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The Seattle Republican. (Seattle, Wash.) 1???-1915, October 04, 1912, Image 1

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Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84025811/1912-10-04/ed-1/seq-1/

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The Seattle Republican
Single Copies, 10 Cents.
THE SEATTLE REPUBLICAN
is published every Friday by Cayton Publishing
Company.
Subscriptions, $3 per year; six months, $1.50;
postage prepaid.
Entered as second-class matter at the postofflce
at Seattle.
CAYTON PUBLISHING COMPANY Inc.
Main 305 427 Epler Block
Seattle, Washington
HORACE ROSCOE CAYTON, - - - Publisher
SUSIE REVELS CAYTON, - - - Associate
EDITORIAL.
Perhaps Morgan never contributed to
campaigns with a promise of refund, but
he must have had a trump up his sleeve
when he gave a quarter of a million dollars
to aid the candidacy of a presidential as
pirant.
In the past, New York state may not
have used much care in selecting guberna
torial candidates, hut this year all parties
are getting their Eli in naming excellent
men as thier standard bearers. Sttlzer is
no exception to the rule. .May the best
man win.
War in the Balkins will be just as bad
;is if il were anywhere else. War i.s simply
hell, wherever it is.
Campaign contributions by corporation
kings are common to our system of govern
ment, and instead of washing dirty linens,
efforts should be made to discontinue the
practice.
Arizona's governor that was so keen for
a re-call constitution is to ho given a dose
of his own vomit.
With Gov. Hartley stumping Missouri for
Taft and La Follett working in Wisconsin
for him, Teethevelt will not have as smooth
sailing as he had contemplated.
The purity squad, after all, did not seem
to have a mistaken idea in arresting Tonkin
and his girl companions at a vile dance hall,
Col. Alden J. Times to the contrary not
withstanding.
Vermont's chief output is tombstones.
But the address on the consignment ship
ped last election day seems to be confusing.
—Cleveland Leader.
Secretary Wilson, of the Agricultural De
partment, says that he will retire on March
5. But he does not say of what year.—
Rochester Post-Express.
Should the Canal question be referred to
The Hague? The charges of some lawyers
make it doubtful whether peace is cheaper
than war.—Southern Lumberman.
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1912.
The referendum and recall ideas would
have answered very Avell in the days of such
tyrants as Nero, as a matter of thwarting
the designs of despots. Representative gov
ernment is the outgrowth of the conditions
of those days and similar conditions until
the ideal in government became a realization
—the individual governing himself. These
days in all things may not be the best. From
what is taking place daily by improvements
in many directions it may mean that we are
just entering the good things reserved up
in the centuries for the well-being and earth
ly glory of mankind.
Government, however, is not susceptible
to great changes, as Mr. Roosevelt would
instill in his followers. We can only be gov
erned by some one wholly or by a few, or
by ourselves wholly, if by ourselves and
others jointly. The choice of government is
indeed limited. And the political economist
or the most learned statesman may write
volumes in elaboration of government, but
they will still be speaking to the very few
kinds of government possible. This goes to
say that the evolution leading up to the auto
mobile or to those great printing presses,
with their wilderness of machinery, will not
apply to government. The thoughtless think
of government as they think of machinery.
They think that it can go on and on for
ever, making additions by way of improve
ment. They speaK of old-fashioned ideas
and new-fashioned ideas as flippantly as if
they were speaking of women's wearing ap
parel.
Representative government is perfect gov
ernment, and is not susceptible to any im
provement —just as truth will not be bet
tered. We cannot accept substitutes for the
parents in the family as the head of the
family at its best. Philosophers, the wise
men of all time, have dreamed of democra
cies and republics, and now and then they
were realized. They lapsed now and then,
not because the truth that man would gov
ern himself was in ''error," but because the
people were traded on; they became heed
less and thoughtless, and as Patrick Henry
put it, little by little the liberties of the peo
ple were stolen from them. We have a re
fix of that condition today, when under one
pretext or another designing men are mak
ing effort to play the people into political
ambush.
And if they are not careful they will lose
their present estate of self-government and
thus revert to one of the other, where dspot
ism is a phase if not the whole thing—de
pending on the caprice of an individual or
individuals, rather than on the deliberate
choice of themselves.
The referendum and the recall, if not the
initiative, are not less than expressions of
representative government in reversion. It
and the
VOLUME XIV, NUMBER 30.
is as if we had made the rounds of the dif
ferent modes, and in our craze for change
are willing to hazard our independence at
finding something new. "There is nothing
new under the sun,'' strikes off the situation
aptly enough. In the effort to find the new
we are confronted with the old. Knock the
masks away, and there it is. The referen
dum is a repudiation of ourselves, and which
will beget distrust and chaos in the end if
permitted as thought out. It is a pretty
theory to talk of the people uncreating what
they create. It is all right in the potential
ity. The power is theirs. But at that they
are not to be wanton in destruction, lest
they destroy themselves. The legislators
are not to be thought apart from the people.
They are the people's further selves, as are
the other officials that are chosen to act for
the people. Their slection is merely a mat
ter of convenience, since the people cannot
meet together to discuss and pass on ques
tions for the public good. The individual is
in evidence as much as it is possible for him
to be io, and thus answering the best form
of government—the nearest approach to in
dividual government.
Referendum and recall is of the theory
that legislators and officials act independent
ly of the people, making any handing down
laws to them, rather than carrying out their
wishes. We have no such condition. And
when it is urged that we have, it is merely
an assumption, or the expression of a the
ory of possibility. The legislators and of
fleers could forget the purpose of their selec
tion. But would it he conducive to their
political longevity? Not much. They are
also the people, and are no more interested
in making hard conditions than the people
are to have them. The tendency of the Bull
Moose crowd is to divorce the people and
the officials, notwithstanding they are im
mediately depending on them. A lahorer
will generally stand with his employer in
most things, where polities is not involved,
sine* 1 he depen/ls on his employer for exist
ence. He may not be en rapport with the
employer, hut lie does not oppose him or
antagonize him. Some such relation exists
between legislators and officials and the
people.
The referendum and the recall are weap
ons of destruction. Perhaps nothing in his
tory has worn such a menacing front. They
were not revived out of necessity, but as
engines of offense to beat a way into the af
fections of the people and finally into office
by disgruntled men.
The dear people, happily, are becoming
to see the intent. They know that there are
no tyrants among us. If there were, they
would be expelled by the force of public
opinion, which brooks no infringement on
the American patent of rights.—Age.

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