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VOL. XXXVIII.
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Prices, 121 cts., 25 cts., 50 cts., and $1.00 per Bottle.
PERRY DAVIS & SON,
MANUFACTURERS AND PROPRIETORS,
PROVIDENCE, B. I.
Sold by dealers every wher*
Sept. 11, 1860.
Western Virginia #
MARBLE WORKS, m f
AT STAUNTON jjj| II
AND J* S__B n
HARRISCNBURQ. lni"l_^{
MARQUIS _ K_LL£Y. MM
Staunton, April 7, 1858.
TAYLOR & HOGE,
DEALERS IN
DRY GOODS, GROCERIES,
QUEENSWARE, HATS. CAPS,
BOOTS AND SHOES,
STAUNTON, VIRGINIA,
HAVE just received a very large and handsome
stock of FALL AND WINTER GOODS, to
which they invite the attention of purchasers.
Staunton, Oct. 9, 1860.
JOHNSTON, SURGICAL &
MECHANICAL DENTIST, having been located
permanently in Staunton for the last four years, would
respectfully inform his friends and the public gene
rally, that he still continues to practice Dentistry.in all
its various branches, with the strictest regard to du
rability and usefulness.
Office on the south-side of Main Street opposite th«
old Spectator Office.
Staunton, Nov. 29,1854.
fi~ €. IEAKL_,
DEALEB IN
JL WATCHES, CLOCKS, JEWEL-FR]
XjA RY, SILVER AND bf I
IfVJA£, ™
OPPOSITE VA. HOTEL, STAUNTON, VA.
Staunton, July 17.1860.
J. M. HANGER
ATTORNEY AT LAW, STAUNTON, VA.,
WILL practicein all the Courts held in Staunton,
and in the Circuit Courts of Albemarle and
Rockingham. Office in the brick-row, in the rear of
the Court-house.
Staunton, Dec. 30, 1857.
~I7y__NWrMEREDITIL
DEALER IN
JEWELRY, CLOCKS, WATCHES, &c,
Main St., Staunton, Va.
JStT Watches and Jewelry Repaired.
Staunton, Jan.l 7.
OCTOR JAMES B. GILKESON—Having
located in Staunton, tenders his professionalser
vices to the public. He may be found, when not pro
essionally engaged, at the room over the Saddle and
Harness establishment of Mr. G. H. Elick, nearly op
posite the Post Office.
Staunton Feb. 8.1859—tf.
A. D. CHANDLER,
UNDERTAKER,
Staunton, W*a. 9
KEEPS METALIC CASES of all sizes, at Staun
ton and Millborough Depot, at City Prices.
Staunton, July 19, 1859.
DR. HENRY ANDERSON,
OFFICE AND RESIDENCE
VIRGINIA HOTEL
STAUNTON, VA.
Jan. 22, iß6o.—Smo.
R. L. DOYLE,
Attorney at Law, Staunton, Fa.,
WILL practicein the Courts of Augusta, Rock
bridge, Bath and Highland.
July 29, 1857.
DENTAL NOTICE—Wm. Chapman has re
moved his office to the old Bell Tavern, near the
Virginia Hotel, and opposite Braudeburg's Corner,
and adjoining Rankin's Daguerrean Gallery, where he
will be pleased to see his friends and costomers.
Staunton. Jan. 31, 1860.
JOEL ETTINGER
HAVING toes Kd in Staunton is prepared to take
a few more pupils for instruction on Piano and
Guitar. Orders left with J. W. Alby.
Staunton, Oct. 30, iß6o—tf—Vin. copy.
SALTPETRE— 500_. Refined Key-stone Saltpe
tre, for sale by P. H. TROUT.
Staunton. Nov. 13, iB6O.
LINSEY.— 30 pieces Linsev.
TAYLOR & HOGE-
Staunton, Oct. 9, 1860. '
Tj _ i
*\ir it *%-%% *% i Mir t iHr-^
I _NI 111 111 111 HI *vi II r I I_M I II 1
*- n~ T _t__. .*"*" 'lilt- ft
_*- s .3—
POETRY.
If We Knew.
If we knew the cares uad crosses
Crowding 'round our neighbor's way,
If we knew the little losses
Sorely grievous day by day.
Would we, then, so often chide him
For his lack of thrift and gain-
Leaving on his heart a shadow,
Leaving on our lives a stain ?
If we knew the clouds above us,
Held by gentle blessings there,
Would we turn away all trembling
In our blind and weak despair ?
Would shrink from little shadows
Lying on the dewy grass,
While 'tis only birds of Eden,
Just in mercy flying past ?
If we knew the silent story
Quivering through the heart of pain,
, Would our womanhood dare doom them
Back to the haunts of guilt again ?
Life hath many a tangled crossing,
Joy hath many a break of woe,
And the cheeks tearwashed are whitest;
This the blessed angels know.
Let us reach into our bosoms
For the key to other lives,
And with love toward erring nature,
Cherish good that still survives;
So that, when our disrobing spirits
Soar to realms of light again,
We may say, dear Father, judge us
As we judge our fellow-men.
MISCELLANY.
Speech of Hon. John T. Harris, of Vir
ginia, in the House of Representatives,
February 6, 1861.
The House having under consideration the re
port from the select committee of thirty-three,
Mr. Harris, of Virginia, said :
Mr. Speaker: Many questions of grave con
sideration, and a variety of themes for fruitful
speculation, present themselves to the observer
of enrreut events. Issues are involved which
not only affect the present, but their consequen
ces will reach far into tbe future, and determine,
for weal or woe, the destiny of republican insti
tutions. Sir, under such circumstances, and in
view of such consequences, I conceive it to be
the part of wisdom, as well as the command of
duty, for every member of this body, in the dis
charge of bis representative trust, to do all in
bis power to avert the calamity which now
threatens our common country. In doing this,
I will "sing no peans to the Union." I prefer
that its present greatness s , its prond position be
fore the world, the hitherto unrivaled prosperity
of its people, its own grandeur and sublimity,'
shall speak its praises. Nor will I arraign any
member on this floor or impugn his motives. —
The time for crimination is past. The evil is
upon us. The crisis is at hand. We must meet
it as becomes men and patriots. Neither look
ing to the right nor to the left, but with an eye
single to the preservation of civil liberty and re
ligious toleration, each should march up to the
discharge of his duty, without regard for the
consequences to himself. No personal sacrifice
can be too great to preserve and perpetuate the
only model on earth of a free representative
Government; the only Government on whose
legislation the will of the people is impressed,
and which guarantees to all equal rights and
privileges; a Government in which the highest
position is open to the L'mblest freeman; a
Government in which raer'\ not birth or wealth,
is the sure guarantee of success and preferment;
a Government, and the only one, whose laws
extend over a territory which produces every
variety ot the necessaries, as well as the comforts
and luxuries, of life. Truly, sir, no people were
ever 60 favored by a kind Providence. Unless
the hand of destruction be stayed, none will de
serve it less.
Tbe question is presented to us, and we are
brought to the issue, shall this Union be dis
solved ? We can neither avoid it, nor evade it,
if we would. Each and every man in this coun
try must take his position. Each has his part
to play in this great drama—l fear tragedy—of
human affairs. I have never bad any hesitation
as to the part, however humble, I should play.
I shall use every exertion in my power to pre
serve this Government. I am for the Union
even now, bleeding, torn, shattered as it is. I
pray I may be enabled to be so forever!
When a people have been injured and insulted,
as the South has been, I know they are apt to
go too far iv their endeavor to resent and redress
the wroogs which have been inflicted upon them.
They look only on one side of the picture. They
think only of the injury which they have receiv
ed, and thus press their determination to avenge
it without regard to the consequences which
may follow. Before a step so important and
fatal as a dissolution of the Union be taken, we
ought to stop, pause, reflect—reflect upon the
dangers aud difficulties which attend its disso
lution, as well as the evils which must result
after it is accomplished. I know, sir, it is said
Southern men should not sn-enk of these things ;
that it only emboldens the North, and makes
them the more determined The calamities at
tending and following a dis?oiutiou of the Union
bear equally on both sections, and to each are
boundless. Therefore, I think a free, full, and
frank statement of our views is befitting the im
portance of the crisis. We should speak to each
other as sober, discreet statesmen, appealing
rather to the honor and justice of men, than to
their fears or passions. Li we cannot convince
the judgment of the North that the South has
never injured her, or trampled upon her rights,
and that she ought and must do justice to the
South, then, indeed, is our Government at an
end. If, by threats of disunion, we could fright
en tbe North into a temporary adjustment, I
should eot be willing to do so; for it would only
postpone the sad event a brief space, and not
avert it. We must have a Union based upon
the affections of the people; each section observ
ing a due regard lor the rights and feelings of
the other. This Governraeut can alone be per
petuated by tbo affections of its citizens—not by
the sword.
I think it is the duty of both sections to con
template the horrors attending a disruption of
the Government. That which, perhaps, rises
above all others is, can it be done in peace?—
When we look at tbe peculiar character of our
Government, its varied interests, its immense
amount of public property, its vast extent of
territory, he must be but an indifferent observer
of public events who thinks all these questions
can be adjusted without a resort to the arbitra
ment of the sword. There is no question which
I think presents a greater difficulty than that
which would grow out of the claim to the free
navigation of the Mississippi river. Will the
great Northwest permit tbis, the only natural
outlet for their immense productions, to fall into
the hands of a hostile Gove, nnent ? It may be
said, by comity this river would be open to free
navigation. But this is am \ered by those in
terested, that they will never permit a vested
right, necessary to their existence, to rest on the
good will aud courtesy of a people whose inter
test and feelings are so hostile that they could
not live under the same Government. This
contest would enlist the whole Northwest.—
Ohio, bordering on the river by that name,
which bears upon its bosom the immense pro
ducts of that State, would feel the same interest
which Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, lowa, and
Minnesota feel.
In the event of a dissolution of the Union,
what is to become of our vast domain ? Would
not we of the South rightfully say that this was
acquired by the common blood aud treasure of
tbe South as well as the North ; and that we
were, as we would be, entitled to our just pro
portion ? Would not the North reply that we
withdrew voluntarily from the Government,
and that we thus forfeited all claim to any por
tion of our hitherto common territory ? I deny,
STAUNTON, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1861.
sir, that this ought to be their claim; but, judg
ing from the past and the present,' I can come
to do other conclusion. Then here is an issue
between the sections. Will the Sooth yield
without a struggle, and surrender all this vast
extent of country, about which she has said so
much?
But it may be said, that to deny the South its
just proportion of the Territories, is so manifestly
wrong that no people would be guilty of 6uch
an act. The answer is, the Government will be
destroyed on the ground of the unfaithfulness of
those who would make the denial, and because
of their utter disregard of our constitutional
rights. It is said all this can be settled by
treaty after the separation, aDd a fair division
would be tbe result. If this be true, could we
not much more easily adjust it now while we
are one people, living under a common Govern
ment? If we cannot adjust it now, the chances
are certainly against it then. It wonld be a
singular proposition, indeed, that a great nation
should separate upon a given point of dispute,
in order to settle amicably that very point.—
The South would want to extend slavery into
that portion lying West of us, and wonld take
military possession—the only mode left. The
North might contest that right. A conflict may
thus begin on our frontier, which wonld and in
a general war between the sections.
But we will suppose we have passed these
two points in peace; are we then clear of all
j difficulties ? I fear not. Another difficulty is
presented in the division of the Army, the Na
vy, aqd the munitions of war. The pnblio prop
erty in this District, being in Southern territory,
would of right belong to the South. But would
the North concede that right? We must bear
in sir, that we break up the Government
because the North has denied the people of the
South their constitutional rights, and upon the
hypothesis that she will deny them in future-
Then we must not only treat them as a hostile
people, bnt as an unjust and aggressive peo
ple. This being true, they would certainly
claim at least a part, if not the whole, of the
public property of tbis District. The South
would never submit to this. The result, I fear,
would be, that upon this sacred spot, selected
by tbe Father of his Country as its Capital,
would be fought the first great battle, which
would end its existence. This City, hallowed
by his name, and these streets, made sacred by
his touch, and so constructed by him as to pro
tect his countrymen from a foreign enemy, will
be the threatre of a great war, which must end
in their destruction —a war in which the deep
mouthed cannon's roar will startle the very
ashes of the patriot as they sweetly repose be
neath tbe green sod of his own Mount Vernon.
The evils which must follow a dissolution of
this Government are past comprehension. No
human mind can conceive or comprehend them.
It would, I fear, be the end of constitutional lib
erty. Inaugurate the system of disintegration ;
set the example, and all our subsequent govern
ments will be but "ropes of sand," to be broken
by every breeze of passion or prejudice. For
the slightest cause of offence, either real or im
aginary, any State would retire at pleasure, and
resume her sovereignty. There will be more
Republics than two. New England would either
set up tor herself, or be required to do so. The
middle North States would form another; the
great Northwest another; the States of the Pa
cific slope auother; Texas possibly would, in
time, resume her independence. It is not be
yond conjecture that in a few years the "Cotton
States" would form one Republic, and the re
mainder of the Southern States another. This
is not a pleasant state of things to contemplate.
But I think it the part of wisdom and discretion
to view tbis great question in all its aspects.—
We already fiud it painfully true that in the last
tew years the recognition of a difference of in
terest in tbe Southern States has become too
common. We have heard Southern statesmen
dividing the South into "Cotton States'' and into
"Border States." Yea, even now, before we
have made even an effort at forming a Southern
Confederacy, we observe this feeling manifesting
itself. The Governor of South Carolina has re
commended to his people that, under the new
Government of his State, she shall pass a law
prohibiting the border States from bringing
their slaves into South Carolina. But if we
should succeed in forming a Southern Confed
eracy, would not questions soon arise to disturb
our harmony ? The tariff, protection, direct
tax, the African slave trade, would, I fear, be
come elements of discord.
But, sir, evils greater than these present them
selves to us. We of the border States are very
differently situated from our brethren of the
"cotton States." We will be connected geo
graphically with this hostile Republic, or Re
publics, for two thousand miles. We must suf
fer all the loss by escape of slave property, and
bear the brunt and burden of all wars which
must, in course of time, ensue. They would
make common cause with us; but from their
geographical position and sparseness of white
population, but few, comparatively, could leave
their homes to fight in a distant country. Our
States must be the battle-fields, and our border
the scenes of blood and carnage. But, it may
be said, there will be no war; that we can ad
just all matters by treaty. If the north is so fa
natical on the subject ot slavery that we cannot
live In a common Government with her, is it
likely she would enter into a treaty by which
fugitive slaves are to be returned ? And if she
did, would that treaty be any more respected
than the fugitive slave bill is now ? We must
recollect, when the Union is dissolved, the fugi
tive slave bill is dissolved with it. Our slaves,
then being free from all legal restraint in the
North, would leave us in greater numbers than
they do now. The North would do as England
does in regard to our slaves escaping into Cana
da: refuse to give them up. The question arises
wonld this produce a war? I fear it would?—
If war is to follow the escape of every slave,
ought not all the people of this country, north
as well as south, to pause ere it be too late, and
endeavor to avert such a calamity ?
If the Union be dissolved, there is yet another
important question about which we of the bor
der States should ponder. Having no fugitive
slave bill then, our slave property would require
protectionrfroui escape. I can see no other
form in which it could be had, except by ""a
strong police force, or a cordon of armed men a
long the whole line which would divide us from
tbe North; either of which must be attended
with many troubles and great expense. These
are difficulties not attending our brethren ot tbe
cotton States. We stand as a barrier between
tbem and their enemies. Tbey can lose no ne
groes, nor be subjected to any of the horrors of
a border war.
Virginia has a peculiar interest and feeling in
preserving tbe peace and harmony ot this coun
try. No county ot any State in the great North
west but contains some of her sons. Her sturdy
yeomanry have gone by thousands to seek their
homes in that inviting region. In the event of
a conflict between the sections, the horrible
spectacle would be preseuted of brother meeting
brother and father meeting son upon the field of
battle. God grant the time may never come
when the gallant son of the Old Dominion in the
far West will exclaim, "I am become a stranger
unto my brethren and an alien unto my moth
er's children ?"
When we are invited to take a step so im
portant as the total disruption of our Govern
ment, involving as it may the consequences
which I have portrayed, ought we not to pause
long enough to inquire into the causes which
impel us to this last resort? When these causes
have been learned, it is our duty to make an ef
fort to remove them, and thus exhaust every
constitutional remedy before we plunge into tbe
nnfathomed depths of disunion. The immediate
cause for disunion, as it is alleged by some, is the
election of Lincoln by a sectional party with
purposes hostile to the institutions ot tbe South.
Is there no remedy for this ? True we cannot
undo what the people have done; for he is elect
ed nnder tbe forms of the Constitution. But
the South, aided by that ever tine and loyal
Democracy at the North, had their defense in
their own hands. Tbey had a majority in both
Houses of Congress, and would have had for the
first two years of his administration. And judg
ing that noble band ot patriots, one million five
hundred thousand strong, by their past record,
we are bound to presume they will gain on our
common enemy at their next trial of strength.—
What a sublime and patriotic spectacle it would
present for the admiration of the world—a unit
ed, conservative, and constitutional element
standing up for their rights-wi the Uiion. But,
sir, aside from this, so firntiy is the institution of
slavery fixed in the affec'ions of the people of
the South, and so impregnable is its basis, that
it defies all assault, from whatever source it
comes.
1 believe no statesman in Virginia has said
that the bare election of Lincoln is sufficient
cause to dissolve the Union. It will be well re
membered how all parties denied the charge du
ring the late cauvass. Then, what other prac
tical questions present themselves to us which
require us so hastily to sever our connection
with the Government? It is no act passed by
Congress; for, be it known, not a single act is
now in force on the statute books ol the United
States which was not passed by the aid of south
ern votes. Most of them have been passed by a
Democratic Congress, or signed by a Democrat
ic President. But we are told, and correctly,
toe, that many of the northern States have pass
ed laws impeding the exec Uion ot the fugitive
slave bill. The States wbDKh passed them stand
in o P «u rebellion to the .Constitution; and if
prompt measures bad been taken to pnnien the
first offending State by the powers under the
Constitution, I venture to affirm that no other
State would have followed the example. The
passage of these, laws are of no lecent date.—
The first, I believe, was passed by Vermont, in
the year 1843, just two years before Texas came
into the Union. Pennsylvania passed hers in
1847. We have, for this long period, permitted
these laws to sleep on the statute-books of the
North. We have given no notice to those States
that we demand their repeal; which I think we
ought to do before we bnak up the Govern
ment on that account. Sir, I do not mean to
extenuate or palliate any act which the North
has committed in violation of our constitutional
rights. On the contrary, I allege that every
State which has passed laws in violation of the
Constitution, having violtted the compact, is
virtually out of the Union ; and the individuals
who participated in their passage deserve the
severest punishment known to civilized Govern
ments. They are the oifandiug States, and
themselves ought to be required to repeal their
unconstitutional laws, or leave the Union. —
These laws, however was their de
sign, are nuil and void. They are an insult to
the South, but of no practical injury.
I believe there is but one other question
which is assigned as a reason for immediate dis
union; and that is, the Republican party deny
to the South her just rights and equality in the
common Territories. This is true; but I do
think, as statesmen and patriots, discarding all
passion and prejudice, we ought to take a urac
tical view of every question which presents it
self for our consideration. There is no Territo
ry now open to which their doctriue of congres
sional prohibition can apply. Does not pru
dence require us to wait uoiil a case arises,
when our constitutional rights are denied, before
we break up a great and good Government like
this ? I will never consent to do it because a
party hold opinions against my section, unless
they undertake to execute them. I believe sir,
I have noticed all the prominent causes of com
plaint which we of the Soutu allege against the
Republicans and Abolitionists of the North, ex
cept their interference with uur social institu
tions by incendiaries, armed traitors, and fiend
ish book-writers. I shall not stop to resurrect
the bones of John Brown. A sheriff of my
State erected a monument to his memory the
day before his death which t tands as a warning
more potent than anything I could ?ay. Nor
will I bring to light that infamous Helper book.
Its day, I hope, is past. Its introduction in this
House killed one Speaker, made another, filled
tbe pockets of its felon author, and accomplish
ed t *r him the real object in view. This is e
nough. Sir, having surveyed the whole field,
is there any evil of which we so justly complain
which would be remedied by disunion? Disu
nion will not execute the fugitive slave bill. On
the contrary, it will wipe it out. Disunion will
not repeal those obnoxious laws. Dissolution
will not give ns any more rights in the Territo
ries than we have now. Dissolution will not
stop the mails or the printing of books. These
evils will all exist after dissolution, and, 1 fear,
in a more aggravated form than now.
Amid the great excitement which pervades
the whole South, I think it well to give expres
sion to these thoughts, that we may not act too
hastily in a matter of such thrilliug and vital
importance; but act coolly, calmly, thonghtfuily
and wisely; as considerate men directing the
destinies of constitutional liberty, and the fate of
a great people.
Permit me to say to yon of the Republican
party, that you bold, as I believe, the Union in
your hands. can save it; and you alone
can. The cotton States are gone. Tbey want
no compromise, if we are to believe what some
of their Representatives on this floor 6aid. On
the second day of the present session, when an
effort was being made to raise a committee with
tbe view of compromising the difficulties which
now beset us, Mr. Hawkins, ot Florida, said he
would not vote to raise a committee for that
purpose, "for I am opposed, and I believe my
State is, to all and every compromise. The day
of compromise is past." Mr. Singleton, of Mis
sissippi said : "I was not sent here to make a
ny compromise, or to patch up existing difficul
ties." Mr. Miles, of South Carolina, announced
that Sooth Carolina would go out ot the Union
on the 17th instant. Mr. Pngb, of Alabama,
said : "As my State of Alabama intends follow
ing South Carolina out of the Union by the 10th
of January next, I pay no attention to any ac
tion in this body." Mr. Breckinridge said, in
December, 1859: "The Representatives" from
Georgia, from South Carolina, from Alabama,
from Missippi, not to speak of other Southern
States, say that they represent their constituents;
nay, say that they do not go as far as their con
stituents, and they declare that they are ready
at any moment tor a separate confederacy." I
cannot retrain from using his own patriotic lan
guage which next follows, "God forbid that such
a thing should take place 1" Thus it appears
that these States were ready at any moment, as
far back as 1859, lor a separate confederacy.—
Therefore, I see no hope of prevailing on them
to pause now.
But you gentlemen of the Republican party,
by coming forward like men, and rendering jus
tice to the South, can prevent any further rup
ture in the Government until the border States,
by a Arm and conciliatory course, can adjust
with you all the pending difficulties. This be
ing done, I think those States would return.—
The Union would be on a more permanent basis
than ever-before. The ever glorious flag of the
stars and stripes, with its "red, white, and
blue," would once more float in triumph from
our Capitol; and from every State-house and
every hill-top, with every star and every stripe,
wonld wave over the freest and happiest people
on earth. But if you persist that you have done
no wrong, will make no compromise or conces
sions, mark what 1 tell you, that, right or wrong,
the day is not distant when every slave State
wiU be out of the Union. Does the South make
any demand inconsistent with your rights?—
Does she ask you to yield any principle or right
of property ? D bhe ask you to yield or sac
rifice any opiniou you hold? She only asks that
her property, her constitutional rights, and her
institutions, may be respected and preserved,
and that you shall not so exercise your opinions
as to do injustice to her. But you say there is
no cause for this excitement at the South. Ad
mit you so think: yet you must confess, the
South just as honestly believes there is such
cause. Then, is it not your duty to rally to
your country and it from total destruction,
when jou can do it without yielding any prin
ciple or right 3ou hold dear ? Does not your
own self-preservation require it? Does not tbe
uusettled condition of your section, as well as
mine, require it ? Dot_ not the reduction of the
price of every staple you produce require it ?—
Do not your idle factories and your workiug
classes require it ? Do not your closed banks,
your stagnated commerce require it? Yea,
does not every consideration vi patriotism, as
well as duty lo your people, demand it? I trust
yoa will meet this question as its importance de
mands, not stopping to inquire the cause or want
of cause for the existing difficulties, but come
forward in a prompt and patriotic manner to ap
ply the remedy, and tbns preserve the life of the
Constitution and tbe Union—a Union which,
despite tbe assaults of foes within and foes with
out, has gone on in its rapid strides to glory and
grandeur unprecedented in the history of nations.
Sirs, tbe world looks to this Republic as the on
ly living and, so far, successful experiment of
free government. Greece, Rome, Poland,
France, have all failed and passed away. I pray
that this, our own free happy country, may not
share the direful fate of all others, and thus
prove the tyrant's maxim that "man is not ca
pable of self government."
It is said all the States should go out with a
view to reconstruction. I prefer that the remain
ing States should adjust all questions of dispute,
and the States now out will soon return. Recon
struct! Reconstruct! As well try to reconstruct
the shattered vase or to tie up Niagara in a hand
kerchief, and put it in your pocket, or reconstruct
the earth after it shall have been consumed by
fire, as to attempt to reconstruct this Governmet
after it shall have been divided by Mason and
Dixon's line. Tear down to build up; go out to
come in; destroy to preserve; shatter to recon
struct, a>ia theories beyond my comprehension.—
Sir, they are mere delusions or fascinating argu
ments to get ns out ot the Union. That being
accomplished, we will be auswered as the Cotton
States now answer Virginia's appeal: "We are
ontforever; we want no guarantees; we will nev
er come back."
Let the friends of adjustment and Union stand
firm, and all our troubles will yet be settled. If
not here, then let the conventions of the remain
slave States present a fair basis of settlement to
the people of the North. It wonld, I am sure,
be accepted ; and peace would once more reign
supreme in our land. Let the people, North and
South, have control of the question, and it will
be settled. Sir, we are now brought to consider
if there is any plan by which these unhappy dif
ferences can be adjusted. I confess I can see
none which better commends itself to all sections
than that offered by the venerabla Senator from
Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden.] I think both sec
tions can come to this proposition without any
sacrifice of a practical question, aud I shall en
deavor to show this. It provides, first, that the
Constitution shall be so amended that slavery
can never be fnterfered with in the States. I
shall not stop to discuss this branch of the ques
tion, as a large majority of tbe Republicans, as I
am informed, are willing to vote for it, and of
course, all southern men and northern Democrats
will. The next is it proposes to divide tbe Ter
ritories by the line of 36 deg. 30 mm—all north
to be free; all south, slavery should be protect
ed.
By the decision of the Supreme Court, the
South has a right to carry slaves into all tbo Ter
ritories, and have them protected. The South
is willing to give up the right to carry slaves
north of 36 deg. 30 rain., if you gentlemen of the
Republican party will agree to protect slavery
south of that line. True, slavery never would
go north of that line; but the South surrenders
the right to take them there. It is equally tru»
that slavery will never need protection
that line in any of our territory. Then, the
South agrees to yield the right to carry slaves
where, by the laws of nature, slavery never can
go; and she asks you, in turn, to agree to pro
tect slavery where it never will need it. Then
tha surrender of principle is mutual. The surren
der of any practical, useful right, is made by nei
ther. For by your Chicago platform, yon only
propose to prohibit slavery "where necessary;"
and, as it can never be necessary, you do not e
ven violate your party platform, about which you
have said so much. Mr. Breckinridge said, in
December, 1859, "the territorial question is near
ly fought out —yes, fought out." Since then,
Kansas has been admitted; which, I think, de
termines all that is practical in regard to the
Territories. Kansas is a free State. Yon have
got the flesh and the marrow of the Territories,
will you not divide the bone ? Or willyou break
up the Government rather than agree to protect
slavery where it will never be required I Will
you not come to this fair and equitable division
of an abstraction, and give peace to the country ?
I think the judgment of the people, north as well
as south, will say you ought to do it.
The Crittenden amendment, then, proposes to
incorporate it into the Constitution, that slavery
shall not be abolished in this District, in the forts
dock yards, navy-yards, &c. You of the Repub
lican party say you have no idea of interfering
with slavery in these places, but they are matters
too insignificant for a constitutional amendment,
and. that you are willing to bass resolutions ex
pressive of your feelings on this subject, to assure
the South. But, sirs, the South have fears on
these points, and she only asks yon now to place
it beyond your power to do what you say you
have no idea of doing, by inserting such an a
mendment in the Constitution. When you can
give us this, and not even violate your party creed
as you state it, will you do it ? Ought you not to
do it ? Is it asking too much, that you shall put
it beyond your power to do that which you say
you have no idea of doing? Surely not. Then,
gentlemen, come forward in a spirit of brotherly
love and give these guarantees to the South.—
The distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr.
Sherman] said if this Government was broken up,
it would be divided into more than two Govern
ments ; that the man was now living who wonld
be the Napoleon of some military despotism in
this country. If tbis be true, I ask the gentle
man, who now sits before me, when that awful
period arrives, and his neighbors and friends ap
peal to him to know if that state of things could
have been avoided, what will be his answer?—
His answer will be, sir: "We could have avoid
ed them it it had not been for the Chicago plat
form. But we had to stick to the platform, and
in sticking to the platform we lost the Govern
ment.'' Yes, stand to the platform, while the
pillars of the Government are giving way beneath
us. Destroy the Government, and what becomes
of you and your party platform ? Your platform
will fall with your country; while you may rise
to be the of a despotism." No par
ties then; no platforms then. No, gentlemen,
no ; let us not contemplate such scenes as these,
but avert the terrible calamity ere it is too late.,
We can do it; we ought to do it; we must do it.
If I only had tbe power, I would say, you shall
do it.
Iv 1850, when the country was convulsed from
center to circumference on this very question,
Mr. Webster, rising to the dignity and impor
tance of the crisis, voted against the Wilmot pro
viso. He said he was the author of that meas
ure, but that he would never exercise it when it
would have no practical effect, but only wound
and insult his southern brethern. Can you not
do as he did -that man of patriot heart, whose
mind so far soared above his peers, that where
others halted, weary in there flight, "he stooped
to touch the loftiest thought ?" Will you, like the
sage of Marsbfield, come to the rescue of your
country, and save it from total destruction ? Or
will you, under the name of "executing the
laws,"
"Let slip the dogs of war?"
If you fail to do the former, but do the latter, I
have no threats, no prophecies, to make. I on
ly ask you to remember that "the race is not al
ways to the swift, nor the battle to the strong."
Virginia calls upon Massachusetts—the same
Massachusetts to whose relief she fled "in the
days that tried men's souls." Let the spirit
which animated the elder Adam,s when he arose
in the continental Congress and said: "Mr.
President, I nominate George Washington, of
Virginia, as commander-in-chief of the armies of
the United Colonies," but animate his descend
ants now. Yes, let us be governed by the pat
riotism of that man, who, with the sage of Mon
ticello, gave to the world the Declaration of In
dependence. Let us preserve the rich legacy
given to us by those patriots who lived to
gether, who worked together, and who, under
the providence of God, on the same day—the
anniversary of American independence—died to
gether.
Virginia calls upon you, her sons of the great
Northwest, to rally to the rescue of your coun
try. She gave you an empire. She gave you
the sturdy sons who felled the forest and tilled
the field. She gave you all you possess. She
has a right to command your services ; and she
does command them. Will you obey ? Or will
you, in the spirit of black ingratitude, like the
adder, turn upon her and sting her ? Or will
you, like Samson, to show your strength, tear
down the pillars which support the temple, and
bury all in one undistinguished ruin ? Then,
will you force the old mother to exclaim: —
"Hear, O heavens! and give ear, O earth! I have
nourished and brought up children, and they
have rebelled against me!"
Mr. Speaker, let us think of the honest mil
lions, the support and the pillars of the Govern
ment, who, unobserved, watch with such deep
solicitude the condition of their country.
"None see their pure devotion, none their tears,
their faith and love which burn within them"
for their country. Think, oh ! think, I entreat
you, think of them ! But if you will have no re
gard for the honest people who have made you
what you are, and who are not responsible for
the burdens with which they are now afflicted,
then think of our great Government, now the
pride of America, the admiration of the world.—
Divide us, dissever our States and erect petty
confederacies, warring with each other, in their
stead, and none will be found so poor as to do
us reverence. Sir, I confess it grieves my heart
when I see gentlemen on that side of the cham
ber sit, with so much indifference, as State after
State is shooting from its sphere; when they
must well know that unless something is don*
and that promptly, too, there is danger that ev
ery slave State, whether righ%or wrong, w' l ! be
gone—gone, and forever. Nor can I witness
with less feeling the glad smile which 13 pro
duced on others as the lightning's flash brings
the same sad intelligence. It is to me like the
amile that plays upon the face as "the blood
comes gurgling forth from out the throat of the
wild suicide."
Sir, my own State, Virginia, has elected her
delegates to deliberate upon her welfare and her
destiny; and while her action may be against my
judgment, yet, when it is taken, then her lot be
comes my lot; her fate my fate ; her destiny my
destiny. Her will, not mine, be done. But my
prayer is, that we may yet heal the breach; that
some Ararat will swell above the flood, or some
dove will bear the olive branch of peace ;
"And all the clouds that lowered upon our house,
Be in the deep bosom of the ocean buried,"
and that the bow of promise, of peace, of pros
perity, of happiness, of unity and love may once
more span our political heavens.
But, when all efforts at compromise fail, and
all be lost; and when the wickedness of men has
destroyed the best Government on earth, and
plunged a nation into blood; when the American
eagle shall drop the olive branch of peace, and
"grasp only the arrows of war ;" when brother
shall rise against brother, and father against son,
and anarchy and "confusion worse confounded"
shall reign supreme j when, from an innocent and
outraged people, the sound will ring in the ears
of the guilty, "ye knew your duty, but ye did it
not;" and when, from a thousand guilty
tongues, it will be echoed back, in the language
of the murderer Macbeth, "Thou canst not say
I did it;" let us trust in Him who holds tbe des
tinies of men and the destinies of nations in His
hand; in Him who creates the storm and directs
the whirlwind ; for it is sweet to know,
"There's a divinity that shapes our ends
Rough-hew them how we will."
Heaven and earth will witness, if my country
must fall, I am innocent.
Thirty-Sixth Congress—Second Session.
Monday, Feb. 11th.—The United States Sen
ate was principally occupied to-day with the
Naval Appropriation bill. The amendment cre
ating the office of Assistant Secretary of the
Navy was rejected. An amendment appropri
ating $1,200,000 for the construction of seven
steam sloops-of-war was adopted in Committee
of the Whole, but when reported to the Senate
was debated with reference to the sections!
troubles. Without coming to a vote the Senate
adjourned.
Iv the House of Representatives to-day Mr.
Craige offered a resolution recognizing the inde
pendence ot the Southern Confederacy. Mr.
McOlernand (Democrat) offered a resolution of
inquiry as to the confiscation of money in the
New Orleans Mint by the Louisiana authorities,
and what measures the President has taken tor
the recovery of said treasure and other public
property. Mr. Sickles submitted a resolution
which was passed recommending the people of
the United States, as a means of cultivating a
spirit of unity, to "celebrate the 22nd of Febru
"ary as a national holiday in commemoration of
"the birth, the exalted character, the incompar
"able public services and the patriotism of Geo.
"Washington, the first President of the Uuited
"States." Mr. Palmer ottered a resolution de
claring that "neither the Federal Government,
"nor the people, nor the governments of the
"non-slaveholding States, have the power nor
"the Constitutional right, nor are they disposed
"to interfere with slavery in any of the States of
"this Union." Alter 6ome explanations the re
solution was passed, yeas 116, nays 4; but the
resolution not being satisfactory to all, the South
ern members objeoting to the latter clause in re
lation to the disposition not to interfere with
slavery, Mr. Sherman submitted a substitute
simply declaring "that neither Congress, nor the
"people, nor the governments of the States, have
any right to interfere with slavery in the States,"
which passed unanimously, yeas 161, nays none.
The House for the first time having found itself
in a perfect state of accord, soon after adjourned.
For the Spectator.
Mr. Editor:— The election for delegates to
the Convention is past, and Augusta, true to her
self, has not only vindicated her loyalty to the
Union, but distinctly expressed by her vote that
she will never surrender to any body of men the
power to dispose of her most vital interest at
their discretion. Whilst the voters of the coun
ty fully estimate the dangers which threaten the
destruction of our glorious Union —the necessity
for some action to avert the impending rain and
to proteot the honor and interest of Virginia,
they have nobly repudiated everything that
would needlessly precipitate the country into
revolution. Party distinctions were ignored,
personal preference discarded, and as one united
body, linked together by the great and conserva
tive principles which lie at the base of our social
institutions, they have met the issue. The peo
ple have not only shown by their vote a most
ardent attachment to the government created by
their Fathers, but presented the proud spectacle
of repelling every influence but that of patriot
ism, amidst the elements of discord and wild
sectional strife. Whilst this is the proud atti
tude of the voters of the county, yet simple jus
tice constrains me to say that none occupy a
more enviable position than Hugh W. Sheffey,
Esq. Yielding to the solicitations of his fellow
citizens, he announced himself as one of the can
didates to represent the county in the Conven
tion. The zeal and ability he displayed during
the canvass has not only endeared him to the
people, but won for him laurels of which he may
be justly proud. With every assurance that he
was most highly appreciated by his county men,
he voluntarily retired from the contest, unwil
ling to cause any division in the conservative
vote which would endanger the election of the
ticket which he believed represented the great
interests of the country. The man who aspires
to office for the sake of the general good and
makes self subordinate to the welfare of the
country, can never betray the confidence of his
fellow-citizens; that man is Hugh W. Sheffey.—
Let the people of Augusta remember in after
days that in this crisis the principles most dear
to them were paramount with him, and that the
syren voice of ambition had no charms for the
man who knew no devotion but to that of his
country. A Oounty__n.
A despatch to the Baltimore American says
that there has been a strong effort on the part
of the Secessionists to "smash up the Peace Con
gress," in the language of the correspondent of
tbe Charleston Mercury, so as "to get Virginia
out," but the pecent election in the Old Domin
ion has check-mated the game.
As a means of removing pain from the body,
no medicine has ever acquired a reputation equal
to Perry Davis' Pain Killer. The sale of this ar
ticle has exceeded all belief. But it has real
merit, and that is sufficient.—Newport & Cov
ington News.
We should earnestly strive to be made wiser
and better by every disappointment we sustain,
every hope that is blasted, or desire thwarted.
The State Convention.
The following is a complete list of the mem
bers of the State Convention, which assembled
in Richmond, on Wednesday, the 13th inst.—
The body is composed of one hundred and titty
two members, an overwhelming mojority of
whom are "Conservatives." Their position at
the last Presidential election was about as fol
lows : For Bell 85, for Douglas 37, Breckinridge
30. The asterisks indicate members of the pres
ent Senate of Virginia, and the doable asterisks
members of the House of Delegates:
Accomac —Wm. H. B. Oustis.
Albemarle—Valentine W. Soathall, Jas. B.
Holcombe.
Alexandria—George W. Brent.
Alleghany and Bath—Thos. Sitlington.
Amelia and Nottoway—L. E. Harvie.
Amherst—Samuel M. Garland.
Appomattox —Lewis D. Isbell.
Augusta —Hon. A. H. H. Stuart,* John B.
Baldwin and Geo. Baylor.
Barbour—Samuel Woods.
Bedford—Hod. Wm. L. Goggin and John
Goode, MV
Bwk'iley— Edmund Iv_dletOn &l ' * lien O.
ild nnond. *.
y/3otetourt anil Or«ig—Fleming B. '• 1 '- and
JfJm. W. Boyd.
'{ Braxtoo, Nicholas, etc - A. O. Kincai >'.
{ Brooke - OampSell Tarr
Brunswick—James B. Mallojy.
"uokfr la a - W. Forbes.
*Jabel; - Wu „„.■.•
Campbell—John _i. Spetu __£ Oh *_j R.
Slaughter.
Caroline.—Edmund T. Morris.
Carroll—Fieldin L. Ha'e.
Charles City, James City and New Kent—
Ex-President John Tyler.
Charlotte—Wood Bouldin.
Chesterfield—James H. Cox.
Clarke—Hugh M. Nelson.
Culpeper—James Barbour.**
Cumberland and Powhatan—Wm. O Scott.
Dinwidilie —James Boisseau.
Doddridge and Tyler—Chapman J. Stuart.
Essex and King and Queen —Richard H. Cox.
Fairfax— Wm. H. Dulany.
Fuuquier—Robert E. Scott and John Q. Marr.
Fayette and Raleigh—Henry L. Gillespie.
Fluvanna—James M. Strange.
Franklin— Jubal A. Early aud Peter Saun
ders, sr.
Elizabeth City, York, etc.—Charles K. Mai
lory.
Floyd—Harvey Deskins.
Frederick—Robt. Y. Conrad and Jas. Marshall.
Giles—Manilius Chapman.
Gloucester—John T. Seawoll.
Goochland —Walter D. Leake.
Gilmer, Wirt, etc —O. B. Conrad.
Grayson—Win. C. Parks.
Greene and Orange—Hon. Jeremiah Morton.
Greenbrier —Samuel Price.
Greensville and Sussex—J. R. Chamblise.
Halifax—Hon. Thos. S. Flournoy and James
0. Bruce.
Hampshire—Edward M. Armstrong and Da
vid Pugb.
Hancock—George Me. C. Porter.**
Hanover— Geo. W. Richardson.
Hardy—Thos. Maslin.
Harrison—Hon. John S. Carlile and Benjamin
Wilson.
Henrico—Wms. 0. Wickham.*
Henry—Pevton Gravely.
Highland—G. W. Hull.
Isle of Wight—Robert H. Whitfield.
Jackson and Roaue—Franklin P. Turner.
Jefferson—Alfred M. Barbour and Logan Os
burn.
Kanawha—Hon. Geo. W. Summers and Spioer
Patrick.
King George and Stafford—Edward Waller.
King William—Fendall Gregory, jr,
Lancaster & Northumberland—Addison Hall.
Lee—John D. Sharp.
Lee and Scott—Peter 0. Johnston.
Lewis—Caleb Boggess.
Logan, Boone, and Wyoming—James Lawson.
Loudoun—John Janney and John A Carter.*
Louisa—Wra. M. Ambler.
Lunenburg—W. J. Neblett.
Madison —Angus R. Blakey.
Marion—Alpheus F. Haymond and Ephraim
B.Hall.
Marshall—James Burley
Mason—James H. Gouch.
Matthews and Middlesex—Lieut. Gov. Ro. L.
Montague.
Mecklenburg—Thos. F. Goode.
Mercer—Napoleon B. French.*
Monongalia—Waitman T. Willey and Mar
shall M. Dent.
Monroe—Allen T. Oaperton** and John E
chols.
Montgomery—Hon. Wm. Ballard Preston.
Morgan—Johnson Orrick.
Nansemond —John R. Kilby
Nelson—Frederick M. Cabell.
Norfolk City—George Blow, jr.
Norfolk Gounty—Wm. White and J. G. Hoi
laday.
Northampton—Miers W. Fisher.
Ohio—Hon. Sherrard Clemens and Chester
D. Hubbard.
Page—Peter B. Borst.
Patrick—Samuel G. Staples.
Pendleton—Henry H. Masters.
Pocahontas —Paul McNeil.
Petersburg—Thomas Branch.
Pittsylvania—Wm. T. Sutherlin and Wm. M.
Tredway.
Pleasants and Ritchie—Cyrus Hall.
Preston—Hon. Wm. G. Brown and James 0.
McGrew.
Prince Edward—John T. Thornton.
Prince William—Eppa Hunton.
Princess Anne —Ex-Gov. Henry A. Wise.
Prince George and Surry—Tim Rives.
Pulaski— B. F. Wysor.
Putnam—James W. Hoge.
Randolph, Tucker, eto—John N. Hughes.
Rappahannock—Horatio G. Moffett.
Richmond City— Wm. H. McFarland, Marma
duke Johnson, and Geo. W. Randolph.
Richmond co., and Westmoreland —John
Critcher*
Roanoke —George P. Tayloe.
Rockbridge—Samuel McDowell Moore rid
James B. Dorman
Rockingham—Samuel A. Coffman, John F.
Lewis and A. S. Gray.
Russell and Wise —Wm. B. Aston.
Scott—Colbert C. Fugate.
Shenendoah—Samuel 0. Williams and Raph
ael M. Conn.
Smythe—James W. Sheffey.
Southampton—John J. Kindred.
Spotsylvania—John L. Marye.
Taylor—John S. Burdett.
Tazewell—Wm. P. Cecil and Saml. L. Graham.
Upshur—Geo. W. Berlin.
Warren—Rob. H. Turner.
Washington—Robert E. Grant and John A.
Campbell.
Wetzel—L. S. Hall.
Wood—John J. J. Jackson, ar.
Wythe—Robert C. Kent.
Wayne—Bnrwell Spurlock.
The Union.
We clip the following from a communication
in the Alexandria Gazette :
"We can do nothing against the truth," says
Paul, "but for the truth ;" so we say, we can do
nothing against the Union, but for the Union;
for the Union is truth. What, then, is our
watchword ? It is Union ! Union forever ! /
Let no one be afraid to say Union I Ring it
out —cheers for the Union! Let us hear it from
every rural home— Union! Union! From the
mountains high, troui the valleys low, and from
praries atar, let it burst with songs of everlast
ing joy— Union! Union forever! From every
»c, town and city, let us hear the exultant
— Union! Union!! From every street
and avenue, ring it out. We all go for the
Union! From every room in the house, and
from every sacred chamber of the soul, sound it
out. The Union forever! Let every breath
every prayer,every sigh, and every tear, be U
nion ! Union ! !
However much in the minority you may be,
here or there, go for the Union I Always tor
and only you
NO. IX.
