Newspaper Page Text
The SEATTLE REPUBLICAN
VOL VII NO. 1
FRINK MENTIONED
By the Country Press in Connec
tion With the Gubernatorial
Nomination—ls Pronounced a
Strong Candidate and will
Bring Votes to the Party if
Nominated—Has Friends in the
Northwest—Pierce County Will
Support Him—Southwest Must
Stand Alone Against Him—
Success Assured.
King county Republicans did
the wisest thing possible,
when they decided to ask for the
office of governor, and let the
other offices seek a man where
they will. All they have to do
now is to ask unitedly for one man
for this honor, and there is no
doubt at all but what that man
will be nominated and elected, but
the Republicans of King county
must come as a unit. The gover
norship is conceded to King
county, and there is talk of a man
who lives there, who would be a
fitting candidate, on** who com
mands the respect and confidence
of all the people of Seattle, where
he hap lived for twenty-five years.
If King county presents the name
of J. M. Frink for governor, he is
as sure of being nominated and
elected as the sun will set this
evening, and we hope they will do
so. —Arlington Enterprise.
The Republican club of Seattle
did the proper thing at its meeting
last Saturday evening when it de
cided that the proper thing to do
was for King county to make an
effort to secure the Republican
nomination for the governorship
and not interfere in the congres
sional nominations. When the
name of Senator Frink was men
tioned it created a good deal of
enthusiasm, which would seem to
indicate that the senator has the
backing of the business and con
servative element of Seattle. If
Seattle and King county will bring
forward a good man for governor
the Times believes he can be
nominated by acclamation The
ballance of the state will concede
that position to King county.
The bare announcement that
Senator Frink has entered the race
has created a good deal of enthu
siasm in different parts of the
state. It looks as though he would
yrow in political strength from
now until the meeting of the state
convention. Snohomish to King
county: "Name your pizen and
we will take it." —Everett Times.
Seattle has three candidates for
the governorship—E. H. Guie,
speaker of the house of represen
tatives; Mayor T. J. Humes, and
ex-State Senator J. M. Frink.
Of the three the present indica
tions are that "the first shall be
last and the last shall be first" as
respects local support. Mr. Frink
is a business man, president of the
Washington Iron Works, and one
of the Queen City's most highly
respected citizens. It is signifi
cant of his local popularity that
his candidacy was unanimously in
dorsed by the King county Re
publican club the day after Mayor
Humes' candidacy was formally
announced in the Post-Intelli
gencer.—San Juan Islander.
We are glad to note the an
nouncement of the gubernatorial
candidacy of ex-State Senator J.
M. Frink of King county, for the
reason that if elected he will take
to the chief executive office of the
state a fund of knowledge and ex
perience gleaned from the farm,
workshop, factory and commercial
enterprises that this state stands
in peculiar and particular need of
at this time. The development of
our state in the next four years will
be rapid and even phenomenal and
we need the guiding hand of a
man of large business experience
and one who will be free from en
dangering political alliances —
Skagit County Times.
Among the Republican possibili
ties for the office of governor, none
seem to meet with more general
approval than J. M. Frink of Se
attle. Of course the outcome will
entirely depend upon King county.
If that county sends up a divided
delegation ac it did at the last two
conventions it will get nothing-
But if it comes up united for a
strong candidate such as Frink is,
for governor, and the entire dele
gation work for their man, there is
no question but they can nominate
him. J. M. Frink is the only man
mentioned, so far, that will meet
with no outside opposition and his
indorsement by the King county
delegation means his nomination
and triumphant election.—Mt.
Vernon News-Herald.
Interest in the contest in King
county for local support for the
Republican gubernatorial nomina
tion has been augmented the past
week by the formal announcement
of the candidacy of Hon. J. M-
Frink, of Seattle. Mr. Frink has
been a citizen of that city since
1874, and is essentially a self
made man. His prominence in
business affairs in Seattle is due
solely to his perseverance and his
merits as an honest and upright
citizen. Mr. Frink has seen much
of political life, having been a
member of the state senate from
King county for eight consecutive
years. He is a stalwart Republi
can, and will doubtless make him
self felt in the present contest.
In business life he is president of
the Washington Iron Works, one
of Seattle's prominent manufac
tories. He is held in high esteem
by all who have had social, politi
cal or business relations with him.
—Dem ing Prospector.
If the King county Republicans
are wise they will give Hon. J. M.
Frink of Seattle an united delega
tion to the Republican state con
vention for the office of governor.
With Mr. Frink as the candidate
of King county there will be no
doubt of the action of the conven
tion. He will be nominated be
yond question. Republicans from
various portions of the state are
inclined to concede that the gover
ship should go to King county if
she presents an acceptable candi
date. Mr. Frink will be accept
able for various reasons. He is a
successful business man; his char
acter is beyond reproach; he has
had a successful experience as
state senator from King county
for eight years and left the legisla
ture with the confidence and re
spect of his associates; he is a
thorough going Republican; he is
a man who always had the courage
of his convictions while in the
senate. A man with all these
qualifications, together with the
rare executive ability that has
enabled him to successfully
manage a large industry through
the panicky times of the past ten
years would surely make a strong
candidate before the people. Mr.
Frink has never been a profes
sional politician although he has
been sought out by his King county
friends on more than one occasion
and put forward for public favor
because of his sterling worth. It
is needless to say that he has
always been a winner and he will
be a winner in the state conven
tion and will be elected governor
by a large majority if he is pre
sented as King county's candidate
for governor at the coming state
convention. —Chehalis Bee.
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1900.
NEGRO CITIZENSHIP
Pronotmced a Plat Failure by Con
federate Generals, who, for
Four Years were Rebels and
Traitors to the Flag—Declare
the Negro has Not Accomplish
ed Enough in Thirty-five Yoars
and For That Reason the Fif
teenth Amendment Should be
Abrogated.
That recent convention held at
Montgomery, Alabama, in which
only "white men" participated, to
discuss the American Negro both
pro and con, was remarkable for
wise men (?) uttering and dwelling
on some very unwise things.
Being composed of Southern men,
and ex-rebels at that, the repeal of
the Fifteenth Amendment to the
Constitution of the United States,
was made prime thought of the
convention. In other words, it
wanted the world to understand,
because the Negro had not come
up to its members fastidious ideas
of civilization after thirty-five
years of freedom, he should now
be again forced into involuntary
serfdom, worse a hundred times
over than the slavery that existed
in the South before Sherman's
famous "march to the w Un
conditional Surrender Grant visit
ed with Robert E. Lee at Appama
tox Court House. The Fifteenth
Amendment was conceived in the
minds of those, who subsequently
put it into full force and effect in
the very midst of fire and flames,
shot and shell and death and
distraction; it was written on the
faces of a hundred thousand brave
boys of blue as their lifeless forms
lay bleaching on the ghostly battle
field by their surviving comrades,
and the liquid used for writing it
was the hearts blood of those, who
had given their lives, that it might
be, therefore, neither sickly senti
ment, race color bugbear, nigger
dominacy scare crow nor any
kindred Negrophobia diseases
held up as the Mexican would a
red flag before a fighting bull in
the arena, will have no right
about face on this question and
neither the men nor the sons of
those men, who wrote and voted
for it, will ever suffer to see their
work quietly undone, and, if it is
ever undone, it will be so after
more men will have lost their
lives on the battle field than the
Great Civil war ever dreamed of.
Grant it, that the Negro has fallen
below the standard that has been
mapped out for him by even some
of his most ardent Northern sup
porters, he has, nevertheless, done
quite enough to more than justify
the North for freeing the United
States of one of the most brutal
institutions that ever existed
among supposed civilized people,
and, taking into consideration that
the Negro is but thirty-five years
from a 200 year oppression and
bondage, it does seem that there
is still much time for improve
ment. If in the next two thirty
five yeara the Negro improves as
he has in the past, a century more
and he will exhibit a far different
Negro than the Negro now so un
mercifully criticised by men who
still rage on account of having lost
him as a chattel.
As the citizens all over the
country watched the battle scarred
veterans of a hundred battle
fields of the Great Civil war last
Wednesday amble up and down
the streets in their feeble attempt
to keep time to the "fife and
drum" as they did at Gettysburg,
Lookout Mountains, Spottsylvania
and a hundred other places that
their country's honor might never
trail in the dust at the hands of
rebels and traitors, it was plain to be
seen on their determined faces that
the work that they had done so
well in the many battles, in which
they were engaged, would never be
undone by their voice or vote.
The sons of those old veterans let
it be distinctly un<l<rstood, have
altogether too much respect for
the memory of their dead fathers
and brothers to ever raise their
voice or vote to undo a work
which cost them both their lives
and their fortunes. "In respect to
the memory of my dead father,
who now sleeps the everlasting
sleep in the swamps of the South,
I would suffer to see my right arm
severed from my very body, yea,
I would prefer death itself of the
most ignominious type, rather
than do one thing toward destroy
ing the effects of the Fifteenth
Amendments, a document so dear
to their hearts," would be a prayer
that every Son-of-a-veteran of the
Great Civil war would utter,
should he be called upon to vote
for the repeal of that war Amend
ment.
Memorial Day in the North is
as sacred as Sunday itself, and, in
the minds of many, even more so.
In every town, hamlet and com
munity in the Northern states the
people assemble each year to do
homage to those who fell in the
cause of human liberty. So sacred
lias the tie become that on such
occasions it would be dangerous
for any one to suggest the repeal
of the Fifteenth Amendment. A
speaker advocating it would be
torn from the rostrum and its
advocacy on the part of an ex
rebe! would mean instant death, so
great would the indignation of the
assembled crowd be. It would be
wise for the Southern hot heads to
deal gently iv that particular or
the wrath of the "boys of blue"
would be stirred up against them
as it only was in 1863, when, "On
to Richmond" was the watch word.
Since the shackles of bondage
practically fell from the limbs of
the black people in this country,
when Lee surrendered to Grant
and the Southern Confederacy's
star set to never rise again, the
progress of the Negro, who was
turned loose to battle for an ex
istence, with ©very body's hand
against him, and even his own, the
one unfriendly to others success,
he has done remarkably well, yea,
he has done exceedingly well. A
step further might be successfully
added and say, that no race under
the face on the earth, according to
the records of ancient, medeaval
or modern history has made such
rapid strides as has the American
Negro and that too in the short
space of thirty-five years. He is
doing today what it took the white
races hundreds of years to learn.
Instead of traveling by gradations
as other races, the Negro goes by
boanda and leaps, which have
startled the world. The slave of
thirty-five years ago is in open
competition with the master of
that time. He not only competes,
but surpasses for this he must do
to gain any recognition at all.
In the Negro's struggle for a
foot hold as a human being he was
opposed by his old master and their
sympathisers. And this was done
for two reasons, first because he
was a free man and not his chattel,
secondly, that after years of at
tempted citizenship on the part of
the Negro they could successfully
declare that, the North had made
a sad mistake as the Negro was
incapable of becoming a civilized
human being, and to use such
argument as a leverage to induce
the North to again reduce him to
a state of serfdom with the South
as his master. But despite the
Continued on Third I'age.
i
REPUBLICANISM
Always Fills the I,atid With
Plenty, Brings Happiness to
Homes and Moves the Mills
and Mines as Well as the
Wheels of Industry—While
Democracy Proves a Veritable
Financial Nightmare—All
Sections of the Country Pros
perous Under Four Years of
Me Kin ley ism.
The following compilation <»f
facts has been communicated to
The Republican for publication:
Ninety-two per cent of our im
ports and exports are carried iv
foreign ships, which take $200,000,
--000 a year from the American
people in payment of the freight.
The ship subsidy bill now pending
in Congress is designed to stop
this great annual drain, but>
strangely enough, it don't seem
likely to pass.
In April we exported $43,459,
--765 more than we imported, and
we exported $30,130,0' 0 more of
American products and manu
factures than in April, 1899. Ex
pansion still continues.
During the ten months of the
current fiscal year ending with
April 30, our exports were $135,
--948,857 greater in value than in
the corresponding months a year
ago.
Protection has built up the great
land industries of the United
States until they are able to make
the country unprecedentedly pros
perous. Free trade upon the sea
has so decimated our shipping
during the same time, that we
have but one-third as much ton
nage under our flag to-day as we
had forty years ago, although our
commerce if four times as great
now as it was then. The shipping
bill, now pending in Congress,
would, if adopted, change all this.
While interested in watching
the contest between the two Ger
man steamship lines as to which
shall build the biggest and fastest
steamship for their trade with the
United States, the American
people should not forget that they
are paying the bills: If we did
our duty to our country we would
be building those ships in the
United States, and manning them
with our own citizens, as the ship- j
ping bill, still unacted upon in j
Congress, provides.
The Kentucky Democrats are
clamoring for the election of
United States Senators by the
direct vote of the people. At the
same time they are committed to
the policy of electing governors
by the skullduggery of partisan
legislatures.
Democrats who are so eager to
show their hostility to Great
Britain by trying to involve the
United States in a war with that
country on account of the Boers
in South Afrieß, are at the same ■■
time doing their utmost to secure
the passage of an a>t of Congress
that would permit British-built
ships to be registered as Ameri
can. Democratic preaching is
different from Democratic prac
tice.
Tlip wage-raising employers are
also raising Cain with the Demo
cratic platform-makers.
A Republican platform will fit
any state in the Union. A Demo
cratic platform would be embar
rassing if it were to stray over a
State line.
It is said that the reason the
Democrats in the Senate don't file
PRICE FIVE CENTS
a minority report on theFrye ship
ping bill ifl heciiuse they are as
equally divide*) f or and against
the bill as their Democratic col
leagues in the House Merchant
Marine and Fisheries Committee
showed themselves to be, when
three of the latter advocate in one
report Government aid and oppose
free ships, and the other four
advocate free ships and oppose
Government aid. And yet, these
same Democratic Senators have
the hardihood to threaten to make
"a campaign issue" of the shipping
question! They had better first
get their bearings, as Daniel Web
ster once advised them to do, be
fore they try to point out the
course their political opponents
should pursue.
The total amount of money in
circulation in the United States
was akmt a billion and a half
dollars in 1896. This year, under
protection and the gold standard,
it exceeds two billions.
In March, 1893, when President
Cleveland was inaugurated, the
deposits in the national banks of
the United States amounted to
$1,751,439,374. In three years'
time, in 1896, they had declined
by $100,000,000. Three years
later, in 1899, they had increased
by nearly $600,000,000. Note the
figures:
March, 1893 $1,751,439,374
March, 1896 1,648,092,869
March, 1899 2,232,193,157
Application has been made to
the courts of New Jersey by the
holder of 100 shares of stock, de
manding an accounting of the
affairs of the Americau Sugar
Refining Company, otherwise
known as the sugar trust. This is
the same concern to which Senator
Jones, chairman of the National
Democratic Committee, wanted to
refund upwards to $600,000 of
duties which the trust had paid on
imports of Porto Ricau sugar.
The only policy advocated by
the free trade Democratic press
for the revival of the American
merchant marine, is that of free
ships. This means that Ameri
cans should be permitted to re
gister as American any foreign
built ship they might purchase.
Three of the seven Democratic
members of the Merchant Marine
and Fisheries Committee of the
House of Representatives in a
report recently filed oppose free
ships and favor Government aid
for the building of American ships.
They say, further, in theii report:
"The commercial people of the
United States are demanding an
equabMe opportunity to build
American ships and create new
outlets for American products."
The policy of condensed Ameri
canism is not making any per
ceptible gains.
The Hon. Arthur Sewall is going
abroad this year in preference to
going the Chicago platform again.
Abdul Hamid shows a disposi
tion to join Aguinaldo in holding
out in the hope of Democratic
success in November.
Secretary Hay quickly made it
clear to the Boer envoys that the
Administration could not do more
than it already has done to bring
about peace in South Africa. The
United States Government acted
promptly when an opportunity
offered, through the appeal made
to the representatives of the
various nations at Pretoria, and
was the only nation which did act:
As its offer of mediation was then
conrteously declined by England
no further opportunity is now
j afforded.
