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-rrirtitfi i ill -i-TTiic THE 2SE9& Hcuoicb ta politics, literature, Agriculture, Science, illoraliti), aub General intelligent. V0L. 24. STROUDSBURG, MONROE COUNTY, PA DECEMBER 14, 1865. NO. SJ, Published bv Theodore Schoch. , TERM3-Two dollars a yoar in advancc-iind if no juM,before the end of the yeaj, tuo dollars and filfy ets. -will bo charged. N paper disr 'iitimicd until all arrearages arc paid. cxr.eptat me opuu ..v,. . r-FA i.-rrtisc nents of one square of (eight lines) or ! one or three insertions $1 5(1. Earn additional L..lii.Ti Mi'r.nis. Lonirer ones in nroDortion. L . . . .. - " - JOB PRINTING, OF ALL KINDS, gxectted in the highest style of the Arl,nd onthe , most reasonuble terms. FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON. Delivered to Congress Tuesday noon. December 5, 1865. After- follow-Citizens of the Senate and House, of Representatives : To express gratitude to God, in the name of the people, for the preservation of the "United States, -is" my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next re Tcrt to the death of the late President by nn act of parricidal treason. The grief of, the uatiou is still fresh ; it finds some solace in the consideration that he lived long enough to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence by entering upon the renewed term of his Chief Magistracy, to which he had been elected ; that lie brought the civil war substantially to a close ; that his loss was deplored in all parts of the Union; and that foreign na tions have done justice to his memory. His removal has cast upon me a heavier weight of cares than ever devolved upon any of his predecessors. To fulfil! my trust I need the support ami confidence of the people. There is but one w.iy in j which L can hope to obtain their uecessa- j ry aid, and that is to state with frankness ; the priuciplcs which guide my conduct, 1 .1 1 . 1 . A . . and incir application to use protein, auuo 1-Vtl 'Vi ie c i - a great meas- of affairs, being well aware cicncv of my labors win, in a gre ure, depcud ou your and their uudivided approbation. The Union of the United States of A xn erica was intended by its authors to last a long as the States themselves shall last. " The Union ah all U pcrjtci'.tal" are the words of the Confederation. "To fvrr.i a more perfect Union" by an ordi nance of the peopJc of the United States, is the declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Providence was nev er more plainly visible in the affairs of nicu than in the framing and the adopt ing of that instrument. It is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in Ameri can history; and indeed is it not, of all events in modern history, the most preg nant with the consequences for every peo ple of the earth ? The members -of the Convention which prepared it, brought to their work the experience of the Confed ation, of tlieir several States, and of oth er Republican Governments, old and. new, but they needed and obtained a wisdom fuperior to experience. And when for its validity it required the approval of a people that occupied a large part of the contiucut and acted separately iu many distinct conventions, what is mora won derful than that, after earnest contention and long discussion, all feelings and all opinions were ultimately drawn in one way to its support. The Constitution to which life was thus imparted couiaius wilhiu itself ample rc- , 7cssrv'..'c '5 L - 5 pOW er to cuiorcti u. no, puuiu an: ensure domestic tranquility. In ezso f the usurpation of the government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it be comes a duty of the United States to make jjood the guarantee to that State of a rc publicau form of government, aud so xuxintaiu the homcgeneousnes of all. Docs the lapse of time reveal defects 'I A sim ple mode of amendment is provided in the Constitution itself, so that its condi tions cau always be made to conform to the requirements of ad vaueing civilization. No room is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And these powers of sclf-prcservatiou have always been asserted in their com plete iutegrity by every patriotic Chief Magistrate by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than by Washington aud Madi son. The parting advice of the Father of his Country, while yet President, to the people of the United States, was, that "the free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained ;" and the inaugural words of Presideut Jefferson held up "the preser vation of the General Government, in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet sfuchor of our peace at home aud safety abroad." The Constitution is the work of "the Peo ple of the United States," and it should be ns indescribable as the people. . It is not strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, should not have fully compre hended the excellence yf their own work. Fresh from a struggle agaiost arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from har assing fears of an absorption of the State governments by the General Government, and many from a dread that the States Would break away from their orbits. But the very greatness of our country ishould allay the apprehension of encroach ments by the General Government. The subjects that come unquestionably within its jurisdiction are so numerous, that it must ever naturally refuse to be embar rassed by questions that line beyond it. Were it otherwise, the Executive would eink beneath the burden ; the channels of iistifift would be choked : legislation would be obstructed by excess ; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General Gov ernment through the States thau to trcs- pass on their rightful sphere. "The ab solute acquiescence in the decisions of majority" was, at the begiuniug of the century, enforced by Jefferson "as the vi- .' , , Ot tlie last tour years Have CStatJJlSheU, WC ! :n r i i: ji. J " iuiuvur, i.nut wiuiu iiua uu ap peal to force. The maintenance of the Union brings with it 'the support of the State Govern ments in all their rights :" but it is not rights : one of the rights of any State Govern ment to renounce its own place in the U uion The largest liberty is to be main tained in the discussiou of the acts of the Federal Government ; but there is no ap peal from its laws, except to the various branches of that Government itself, or to j the people, who grant to the members of the Legislative and of the Executive De partment no tenure but a limited one, and in that manner always retain the power of redress. "The sovereignty of the States" is the language of the Confederacy, and not the language of the Coustitutiou. The latter . contains thc emphatic words : ''I he Don- stitufion, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuauce thereof ; raid all treaties made or which shall be made under tho authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State a. shall be bound thereby, anything m the cont!!utioh or laws ot any contrary notwithstanding." State to the Certainly the Government of the Uui ted States is a limited Government, and so -is every ct-uc government, uun us, . nr..! thii luca or Imniauon . spreads through every Jorm ol aduimistration, general, State and municipal, and rests on the '. r great distinguishing principle ot the conniliou of the rights of man. The re- an- i cient republics absorbed the individual in , State, prescribed his religion, and .. . ., . ' . controlled his activity. The American system rests on the assertion of the equal ' right of every man to life, libertj', and 1 the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of : conscience, to the culture and exercise of ; his faculties. As a consequence, the ; State Government is limited, as to the ! General Government in the interests of the Union, as to the individual citizen in ; the interest of freedom. States, with proper limitations of pow ' cr. are essential to the cxisteuce of the Constitution of the United States. At the very commencement, when we as- sumed a place among the Powers of the communicate promptly with its officers and earth, the Declaration of Independence j agents. The courts bring security to per was adopted by Sjatcs ; so also were the ' sons and propcrt7 ; the opening of ports in Artieles of Confederation; and when "the j vites the restoration of industry and corn people of the United States" ordained ; mcrce ; the post office renews the facili and established the Constitution, it was , ties of social intercourse and of business, the assent of the State, one by one, which ! And is it not happy for us all that the gave it vitality. Iu the event, too, ofi restoration of each one of these functions any amendment to the Constitution, the , proposition of Congress needs the confir- ; mation of the States. Without States , one great branch of the legislative gov- j eminent would be wanting. And, if we , look beyond the letter of the Constitution j to the character of our countrj-, its capa city for comprehending wilhiu its juris- j diction a vast continental empire is due j to the system of States, ihe bestsccuri ty for the perpetual existence of the States is the "supreme authority" of the Constitution of the United States. The , perpetuity of the Constitution brings with u tne rei" "C'n'v of the States; the mutu al rehiioh'makee as what we are, and in our polities! vMe! their connection i in: ni 1 t j he wiioic c inot exist without the parts, nor the part without the whole. So lung as the Constitution of the United States endures, the States will endure; the destruction of the one is the destruc tion of the other ; the preservation of the odc is the preservation of the other. I have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the -Constitution and the States, because they unfold the prin- ciples ou which I have sought to soItc the momentous oucstions and overcome the appalling difficulties that met me at ' the very commencement of my adminis- tration. It has been my steadfast object n . , to escape lrom-thc sway oi momentary ' pas.sions, and to derive a healing policy ugiu;: : from the fundamental aud unchau principles of the Constitution. T found the States suffering from the effects of a civil war. Resistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted itself. The United States had ; recovered possession of their forts and ar senals, aud their armies were in the occu pation of every State which had attemp ted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States should be held as couquercd territory, unuer military authority emauating from the President as the head Of the army, was the first question that presented itself for decision. Now, military governments, established for an indefinite period, would have of fered no security ior the early suppres sion of discontent; would have divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished ; and would have envenomed hatred rather than have restored affection. Once established, no precise limit to their continuance was conceivable. They would have occasioned incalculable aud exhaus ting expense. Peaceful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of the best means that can be thought of for the restoration of harmony ; and that emigration would have beeu preven ted; for what emigraut from abroad, what iudustrtous citizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rule ? The chief persons who would have fol lowed iu the train of the army would have been dependents on trie General imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, Government, or men who expdeted profit the element which has' so long perplexed froui the miseries of tlieir erring fellow-f and divided the" cotintry; it makes us citizeus. The powers of patronage and ' ohce more a united people, renewed and rule which would have been exercised, strengthened, and bound more than ever under the President, over a vast popu-jto mutual affection and support, lous, and naturally wealthy region, are' The amendmedt to the Constitution be-, greater than, unless under extreme neces-1 ing adopted; it would remain for the sity, I should be willing to entrust to any States, whose powers have been so long in one man; or, unless on occasions of great abeyance to resume their places in the emergency, consent to exercise. Thewil- two branches of the National Legislature, ful use of such powers, if continued and thereby complete the work of res through a period of years, would have toration. Here it is for you, fellow-citi-endangered the "purity of the general ad- zens of the Senate, and for you, fellow ministration and the liberties of the States citizens of the House of Representatives, which remained loyal. J to judge, each of you for yourselves, of Desides, the policy of military rule o- the elections, returns, and qualifications j ver a conquered territory would have im - plied that the States whose inhabitants' Ihe full assertion of the powers of the may have taken part in rebellion had, by General Government requires the hold the acts of those inhabitants, ceased to ing of Circuit Courts of the United States exist. Dut the true theory is, that all within the districts where their authority pretended acts of secession were, from the has beeu interrupted. Iu the present beginning, null and void. The States posture of our public affairs, strong ob canuot commit treason, nor screem the jections have been urged to holdiug those individual citizens who may have com- courts in auy of the States where the re- , nutted treason, any more than they can make valid treaties or engage in lawful : commerce with any foreign Power. The Statc attempting to secede place them - selves in a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished their functions suspended, but not des- troyed. ' Rut if any State neglects or refuses to perform its offices, there is the more need w - that the General Government should maintain all its authority, and, as soon as t i .1 n ii pracucaoie, resume tne exercise or an its functions. On this principle I have ac- 1.1 11 111 1 . 1 lt teu, ann nave grauuasiy ana quieuy, anu . by almost imperceptible steps, sought to restore the rightiui energy or tne general . Government and of the States. To that end, Provisional Governors have been ap- ( pointed for the States, Conventions call-, , , y T . , , eu, uovoruuis ciecieu, jjegisiaiures sembled, and Senators and Representa - j tives chosen to the Cougress of the Uni ted States. At the same time, the Courts of the United States, as far as could be done, have been reopened, so that the laws of the United States forced through tlieir agency, ade has been removed and may be en The block- the custom so that re-established in ports of entry, the revenue of the United States may be collected. The Post Office Department renews its ceaseless activity, and the (JFen oral Government is thereby enabled to of the General Government brings with it a blessiug not a sure promise or har- tnony and renewed attachment to the Union that, after all that has happened, the return of the General Government is known only as a beneficence 1 I kuow very well that this policy is at tended with some risk ; that for its suc cess it requires at least the acquiescence of the State which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume their functions as States of the Union. Dut it is a risk that must be taken ; in the choice of difficulties, it is the smallest risk ; and to diminish, and, if possible, to romOVQ all danger, I have felt it incumbeut on me to assert one other power of the General Govern ment the power of pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime of treason, the power of pardon is exclusive ly vested in the Executive Government of the United States. In exercising that power, I have taken every precaution to connect it with the clearest recognition of the binding force of the laws of the Uiu ted States, and an unoualified acknow ' ledgenieut of the great social change of - ; j COnUltlOU Iu lOgaiu iu aiiivuij nuitu uao grown out of the war. The next step which I have taken to restore the constitutional relations of the States, has been an invitation 4o them to , ; participate in tho high office ot amending ' fhn Constitution. Every patriot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with public safety. For this great end there is need of a concur- renccofall opinions, and the spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in the ; franchise to ine irccumeii, uy act oi tuu late terrible conflict must work together ' United States, must have been extended in harmony. It is not too much to ask,lto all colored ueu, wherever found, and the name of the whole people, that, on j must establish a change of suffrage in the one side, the plan of restoration shall j the Northern, Middle and Western States proceed iu conformity with a willingness not less thau in the Southern and South to cast the disorders of the past into ob-iwestcrn. Such an act would have created hvion, and that, on the other, the evi-j a new class of voters, and would have dence of sincerity in the future mainten-! been au assumption of power by the ance of the Union shall be put beyond President which nothing in the Constitu any doubt by the ratification of the pro-1 tion or laws of the United States would nosed amendment to the Constitution, have warranted. . . which provides for the abolition of slave, I Ou tho other hand, every danger ot ry forever within the limits of our coun- conflict is avoided when the settlement of try So Ion" as the adoption of this a- the question is referred to the several meudmeut isdelayed, so long will doubt, States. They can, each for itself, decide and jealousy, and uncertainty prevail. on the measure, and whether it is to be This is the measure which will efface the adopted at once and absolutely, or intro past; this is the measure which most cer- duced gradually and with conditions -r-tainly call population, and security to In my judgement, the freedmen, ll they those parts of the Union that need them show patience and manly virtues, will most. Indeed, it is not too much to ask sooner obtain a participation in the e ec of the States which are now resuming tive frauchise through the States thau their places in the family of tho Union through the General Government, even to give this pledge of perpetual loyalty if it had power to intervene and peace When the tumult of emotions that have Until it is done, the past, however been raised by the social charge shall much we may desire it, will not be for- have subsided it may prove that they gotten The adoption of the amendment will receive the kindliest usage from some reunites us beyond all power of disrup of those on whom thay have heretofore tion. It heals, the wound that is Btill most cloEely depended. .of your own members. bellion has existed : and it was ascertain- the United States would not be held with- 1 in the District of Virginia during the autumn or early winter, nor until Congress .should have 'au opportunity to cousider .aud act on the whole subject." I To your deliberations the restoration of this branch of the civil authority of the 'United States is therefore necessarily re- ' f erred, with the hope that early provision will be qiade for the resumption or all its ti if . . p. .: T: !.. . I. . 1 4 iuncuous. xt is inamiui-i, lhuu huujsuu, most flagrant in character has been com- mittcu. Persons who are charged with its com- ,,l mission snouiu nave lair anu impartial trials in the highest tribunals of the coun- try, in order that the Constitution and the laws maybe fully vindicated ; the i... ' .. j ..ik i ti. as-.iruiii oioui iy uswunsiiuu uuu ami mcu lhul - treasou is adenine, that traitors should be 'rmniclioil Mini t h r nflonpri TTi!iHf i n 'n mniK u...uwv.u, , and, at the same tnno the question may be judicially settled, finally and forever, that no State of its. own will has the right to renounce its place in the Union. The relations of the General Govern ment towards the four millions of inhab itants whom the war has called iuto freed om, have engaged my most serious con- sidcration. Ou tho propriety of attempt- ing to make the freed men electors by the proclamation of the Executive, 1 took for my counsel the Constitution itself, the interpretations of that instrument by its authors and their contemporaries, and re cent legislations by Congress. When, at the first movemcut towards independ ence, the Congress of the United States instructed the several States to institute governments of their own, they loft each State to decide for itself the conditions for the enjoyment of the elective fran chise. During the period of the Confederacy, there continued to exist a very great diversity in' the qualifications of electors in the several States ; and even in a State a distinction of qualifications prevailed with regard to the officers who were to be chosen. The Constitution of the Uui tcd States rdcoguizes those diversities when it enjoins that, in the choice of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, "the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requi site for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. After the formation of the Constitu tion, it remained, as before, the uniform usage for State to enlarge the body of its electors, according to its own judgment; and, under this system, one State after another has proceeded to increase the number of its electors, until now univer sal suffrage, or something very near it, is the general rule. So fixed was this re sp.rvjitinn of nower iu the habits of Jie people, and so unqucstioucd has beeu the interpretation of the Constitution, that during the civil war the late Presideut ' never harbored the purpose certaiuly never avowed the purpose of disregard- j A. 1D' it : and in the acts ot congress, our- a i ing that period, nothing can be found which, during the continuance of hos tilities, much less after their close, would have sanctioned any departure by the Executive from a policy which has so uniformly obtaiucd. Moreover, a concession of the elective .1 f 1 1' . 1. ' But while I have no doubt that now, or even virtually prohibited. It is best,, after the close of the war, it is not com- while the country is still young, and while petent for the General Government to ex- tIie tendency to dangerous monopolies of tend the elective franchise to the several is kind is still feeble, to use tho potter States, it is equally clear that good faith of Congress so as to prevent sny selfish im-- r. r i i- i pediment to the free circulation of men and requires the security of the f rcedmcn in mcrchamlisc A tax on lravcI and merchan;- their liberty and their property, thctr disi5t in lheir transit) constitlltes one ot the' right to labor, and their right to claim a worst forms f monopoly, and the evil is in just returu of their labor. I cannot too creased if coupled with a denial of the choice" strongly urge a dispassionate treatment of of route. When the vast exiant ofonrcoun this su iject, which should be carefully try is considered, it is plain that every ob kopt aloof from all party strife. We must staclc lo the free circulation ot commerc" eniiallr avoid hnstv assumntinna nfanv between the States ought to be sterile natural impossibility for the two races to live side by side m a state ot mutual ben efit and. good will. . . in no incon- sistency ; let us then go on snd make that Ponsion Bure;iU the nianagement of our IaS experiment in good faith, and not be too dia afla;rs lhc progress made in the construe easily disheartened. Ihe country is iu tion of th Pacific Railroad, and furnishes' need of labor, aud thefreedmcn are in need information in reference to matters of local" of employment, culture, aud protection, interest in the Distr ct ofColumbia. It also While their right of voluntary migration presents evidence of the successful operar and expatration is uot questioned, I' would lion of the homestead act, under tbe provis not advise their forced removal and col- ions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public l i , i u i. r. t OniZatiOIl Let us rather encourage them to hon- be beneficial to themselves and to the country ; and, instead of hasty anticipa- cover the expen.es ineident to the survey and1 tions of the certainty of failure, let there disposal of the lands entered under this act, be nothing wantiug to tho fair trial of the an-i that payments in cash to the extent of experiment. TLe change in their con- from forty to fifty pT cent, will be made by dition is the substitution of labor by con- settlers who may thus at any time acquire tract for the status of slavery. The freed- little before the expiration of the period at man cannot fairly be accused of unwill , which h woul(1 otherwise vest. The home ingness to work, so long as a doubt re-;ste? Pol,cy disestablished only after long mains about his freedom of choice in his earnest resistance : experience proves its , . . ,. , . .wisdom. The land, in ihe hands of mdus- pursuits, and the certainty of his recover-ftriQug 5etllerSj whose ,abor ates weaIth ing his stipulated wages. Iu this inter- iand contributes to the public resources are ests ol employer and the employed coin-: wort, Jrjore t0 lne United States than iftkey cide. jhad been reserved as a soiitud? for future The employed desires in his workmen purchasers, spirit and alacrity, aud these can be per-i Tho lamentable erentsofthe last four manently secured in no other way. Aud : years, and the .sacrifices made by the gallant 43 the one ought to be able to enforce the 'men of our army and navy, have swelled the other. The public interest will be best j record! of the Pension Bureau to an unpre promoted if the several States will pro-' cedentcd extent. On the 30th day of June vide adequate protection and remedies for last. lhe total number of pensioners was the freedmen. Until this is iu some way 8?'9.8G' V"8 for their annual pay,, ex-i- 1 1 .1 1 r .1 elusive of expenses, the sum of SS,023,44o. accomplished, there is no chance for the m. , lc ,- . , t , f ' o , . , , 1 1 the number of applications tliat have been advantageous use of their labor, and the allmved since th:;t!ate wil require a large blame ot ill success will not rest ou them. ! jncrcase 0f thi3 am-unt for the next fiscal' I know that sincere philanthropy i3'y0:!r. The means for the payment of the earnest for the immediate rcaliza'tiou of' stipends due, undur existing laws, toour dig its remotest aims; but time is always au abled soldiers,' and to the families of such element iu form. It is one of the great 'as have perished in the service of the coun- est acts ou record to have brought four " will no doubt be cheerfuly and prompt-" mJlHmw nfrnmnlo infn frpni?nni Tha h' granted. A grateful people will not nnrfl(.r nf l'r,n inrlnerrv m.-h,. n.irlw ! opened to them ; and then 'their future prosperity and condition must, after all. t, 1 I ml i rest inaiuly on themselves. T f ' tlint Toil mmI cn rrtcli fitrnv Inf. ncl be careful'that the failure shall not be attributable to any denial of justice. Iu j all that relates to the destiny of the freed-j men, we uecd not be too anxious to read 1 the future ; many incidents which, from ' a speculative point of view, might raise 1 alarm, will quickly settle themselves. j AT ' , . , , 1 Now that slavery is at an end or near its j , . . . J r; -1 - .1 . r end the greatness of lis evil, m the point of public economy, becomes more and more ap-, parent. Slavery was essentially a 'monop-i , f , , , v, 0, ,r , oly of labor, and as sucn locked the otatee. . t - c where it prevailed against the incoming ot, . , r T1T, 3 , , ., 0 1 iree industry, wuere ,aoor was tne prop- er.ty of the capitalist, the white man was ex eluded from employment, or had but the sec ond best chance of finding it, and the for eign emigrant turned a Way from thr region where his condition would be so precarious. With the destruction of the monopoly, free labor will hasten from all parts of the civil ized world to assist in developing various and immeasurable resources which have bit mrto am dormant. The eight or nine C3.... .,wt i.rc.,irnr Mnvirn l.nvp.-i.cnil of exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to ment of the prcsnnt year, th re were in com lon.r life andean sustain a denser population jni;S,on y3J vessels of all classes and descrip tion is found as yet in any part otour coun- J'0" itr, b.UOU guns ami m.mned ' by 51,000-men, the number of vesse s at prc r'And lb future influx of population to sent in commission is 117, with 830 guns" them will be mainly from the North, or from and 12,128 men. By tins prompt reduction the most cultivated nations of Europe. i'Tom the suffering that have attended them during our late struggle, let us look away to the future, which is sure to b laden for them with greater prosperity than has cverbefore been known. The removal of the monopoly offlavc labor is a pledge that those regions will be peopled by a numerous and enterpri sing population, which will vie with any in the Union in compactness, inventive genius, wealth and industry. j i-i 7. p . i .... uur uovcrnmeiiL springs lruni mm .ID . d .1 I . I 1 I' . I, UI UUi; III IlliOII HWI IU1 11 111! blUU J.'wICi e for the people not the people tor the . , n .f t ,i, , -f ' 'ii;,npp- deserving of consideration, as is also the re- Goverment. lo them it owes allegi.ince , o from them, tmust.tcrive its courage, strength commendation for a different location and and wisdom. But, while the Government 'nore ample grounds for the PVaval Academy: is thus bound to defer to the people from . Iu the report of the Secretary of War whom it derives its existence, it should, from a general summary is given of the mili i he very considcrat on of its origin, be strong tary campaigns of 1SG5, endin'g in fho be strong in its power of resistance to the suppression of armed resistance to the na establishment of inequalites. tjouai authority in the insurgent States: Monopolies, perpetuities, ana class leg:s- Thc operations of the enorai administra-' lation, are contrary to the genius of free gov- the War Department du- ernment, and ought not to be allowed. Here detailed tud air there is no room for favored classes of monop- riuo tne Paf ear are uetaueu, auu aa ohes the principle of our Government is estimate made ol the appropriations that that 'of equal laws and freedom of industry, will be required for military purposes in Wherever monopoly attains a fooihnld, it is thc fiscal year commencing the oOth day sure to be a source of danger, discord, and of June, 18(55. Thc national military trouble. We shall but fulfil our duties as force on the 1st of May, 1S65, uumberedt legislators by according "equal and exact 1000,(510 men. It is proposed to re justice to all men," special privileges to duce t)0 wiiitary establishment to a H0' i ,t . . .i peace footing, comprehending fifty thoii Thcr Government is ; subordinate tothe peo- troops of all arms, orgauizjd A aa p e : but as t he agent and representative of . I" , ' .0, rn. , Ue peo'p'e. it must be held superior lo mo- " admit of an enlargement by filling up nopulies, which in themselves, ought never the ranks to eighty-two thousand sis -to be granted, and which, where they ixisi, hundred, if the circumstances of thou must be granted, must be subordinate and country should require an augmentation yield to the Government. of the army. The volunteer force has al Tho Constitution copiers on Congress the ready been reduced by the discharge ' right to regulate commerce among thc sever- from service of over eight hundred thou- nl Stales. Itisof first necessity, for the main- ganj troops, and tho Department is prif--taiuance of the Union, that that commerce cec,-ln, rapidly ju tj,0 worj- 0f further should be free and unobstructed. blatu vcauction. The war estimates are re--caii bejustfied inanydevicetohi fiom 8510,240,131 to W3.814, - it ot travel and commerce between States. ' . The position of many States is such that.if they " ' "K 'T were allowed to take advantage ot it for Department, is adequate for a peace estatf purposes ot local revenue, the commerce be- lishment. Tho measures ot vetrench- tween States might be injuriously burdened, regarded against by appropriate Jegislation within the limits of th; Constitution. The report of ibe Secrctajy of the Interior ' prnlMinc tlin riinilitmn nf rbf nnlilm Innrto " "V "." nua ai: nuciuu uuiiij" uie liiai usual )Uiif more thn one-fourth of the whole number ,.c i.i ...t .) cj..: It is estimated that the recipts rf!rivprl from lliia Rnnrpp nrp snfRf?nnf In "eSltatC tO Sanction any measures having for, f'ff "?, ""S"' ted and families made fatherles in the efforts to preserve our nation.il existence. The report of the Postmaster General pre- ntc nn nnnrmrnrrinrT rvl?Klt rf t Ii n rnarn' ons of lhe Post 5bc bepntment during the year. The revenues of the past year from the loyal States alone exceeded the maximum annual receipts from all the States previous to the rebellion, in the snm of $6,-'. 033,091 ; and the annual average increase of revenue during the last four years, compared" with the revenues of the four vears immedi- t. , ... - c.., -QO ately preceding tho rebellion, was So,o33,- Q TBmeB of te ,agt fi'yV RInoInte( fo 14 ,050,153, and the expend!. o c-iini-oa 1 ' 1' p tures to sl.j.0'J4,2c, leaving a surplus or o . rc-an ion receipts over expenditures ot ,5ul,4oU. D '' . , - " ,:' l'rogress has been made 111 restoring the gervice 5n thfi Soathern Statcs. Tlie views presented by the Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies to ocean mail steamship lines upon estab- li-hed routes, and in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the cotri pansatiou for ocean service to the postage earnings, are recommonded to the careful consi-Ieration of Congress, It appears, from the report of theSccreta- tyfcot the rsay,tliat while, at the commence- ' y emment have been largely diminished, and a number of vessels, purchased for naval purposes from the merchant marines, have' been returned to the peaceful pursuits .of commerce. Since the suppression of active hostilities our foreignsquadrons have been re-established, and consist of vessels much more efficient tiian those employed on" simi lar service previous to the rebellion. The suggestion lor the enlargement of the navy yards', nd especially for the establishment ... . r i - v( tnn 111 I K or.-k. till. 1 f.n n hi UHO30 0 ,Cf ment in each Ilureau jnd branch of tba