our footsteps, love,
And shadows dark around us fall.
But, as we journey on through life,
The clouds disperse and joys are found;
The pall is gone, hope gilds the scene,
Our sun is set with glory crowned.
Hope on, hope ever, dearest one,
The darkest night must have an end;
The God of day dispels the gloom,
And through the earth his glory sends ;
So shall thy path in future years
Be bright, though sorrow dimmed the past j
Trust thou in God, hope undismayed,
Peace, joy and love are found at last.
MISCELLANY.
A Contented Farmer.
Once upon a time Frederick, King of Prussia,
surnamed "Old Fritz," took a ride and espied
an old farmer, plowing bis acre by the wayside,
cheerily singing his melody.
"You must be well off, old man," said the
king. "Does this acre belong to you, on which
you so industriously labor ?"
"No, sir, replied the farmer," who knew not
that it was tbe king; "I am not so rich as that;
I plow for wages."
"How much do you get a day ?" asked the
king.
"Eight groschen," (about twenty cents) said
the farmer.
"This is not much," replied the king; "can
you get along with this ?"
"Get along and have something left."
"How is that?"
"The farmer smiled and said :
"Well, if I must tell you. Two grochen are
for myself and wife, two I pay my old debts,
two I lend away and two I give away for the
Lord's sake."
"This is a mystery which I cannot solve," re
plied the king.
"Then I will solve it for you," replied the
farmer.
"I have two old parents at home who kept
me when I was weak and needed help ; and now
that they are weak and need help, I keep them.
This is my debt, toward which I pay two gro
schen a day. The third pair of groschen, which
I lend away, I spend for my children, that they
may receive Christian instruction. This will
come handy to me and my wite when we get
old. With the last two groschen I maintain
two sick sisters, whom I would not be compell
to keep; this I give for the Lord's sake."
The king, well pleased with his answer re
marked :
"Bravely spoken, old man. Now I will also
give you something to guess. Have you ever
seen me before?"
"Never," said the farmer.
"In less than five minutes you shall see me
fifty times, and carry in your pocket fifty of my
likenesses."
"This is a riddle which I cannot unravel,"
said the farmer.
"Then I will do it for you," replied the king.
Tlnusting his hand into his pocket, and count
ing him fitly bran-uew gold pieces into his hand,
stamped with his royal likeness, he said to the
astonished farmer, wbo knew not what was
coming:
"Tbe coin is genuine, for it also comes-from
our Lord God, and lam his paymaster. I bid
you adieu." — German Messenger.
A Gbeat Turkey Manufactory.—B. and S.
Beatty, of Aurora, Cayuga county, New York,
we think must be the greatest providers ot tur
key meat ot any single establishment in this
country. Of one now before us, they say, "it is
oue of 2,000 of our turkeys, and a pretty fair
sample. We fattened the most of them on our
own premises." We judge the sample will weigh
nearly 20 lbs., but allow only 15 lbs. as the av
erage weight, and it will show that these gen
tlemen have turned out of their great manufac
tory 30.000 lbs. of turkey meat as their crop of
the present Winter. These two brothers are
enterprising business men, who couduct their
business upon common-sense principles, and tbat
business is to convert grain into a saleable pro
duct at a profit.— New York Paper.
The largest cargo of fruit ever brought to New
York arrived there last week, with 10,500 box
es lemons and oranges from Sicily, and about
18,000 boxes raisiDS from Malaga.
An Army Reviewed by a»Liou.
The anthor of a recent work on Algeria, re
lates the following incident which occurred while
marchiDg with a body of French troops on tbeir
way to attack tbe Kabyles :
"We had ridden carelessly forward, admiring
the view, or speculating on the game to be found
in those mountain passes, when the sudden halt
and the unhinging of carbines startled us. Push
ing past the rear fibs, we galloped to the front
just in time to prevent the sergeant, who led the
advance, firing at a noble lion, who, advanciug
toward tbe same path wbich we were pursuing,
had halted abruptly ai our view. He had evi
dently come from a different direction to tbe one
we were pursuing, and was making to the very
pile of the mountains whose sombre colors bad
excited our curiosity. Five minutes later and
we should not have seen him; but, as it happen
ed, there be stood, evidently very much aston
ished at thus plumping suddenly on so large a
party. Were we to fire, we should doubtless
either kill or mortally wound the animal. In
the first case, all would be well, and we should
be tbe richer by a lion's skin; in the second
place, we should be sure to lose one or more
men, and it was 8 responsibility tbe young offi
cer in command would not assume. Hastily
giving the order to unsling the carbine*-, he closed
np tbe men with some difficulty, for the horses
were very restive. In «(**e the lion showed a
disposition to attack, all werfc to face toward
him, and it was to be hoped that the general
discharge would prove mortal. If disposed to
let us do so, we were to pass him quietly.
"I have often heard that the lion by day in no
way resembles the same animal hy night. Du
ring the darkness, seeking his prey where he can
find it, he will attack anything with the greatest
ferocity; bnt during the day time, it being its
proper period for sleep, and being besides, gene
rally gorged with food, he seldom attacks man.
In the present instance, I had little confidence in
the effect of our fire, for our horses, as their ri
ders approached fckeir dreaded enemy, became
more and more alarmed and restive. The liou
was, doubtless, the one I bad heard roar in the
distance the previous night, and he had been to
the other side, seeking his food among the do
nors of the native tribes near Tenient, from
wbich he was now returning to his den.
"Our files well closed up, we neared the lion,
who showed no symptoms of fear; gazed at us,
not savagely, but apparently with great curiosi '
ty. Then he moved his tail to and fro, like a
large cat; and as we neared him he deliberately
sat down on bis hindquarters, looking then, for
all the world, like a queer-colored large New
foundland dog. Just as we ranged up with him,
passing by in single file, the horses' heads and
tails were together, he opened his huge mouth
with a mighty yawn, uttering, as he did so a
sound between a heavy sigh and a growl. This
be did without rising—and in a most sleepy
manner, as though he were supremely indifferent
to our presence.
"All this time our horses were terribly exci
ted, and my own, a jet black Syrian barb, which
had carried me many a mile over the plains of
Wallachina and Roumelio, and who, from his
intense love ot mischief and fighting, I had long
since christened 'Bashi-Bazourk,' was now com
pletely cowed, and though walking at a very
slow pace, his black coat was all white with
foam. I was not fifteen paces from tbe lion, >md
I could not resist the fancy that seized me to
rein in and look at him. Trembling in every
limb, my horse obeyed me, and as the rear files
of our escort moved past, I contemplated the no
ble brute. He was a splendid male, of the color
called by the natives the "black lion,' and wbich
they say, is the most fierce and terrible of all.—
He seemed deepy and quiet enough just then,
and did not even look at me. The jangling of
tbe men's arms appeared to catch his attention ;
and it was indeed but a moment's space that was
allowed me for contemplation, for a slight move
on his part caused my horse to bound aside so as
almost to unhorse me, and when I recovered my
seat and my power over my frightened steed,
the sleepy fellow had deliberately laiu down, and
resting his noble head on two mighty paws, he
followed us with his eyes as we moved slowly
away."
For the Spectator.
Pay Roll of Capt. Briscoe 0. Baldwin's Compa
ny of the 32ft„ and 93rd Regiments of Va.
Militia, Augusta county, of the '•'•Flying
Camp,'' 1 commanded by Col. Jas. McDowell,
from 6th July to 28th Sept., 1813 :
OFFICERS. .
B. G. Baldwin, Capt., Jos. Houston, Lieut.,
M. Chambers, Ens'n., A. Pouglass, Sergeant,
H. H. Crump, 2ud Ed. Fulton, 3rd Serg'nt,
Sergeaut, T. Harris, 4tb Serg'nt,
H. Rachford, Ist Cor- C. Dauee, 2nd Corp'l,
poral, Jas. Earle, 3rd Corp'l,
W. B. Harper,4th Cor- J. Harsley, sth Corp'l,
poral, J. Christian, 6th Corp'l,
G. Carrier, 7th Corp'l.
PRIVATES.
Jno. C. Atwater, Jac. Argenbright,
Jno. Blackley, Jos. C. Brown,
Arch'd Brown, Wm. Bostic,
Smith Bat6tnan, Henry Burger,
Abr. Brannaman, Jno. Cain,
W. Coggins, Michael Crone,
James Cline, Alex. Cunningbara,
Jos. Collins, James Collins,
William Christian, A. Derromandic,
Wm. Dice, James Fox,
Jno. Gunter, Jno. Games,
Jno. Guy, Samuel Gregory,
Jno. C. Gillespie, Wm. Garries,
John Griever, Henry Hansberger,
Jacob Huff, Wm. Henderson,
Joseph Henry, Wilson Harper,
H. Hills, or Oillbouse, Wm. Hills,
Peter Huff, Geo. Imboden,
Rob't Jameison, Jac. Ingleman,
Ben. Lamb, Jas. Mills,
Henry McCadden, Jno. McDade,
Amos Normandy, Jos. Peck,
Henry Puffenberger, Jas. Poague,
Alex. Reed, Wm. Ramsay,
Thos. Rankin, Jno. Ramsay,
r>ailey i_numate, Jno. Snapp,
Wm. Shield, Ben. Sanford
John Shelby, Joseph Taylor,
R. Thomas, Hezekiah Wright
Thos. White, W. Wills,
Jobn Woods, John Walters,
Jno. Young.
Pay Roll of Capt. Jno. C. Buskin's Company
32nd Regiment Va. Militia, Augusta county,
'■'■Flying Camp," commanded by Col. Jas. Mc-
Dowell, from Qth July to IQth August, 1813 :
OFFIOEES.
Jobn C. Baskin, Wm. Brown, Lieut.,
Captain, R. A. Loftus, Ist Serg't,
John Yorkshire, 2nd J. Black, 3rd Sergeant,
Sergeant, Jno. Brownfield, Ist cor-
John Crouse, Drum- poral,
mer.
PRIVATES.
Hugh Alexander, Thos Brownfield,
Jno. R. Collins, Rich'd Freeman,
Samuel Hays, Edward Herenan,
Robert Lynch, David McCarty,
Matthew Moss, Rice Morriss,
Arch'd Notes, Audley Paul,
Wm. Livick, Alex. Ross,
Jonas Smith, -Tames Steele,
Andrew Sloan, Isa. Trotter,
John Wood.
Hold On I—Hold on to your tongue when you
are just ready to swear, lie, or speak harshly, or
use auy improper word.
Hold on to your band wben you are about
ready to strike, pinch, scratch, steal, or do any
improper act.
Hold on to your loot when you are on the
point of kicking, running from stndy, or pursu
ing the path of <trror, shame, or crime.
Hold on to your temper when you are angry,
excited, or imposed upon, or others are angry
about you.
Hold on to your heart wben evil associates
seek your company and invite you to join them.
Perhaps the best novel ever written, "Robin
son Crusoe," has not a word of love in it. And
how all honest boys and girls like it. The lit
erary tastes of youth are simple and pure enough,
if not perverted.
ADDRESS
Of the Opposition State Convention
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
This Convention, by original appointment, "was
to have assembled on the 14th day of December
last, bnt it was deemed advisable, in consequence
of .subsequent events, to postpone its meeting.—
Those events were of a character so unexpected,
and accompanied by developments so startling,
aa to make it, at once, tbe dictate of prudence
and of patriotism to defer onr action until fur
tber time should be given to discern the issue to
which tbey conducted.
Pursuant to the postponement, we met togeth
er at the Capitol of tbe State, on tbe 22d of Feb
ruary, and as tbe day itself is hallowed in the
annals of our history, we would, ourselves, catch
from it an inspiration of the moderation, wis
dom and virtue ol the patriot to whom it gave
birth.
At our appointment we were commissioned to
deal with tbe party politics of the day, and on
behalf of the Opposition ot Virginia, to initiate
measures looking to concerted action on the part
of the Opposition of all the States in tbe ap
proaching election of President.
Tiie public considerations involved in the at
tempt well justified tbe action, although the
condition of affairs bad been less auspicious of
success. The Democratic party, for a long suc
cession of terms, with slight exception, had con
trolled the Federal Government and ruled tbe
policy of the country. Tbe expenses ot tbe gov
ernment from about $ under the second
Adams, and $ under Mr. Fillmore, had
increased to $ under Mr. Pierce, and were
rapidly swelling to more than $100,000,000 un
der Mr. Bucbanan. The principle that "to tbe
victors belong the spoils," borrowed from de
generate days, but at one time indignantly re
pudiated by all parties, bad for a long period of
time, under successive Democratic administra
tions, been avowed as tbeir rule of action, aud
the public offices, created for the public benefit,
bad been unblushiugly bestowed as rewards on
partizans, and tools, and minions of executive
pleasure. The public press was pensioned, and
tbe freedom of elections constrained by execu
tive patronage. In the shape of federal con
tracts, political favorites fraudulently obtained
the rewards of party service, and of party apos
tacy, and in every ramification of executive
action, extravagances, corruptions and frauds
marked tbe rule of tbe men in authority, until
the public mind, habituated to tbese abuses, bad
become, in a great degree, to experience tbe
same demoralization. Under its influence, pa
triotism bas given place to party ism, considera
tions of the pubiic weal having been abandoned
by those that belong to party success, and our
Presidential elections bave degenerated into
mere contests for place.
Every recurrence of these is marked by some
issue originating in tbe interests of a few, aud
continued for special effect. Whatsoever is cal
culated to .xcite the public mind, to inflame pas
sion, to pioduce discord and engender sectional
animosity, is habitually seized upon by aspirants
for place and industriously pressed forward by
politicians and tbe presses in. their interests.—
No consideration of tbe public peace; no consid
eration of fraternal concord, of our Uniun, of its
blessings ; no consideration of tbe happiness aud
prosperity of the couutry; no consideration of
the obligations, which as a nation, we owe to
other nations, interposes restraiut. In the lust
for office, aud in the greed for spoil all of these
are trodden down, and the dearest interests ol
all are gambled with for tbe gain of a few. In tbe
very nature of things it was not possible for the
question of slavery to remain unappropriated,
it was by far too inviting to tbe ends of party.
Existing in a part only of the States, the in
stitution of slavery is necessarily sectional, and
claiming to extend itself iuto the unoccupied ter
ritory of the public domain, it was of itself cal
culated to excite sectional jealousy. This was first
seen wben tha thirteen celouies, pressed by tbe
progress of the revolution, settled the articles ot
confederation. Wben independence was achiev
ed it was more strongly manifested in the con
vention that framed the Constitution. It again
exhibited its influence when Missouri applied tor
admission into the sisterhood of States. But
greatly as the public mind was excited on these
occasions, and important as were the measures
volved, parties forebore to form upon it, and the
patriotism of the country rose to equality with
the exigencies of the day.
After 1820, for a long series of years, the
country reposed quietly in the settlements, and
progressed, undisturbed by the baneful excite
ment. Certain societies ot tbe Friends, contriv
ed to forward to each Congress, memorials a
gaiust slavery, but these disturbed no man's
composure, and excited no complaint. A few
fanatics in the Eastern States, combined into Ab
olition Societies, sent also tbeir petitions lo Con
gress, but these were disposed of like those of
tbe Quakers, and the currents of National and
State politics, flowed smoothly on, without a rip
ple proceeding from that cause.
In the progress of events, the abolitionists, in
creasing in numbers, associated themselves into
party organization, and in the States, especially
ot Ohio, New York and Massachusetts, put for
ward candidates for political office. But des
pised by both of tbe great parties into which the
politics of tbe country bad divided the people
they would assimilate witb neither. In Massa
chusetts, for years, Marcus Morton, was their
standing candidate for the office of Governor
and for a succession of Presidential terms, they
voted in all the States, for Mr. Binny, as their
candidate tor the Presidency. Engrossed witb
the idea of general emancipation, tbey address
ed themselves to measures, wholly without the
jurisdiction of Federal authority, and they could
find, therefore, no foundation on which to rear
the super-structure of an enduring political or
ganization, and unassisted by tbe extraneous in
fluences, tbeir idiosyncracy was certain, in tbe
end, to exhaust its energy. But, uufortunateiy,
these influences were not withheld.
Tbe old Federal party, under whose auspices
the government was inaugurated, and conducted
through three successive administrative terms,
found itself opposed by tbe Republican party, by
which it suifered overthrow in the election of
Mr. Jefferson. Proceeding upon the leading
idea ot opposition to executive influence, the
victorions party successfully addressed itself to
to the susceptibility of tbe public mind on the
subject of tbe oue man power, and so consoli
dated its strength, tbat under the administra
tion of Mr. Monroe, it found itself without a ri
val. Everywhere in the Federal and State gov
ernments, the policy of tbe country was shaped
by its influence. Lofty in its aspirations, high
toned iv its principles, in tbe conduct of our
Federal affairs, it addressed itself to tbe great
tenets witb euligbtened aud patriotic devotion.
In our foreign relations it commanded tbe res
pect of other Powers; in our domestic affairs
while regard was bad to tbe constitution and
the rights of the States, it recognized tbe daty
of protecting and advancing the great industrial
interests of the country, and under its fostering
measures commerce, manufactures and agricul
ture, made rapid progress in prosperity. No
power not granted to the federal authority was
assumed, aud no power granted to it, when nec
essary to tbe geueral welfare, was abrogated.—
But, in the progress of time, divisions arose, and
parties formed tor the advancement of political
favorites. One division addressed itself to pop
ular appliances, aud assumed tbe name of "de
mocracy," a name wbicb soon was found strong
ly to distinguish its prominent features. By
artful appeals to popular prejudice, by loud pro
fessions of love for tbe people, tbis division suc
ceeded to power, and inaugurated an era in
which the executive department stretched its
powers to unheard of extents. Tben was begun
tbat tatal resort of purchasing support with tbe
emoluments of office, and tbe proclamation went
forth that "to the victors belong tbe spoils."
The other division took the name of Whig; a
name in British history significant of opposition
to Kingly power, and iv this country illustrated
iv our annals by patriotic devotion to tbe cause
of liberty. True to the antecedents of the great
Republican party, pursuing its high purposes,
ihe Whigs cast themselves in opposition to Dem
ocratic excesses, and invoked the public judg
ment upon tbe disastrous tendencies of public af
i fairs. Although the dominant party experienced
some defections from its ranks, the iron rule ot
party held stern sway ; but in tbe hands of Mr.
Van Buren the sceptre was held by a feebler
grasp. The misrule, the extravagancies, tbe
work, the corruptions of the administration,
were more than the positions of the Democracy
coold withstand, and for a time the people were
rallied to the rescue. In tbe North the great
States of New York, Ohio and Massachusetts,
and in the South the States of Kentucky, Ten
nessee and North Carolina were in the ranks of
the Whigs, while in Georgia, Florida, Louisiana
and Virginia, and some of the other States, the
contest for the supremacy was sharp and doubt
ful.
The great questions of Executive power, Con
gressional responsibility, economy, reform of a
buses, of protection to the great interests of the
country, were pressed at every point, and the
opposing hosts reeled and staggered under their
irresistible force. Condemned upon these issnes
by the public judgments, in their extremity they
let fly a Parthian arrow at tbe pursuing hosts,
and the envenomed point rankled in the bosom
of the country. For the first time in our histo
ry, tbe question of slavery was introduced for
party effect, aud that dangerous element intru
ded into the conflict of parties. The Democrats
of the Southern States set themselves up as the
exclusive guardians of tbe institution of slavery,
while those of the Northern States were strenu
ous in the interests of freedom, and the Whigs
found themselves in the anomalous condition of
being assailed in one quarter as unsound on the
question of slavery, and denounced in the other j
as untrue to liberty. Yet, both in the North j
and in tbe South there were in the ranks of the j
Whigs men as eminent for ability, as illustrious !
for integrity and patriotism as ever adorned the
division of a party, and as thoroughly identified i
with the interests of their sections, as any that I
lived in them. The susceptibility ot the South
ern mind to the interests of slavery, enab'ed the i
Democrats to weaken tbe Whigs in the slave- j
holding States, and finally to withdraw them
from their influence, while in the North they
combin¥_ with the Abolitionists, and succeeded
to power in tbe States of Ohio, New York and
Massachusetts. During these operations the
victors had no difficulty in uniting for the com
mon purpose. On whatever battle fields they
fought, they were wings of the same army, fight
ing for the same spoils, and when met together
in general convention, resolutions of equivocal
import, designed to admit of opposite construc
tion, were put forth, as the platform of the par
ty on which either wing could securely stand in
the region where it was to give battle.
It was not the least remarkable feature of this
strange anomaly that successes achieved at the
North by abolition aid were heralded at the
South as Democratic victories, until, at last the
party became jubilant over the election of Mar
cus Morton to the chief executive office of the
State of Massachusetts.
The new element thus introduced into the
conflict of parties, tended necessarily to sectional
antagonism, and it was easy to see that, how
ever well it served the exigency of the moment,
it was likely in the end, to bring discord into
tbe party on whoate behalf it was invoked. As
a political issue, it tended to mischief, to excite
passions, to inflame prejudices, to sectionalize
parties and imperil slavery. But no considera
tions of statesmanship, no enlightened forecast
of party-welfare, no rt-gard for the peace of the
country and the safety of its institutions, no
respect for the integrity of the Union, nothing
availed to restrain the Democracy from the des
perate resort. Introduced upon the political a
rena, it soon engrossed the public mind, aud the
success that attended it in the Southern States,
invited to a similar use of it in the Northern
States. Now, all other issues are laid aside, and
opposing parties rely for success in the different
sections upon their ability to excite and exas
perate the minds of the masses by the laudation
and abuse of slavery.
The claim of legislative power to exclude
slavery from the common tenitory was a fruit
ful source of agitation. In tbe ordinance of
1787, providing a government for the Northwest
ern territory, it was declared that iuvoluntary
servitude except for crime should be forever ex
cluded therefrom. This ordinance was contem
poraneous with the formation of the federal
constitution. Being adopted by tbe Congress of
the confederation, it was ratified by express pro
vision of that instrument, and so the unfortunate
policy was inaugurated at the birth of the Gov
ernment. But for a long time nothing occurred
to disturb tbe peaceful relations of tbe States.—
Under Mr. Jefferson's administration, Louisiana
was purchased from France and subsequently
Florida was purchased irom Spain, and in both
territories slavery was recognized and establish
ed by law, and in the inhabited parts was actual
ly existing at the time of the purchases. No
effort was made by the federal authority to in
terfere with it, but when Missouri applied for
admission it was proposed to impose upon her
people the condition of excluding slavery from
the new State. The struggle ended in a compro
mise by which the line of 36:30 was drawn
through the remaining part of the Louisiane
purchase, and the application of the prohibition
of the ordinance of 1787 to the part north of that
line. The country acquiesced in the settlement
and the excitement subsided, but in the division
of parties, the question of slavery was not per
mitted to enter.
Tbe States of Arkansas and Florida, in the
course of events, were duly admitted, without
question as to their system of labor. But, in
1850, another condition prevailed; the fathers of
the Republic had passed off trom the scene of
their usefulness; the great republican party had
given place to the fierce Democracy, and the
agitation of slavery was tbe pabulum of its ex
istence. Under their conduct of the govern
ment, sectionalism had erected its horrible head,
aud parties already threatened to divide by Ma
son and Dixon's line. Wben, tberefore, Con
gress came to make disposition of the territory
ceded by Mexico, it furnished no just ground of
surprise tbat tbis vicious element should distract
the repose of the country. But fortunately there
were distinguished patriots of both parties then
in the conduct of affairs. These great minds
addressed themselves to the work of pacification,
and a series of enactments, known as the Com
promise measures of 1850, were placed on the
statute book. By these the law for the ren
dition of fugitives from service was made more
stringent; California was admitted as a State
with a Constitution prohibiting slavery; a gov
ernment was provided for tbe territory of New
Mexico, without any provision on that subject;
tbe line ot the Missouri Compromise was ex
tended through the Northern part of Texas;
and the trade in slaves was prohibited in the
District of Columbia. The purpose ot tbese acts
was to dispose*, at once, of all the subjects touch
ing which the question of slavery was likely to
be agitated, and thenceforward to exclude that
topic, as matter of legitimate discussion, from
tbe halls of Congress. In this spirit Mr. Fill
more accepted them, and, in his mes-age, de
clared them to be a final adjustment in substance
and in principle of the questions to which tbey
related The State ot Virginia, by ber Legisla
ture, expressed her acquiescence; the country
was content, and peace and concord seemed a
bout to be restored to a divided brotherhood.—
Tbe Democratic Convention that nominated Mr.
Pierce, adopted a resolution declaring the finality
of the settlement, and made it a plank in their
platform; the Whig Convention that nominated
Gen. Scott did tbe same. In his inaugural ad
dress, Mr. Pierce re-affirmed the settlement,
and both in that and in his first message, ex
pressly pledged himself to tbe country that, by
notbing tbat he would do, or countenance in the
doing of others, should the distracting question
of African slavery, during his term of office, be
obtruded upon the deliberations of Congress.
Wben Mr. Pierce entered upon the duties of
his office, there had been no time since tbe first
introduction of this mischievous element into
party politics, at which tbe agitators, in both
sections, were more powerless; their strength
was paralized, and parties were rallying to bring
again to issue, the great questions from which
they had so long been led astray. It was at this
juncture, that the act of 1820, known as the
Missouri Compromise, was repealed, and through
the flood-gates of Congress, the slavery discus
sion poured its torrents over the land. Of its
! disastrous effects, the whole country is witness.
That it disrupted the Whig party; that it drove
from tie administration hosts of Democrats;
that it gave rise to the modern republican or
ganization ; that it brought the two divisions o
the country into angry opposition, upon a sec
tional issue; that it caused civil, and threatened
servile war; that it relieved the agitators from
their paralysis, and invigorated their strength ;
that it swelled the ranks of the disaffected, and
imperiled the Union, are facts of present existing
history, the evils and dangers of which, are yet
to have their solotion.
Had the repeal been demanded by some great
public exigency in the affairs of the country, the
evils encountered in its accomplishment, might
be compensated by the object it was successful
in obtaining. Bat no exigency pressed its de
mand ; no State Legislature, and no member of
any ; no primary assembly of the people ; and,
as far as is known, no individual of the masses,
sent up either petition or request. The scheme
was concocted in the closet of the politician,
and to serve the ends of political adventurers,
sprung suddenly from the Senate chamber on
the public. Had it been designed as a practical
benefit to the institution of slavery, to enable
the master to settle the new territories with his
slaves, justification or excuse might be found for
the act in the spirit of justice on which it pro
ceeded. But we were told by the projectors
and advocates of the repeal that the slave own
ers could not take possession of the lands, be
cause both nature and climate dedicated it to
: freedom.
But it is said that the act repealed was un
constitutional, and has been so declared to be by
tbe Supreme Court. Then the repeal was un
necessary, as the act itself was a nallity. Bnt
the case in which the judgment was rendered
was pending before the Court when the repeal
ing act was introduced, and as the question of
constitutionality was appropriately a judicial
question, there was a fitness in leaving it to
tbat arbitrament. It cannot be doubted that
bad the question been left to progress quietly
through the judicial forum, the judgment would
have been received as a final settlement, but
dragged untimely iuto party politics, the vexa
tion endures to work its mischief.
The introduction of African slavery into party
politics is the prolific cause of all our troubles.—
It has proved to this country what the wrath of
Achilles was to Greece, "the direful spring of
woes unnumbered."
We trace this history for the double purpose
of exposing tbe guilty authors and exhibiting
the evil itself.
The public mind has become, in a measure,
disordered, and we must have the courage to
look the di*ease in the face and submit to the
remedy necessary for a cure.
The remedy is to restore the question of slave
ry to tbe condition in which our fathers left it,
to bo discussed when occasions arise appropriate
to the discussion, and to expel it forever from
the creed of party. To deal with it properly,
demands the best exertions of enlightened patri
otism. Withdrawn by the very form ot the
constitution from the common power of all, it
was expressly reserved to the States, separately,
under tbe authority of whose law it is permitted
to exist. Constituting a large and important
interest in these States, it is entitled to the con
sideration of every State, and, within the just
limits of constitutional power, to the protection
of the common agent. Its religious, its social,
its industrial tendencies belong not to others to
determine, and are unfit and unprofitable for
others to discuss. We are not now considering
tbe formation of the confederacy; our Union is
established, free States are associated with slave
holding States, and what concerns us, is, how to
discharge the duties that the compact of associa
tion imposes.
Slavery is not now what it was at the com
mencement of our government. It has grown
into proportions far exceeding the anticipations
of our fathers. They looked forward to the day
when it could be abolished with safety. But
the times have changed since there were but a
few hundred thousand slaves in the country,
with comparatively small prices. The number
has swelled to four millions, constituting the
labor of one half the nation.
It has an importance reaching to national
proportions. It produces commodities that con
stitute the necessaries, comforts and luxuries of
all nations. It is tbe main support of Northern
commerce and manufactures, and of Northern
wealth and progress. Southern society rests up
on its base, and upon its security the world de
pends for the products of its labor in those
larger quantities that the progress of civilization
and the arts demand. ,
But if slavery only concerned the South it
would be entitled to be treated with liberal views
and impartial and candid judgment; it is unfit
for sectional and partizan intrigues and manage
ment. The prosperity and safety of the South
concern the nation.
The States under whose laws the system of
free labor obtains, are secure, like their Southern
sisters, from all federal interference as it is re
served to them alone to consider tbe religion, the
social and industrial questions that spring from
it. Whatever great interests these systems give
rise to are equally entitled to the consideration
of the other States, and within the prescribed
limits, to tbe protection of the federal agent.
If a diversity exists between tbe two systems
of labor and different interests spring from them
requiring special measures to accommodate the
exigencies of each, it is the plain dictate of jus
tice that the power of all shall be exerted in the
behalf of each, it is only by measures and enact
ments founded in concession and compromise,
that government can discbarge its high duty.—
We see nothing in our system incompatible with
a cordial L'tiion of the States, and the harmoni
ous working of the federal government. It is
replete with every element of national, social and
individual prosperity and happiness, and if per
mitted, under Providence, to work out its desti
ny, it cannot fail to establish the United States
in the foremost rank ot tbe great nations of the
earth.
Between the two extremes of North and South
we would gladly find a path of safety. The
Constitution and the laws made by its founders
bave, iv ample measure, promoted the happiness,
prosperity and security of tbe whole country. —
The South has flourished and grown to wealth
and strength under them ; can it be tbat the
time has anived to abandon this Constitution
and repeal these laws ? To a great extent, we
think, the solution of tbis question remains with
the people of the North. For tbe South we
claim as the condition of our Union the principle
ot legal equality, and the principle that political
power is a trust power, to be exercised for the
good of the governed. We claim security for
slavery as a domestic institution ; we claim the
right to extend it into any Territory of the pub
lic domain, now in possession or hereafter to be
acquired, where the soil and climate invite it;
we desire no further importations from Africa
to degrade and barbarize and render valueless
the slaves that are here. With these recogni
tions we are content with the Constitution, we
are content with the Union, and content to live
witb the people of the North as the citizens of
one government, and to share with them a com
mon prosperity.
But recent events have disclosed the existence,
in the North, of opinions and passsions danger
ous to the peace of Southern society, and the
South cannot shut its eyes to the fact; nor can
it be insensible to the dangerous tendencies of
the present Republican organization ; an organi
zation founded on the idea of an "irrepressible
conflict" among bretluen of the same country,
teaching doctrines tbat had a disregard of the
Constitution and laws, and incite to treasonable
invasions of the States and sympathy for the
traitors.
If the great body of the Northern people are
loyal to the country and to the South as a part
of it, let the conservative classes prove their ti
tle to tbe appellation, and by their acts show
themselves to be lovers of order and peace of
industry and its rewards, aud of the security of
property and all vested rights.
The powers conferred upon the Federal Gov
ernment are the common concessions of all the
States, acting as Independent Sovereignties, and.
are conceded for the common benefit. Delega
ted to special ageats, they become saored trusts,
NO. XL

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