Newspaper Page Text
We will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, W . . Os
PIERRE F.LABORDE, Editor.W.WDilSE
and if it must fall we will perish amidst the ruins."
VOLIUME IV. TAgb1A U01.r O-UtS. U. ayi' -it. 10,c
BEJD 9QVJR TERH.1
Abbeillic, 23th Feb. 1839.
HIE fllowing Regiments and Corps of
tile Militia ofthis State, will parade for
Review and Drill, :d the (lliers and Ser
geantsi will assenle in itcneuploient at the
tines and places followmt-. viz:
Th 15th Regimelnt of Inatt trytI wdil parade
for review nal drill. at.Williamsont's, on Tues
day the 2d of April next.
The 14th Regiment of Infadtry, at Orange
burg. on Tharsday the 4th of April.
The Officers and Ser-eonts of the 4th Bri
gade will assemble in encampmnti, r Accahee,
(Morrison's farm) near the Quarler lonse, on
MIonday the Sih of Alpril next, to remain en
camped six days, according to law.
The 16th and 17th Regimnents4 of Infantry,
the Charlestu Ancient Dattniot f Ari illery,
and the Charieston Light Dragiois. will parade
for review andl drill.at the Cirieston race field,
-n huArsdny the .t lI of April next.
The Officers and Sergeants of the 80h Brig
ade will assemble in eicampmnt, at such place
as the Brigadier General of thnt Brigade mtay
appoint, and report to the CoTunimider-in-hiel,
onionday the 22d or April.
The 33d Regiment or inantey wail parade
for review and drill, at Conwayhiorough, on
Monday the 29th of April.
The 34d Hlegimnt of infitutry, at Marion C
H. on Thursday the 2d of Alny net.
Tihe 31st Itegiment of lufantry, at Black
MIingo, on Saturday the 4th of may.
Tie 13th Itegiment of Inrantry, at Walter
boro. on Saturday the 11th of muy.
The 12th tegiment of Inflant v, at Coosaw
hatchie, on ruesday the 14th of llay.
The 43d Regiment of Itfanitry, at Buford's
Brid-e, on Friday the i7tl of M1ay.
The Officers and Sergeatits of the 3d Brig
ade will assemble in encampnent. at Barnwell
.(. 1-. on Monday the 20tl of May.
The 3d Itegiment of Cavalry will parade for
review and drill, at Darnriwel C. H. on Satur
day the 25th of May.
The I ith Regiment of Inlantry, at Ashley's,
o.. Monday the 27th of May.
The 71l; Iteziment of Infantry, at the Old
Wells on Wellnesday the 29th of' 3iny.
The 10th Regiment of iniumry, at Richard
,on's, on Saturdauy the 1st o' June text.
The 9th Rtegiment of luantry, at Lowe's, on
Tuesday the 4th of June.
Thte 2d tegimetm of Cavalry, at Abbeville
C. II. onl Thitsday the tith of'June.
The sihi Rteaiment of infiattry. at Morrow's
Old Field, on Saturday the 6th of June.
The 61 itegiment of Infantry, at Lomax's,
on Tuesday lith of Jne.
The 40th1 Itegiment of Infantry, at Boyd's,
on Thur.aday the 13th of Juie.
The 41t Regitment of Inftury, at Park's
Old Field, ot Sainrday tle 15th of June.
The 10th 6egiiment of Cavalry, at such place
as the Brigadier General of the 5th Driande of
Cavalry may appoint, and report to the Adju
tatnt and Inspector General, on Tuesday the
18th of June.
The 3ith Regiment of Inlantty, at Keller's
Old Field, on Thursday the 20th of Jtite.
The 39th Regiment of lueutry, at Long's,
or such other convenient iice in that neigh.
borhood, as may be selected by the Comumatnd
ant of that regiment. and reported to the Adjn
tant General, on Santrday the 22nd of June.
The 24th Regiment of Infantry, at Wills
boro'. on Truesday the 25th oh Junie.
~ The 25th Regiment of Infatitry, at Win,e.
boro', on Thursday lte 27th ol June.
The 6th Ritegiment of Cavalry, at Yongne's,
on Sattedav the 29th of Junie.
The 27th 1te..iment of infantry, at Oliver's
Old Field, oni Tuesday the -!nd oftJuly ntext.
The 20th RIeriment of 1,iiintry, at Chester.
ville, on Thuriday, tle 4Jh of July.
The 34th Itegiment of Infantry, at Yorkvil.e
on Monday, the 8th of July
The 46th Regiment of Infantry, at Ebenezer
on Wednesday the 10th of July.
The 35th Regiment of Infautry, at Union
Court House on Saturday the 13th of July,.
The 45th Regimet of infantry, near the
Burnt Factory, on Tuesday the ititi of July.
The 37th Regiment of lat'antry, at Wilkin's
Old Field, on Saturday the 20th of July
The Officers and Sergeants of the 9th Brig.
ade of Infantry, and 9th Iegimtentof Cavalry
will assemble in encanpmentt at Gafitey's Old
Field on Monday the 22d of July.
The 9th Regetmentt of Cavalry will parade
for review and drill, at Gafrney's Old Field on
Saitrday the 27th of July.
Thte 3.0th Regiment of Inafanttry, at Timmuons'
Old Field, ott Monday the 29th of ,ihy.
The 1st Regimtent of Iufantry, at Brtuton's on'
Thursday thte 1et of Augttst next.
The 3rd Rtegiment of Infantry, at Toney's
Old Store. od Satutrday the 3d of Augnu-t.
The Officers and Sergeaats of the 1st Brig
ade of Infiatry, tnnd 1st regiment of Cavalry,
will assemble int encampnun t at Pickeniville,
ont Mondaty thte 5th of Augtust.
The 1st Regimnent of Cavalry will parade for
review and drill, on Saturday thte 10th of Au
gst, at Pickensville.
Thne .ith Regiment of Infantry, at Hunters,
on 'Monday the 1'2tha of August.
The '2d Regiment of Infantry, at~ Hall's on
Thrsday thte 15th of August.
Thte 42hl Regiment of Infantry, at Minton,
on Satturday the 17th of August.
The 4th Rtegimeat of Infantry, at Verrennes,
on Tuesday the 20th of Angust. ..
The Officers and Serg.iants of the 2d Dlrigade
of Ifantry, and 2d Regiment of Cavairy, will
assetble in encampment, at Longutires, (Shi
bles) ont Monday the 26th of Augutst.
Tte Oflicers end Sergeants of thte 10th Brig
ode of Infantry, and 10th Regiment of Carnlry,
will assomble in encampment, at Belfast, 'in
Monda y the 9th of September next.
The'Officers and Sergeants of the 6th Bri
gade of Infantryt,and 6di Regimtent of Cavalry,
will assemble in encampment, at Yonute's, on
Monday the 16th of September.
The Officers and Sergeants of thte 5th Bri
gade of Infantry, and 5th Regiment of Cavalry,
will assemble mn encampment, near Camden,
on Motdayv the 23d of September.
The 5th'Regiment of Catvalry will parade for
review and drill, at Camden, on Saturday the
28th of September.
Te 21st Regideont of Infatry, at Lancaster
Court House. on Monday the :30th of Sept.
The 28th Regiment of Infantry, at Chester
%ield Court House, on Thtursday the 3d of
The 30th Regiment of Infantry, at Bennet
.lle, on Saturday the 5th of October.
The 29th Regi'ment of Infiantry, at Darking
ton Court Hlouse, on Tuesday the 6th of 0O:
e 221 R e 'ent of Infantry, at Camden,
on Satrday th th of October.
Tihe 12Ola RngjmetorlfImamtrym tthe Swim
mitn Pens, on tuesday the 15th of October.
The 44th legiment of infantry, at Suntor
v;lle. on Timrsdav the 17th of October.
Tile Otiicers aid Non-Conmmissioncd Oflicers
of iihe lih lietiment of Infantry. will assembk
for drill. on Sainirdlay the 6th nfJuily.
The Ollic'rs and Ser-catis of the 11th,36th
Uth, and 21-t Regimneit's of inuinhmry, beinig en
enmnpced thoe week previons to theirreviews. are
excused. wit iteir Corporals, from assenbliho
at thcir elgimectitni parade groemods for drill
previonsm to their reipectite reuiews. All othe
Oleers nmd N aon-CommIssioned Ollicers, (in
ciMdinlg the Corporals of Cavalry Re;:imet
where the Officer zand Sergeants of such Regi
tments are em-amped) will assemhle for drill and
insirnetion on the day previous totheir zespece
The Cavalry Corsis not otherwise orderec
above, will pu'rade witi tihe limttry Regiment
most couveoiemt. either biy Compatny, or Squa
The Comminrdants of Reaiments will be pre
pared to answmr prompily, upon the field, on
the d:mv of their respective reviews, any qnes
tions relative to the effective and field strength
the arms and equipments, of their respective
The ammal Drigade retnrns will benadenp
nnd iranmitted iy the Diandier Geoerals, to
the .\dinimid ilspector General. at Edge
field Comnt I litmon. hv the 1st mmf November next
acconin. in the blamk firtns Ieretofore furnish
eml io themmt.
The .Alajor Generals and Star, and Briga
dier Geenls and Staff will attend the en
campmelnis nad reviews or their respective Di
visinimm tid rigades.
The Dri*madier Gemerals are charged with the
extemsion. to their Coimmaids. of so much o
this order as relates to their respective Bri orades
Dy order of the Comminander-in-Chief.
[C] 5 h Adj.& A Insp. Gen.
New Sipriug and Sunune
T H C Subscriber informs his friends at
tie public generally, timt lie has just rc
ceived irominm New York, a complete assort
iutit mef Staple Fancy, Spriig and Sui
mer Goods-among which are.
3-4 4-4 5-4 aid ti-4 brow & bleached Shirt
ing and Sheetiigis,
A andsone assortuii-t liglt co'd Prmts.
50 pictes liald col'rd Lodonm do.
Freiehm prits and printed Jamcutet,
Monruin and half mourning prints ant
Siper pritcd Lawns,
4-4 and i-4 Cambrics and cambric Muslins
Swiss and book 31 uslimis,
Jaconet. plaidtiimd sirime do.
Lvommti. and brocade do.
Ladies nmmd tant's white and black, silk H. S
almd kiml Gloves,
" " Cotton and thread do.
SMisses black atid white neit
Lace aid Ganze do.
A iadmie assnnortment of gauze and satin
and Alantia Ribbons.
Dest t1aliatit scwinmgs, black blue, black, ant
assorted by the quantiity,
Hemm-stitchied, smper linmen cambric Hkfs
1lens and boys Pongee do.
Ladie:s' gauze, Heranni, gro-de-nap and sew
- ing ilkiHk's.
4-4 Irishlinens and linen lawn,
Plain, :tsertcd and frilled bosoms and line
C-4 and 10-4 tahe diaper, 3-4 birds eye ant
6-4 ?4t.4 and 104 damask table covers,
French ina pins &. to%% els,
French brown umd grass Linets.
Whiie and brown linen Drillirgs
Siper rib'd do.
A variety of Cotton do. col-d. and striped fo:
Cases of palm leaf and willow Hoods,
English Devon straw Bonnets,
A large assortment of silk and cotton hose
and hall H ose,
3-4 a nd 4-4 plaid and striped domestic,
Silk, satinm, and Mlarsilles Vestig,
Parasols anl Umbrellas.
Feirniture,dimity and frimnge,
Black bomibazioes ani mierimnos for Coats,
Pari- mmedle wtorki muslin capes & inet cap
Frenicha baskets, bleachiem Ru.sia Shmeetimnes
Anmy asing like a g~tee nii enmetatiom of ar
tics is iamt1rmcticmnble; bnai these in additiomn tc
is formter stock, miake it memmiciently extemnsive
and lie trusts his prices are sufficiently mioder
ate to be worthy the attention of all who wasd
to smtpply thnemmseves with articles in his lime.
His lormer custmmaners anmd all who buy in thu
market, wvili do hmimm, and perhmaps theanselvem
a favor, by examininig his assortment before
purcusiig. JO[N 0. B. FORD.
Hatmburg, Mfarch 13, 1839. 7 tf.
'corxxsuA macu 13,1839.5
By His Excellcueyj PA TRICEK NOBLE, Est.
Governor amid Cormnsuuder-in-ekief, in and oe
time Slate of &,aulk Caroun~a.
' HIEIfEAS, imnformation has been receivi
eI d itn this Deportmnent, that a mnost at
trciouts murder wvas commintted in Lauremu
District, on the 6th of this month, by Carter
Prker on the body of Je!ferbon Reofland, and
ta~tsaid Parker has fled froma justice.
A ow, knmow ye, that mu time cnd justice may be
done, and that time said Carter Parker maty be
boght to legal trial amid condiga poushament
for hiEs offence, as aforesaid. I do hereby offer a
rwamrd of TH REE HUN DRL-D DOLLA 11S,
for his apprehesiomn and delivery into any jail
in the State. Carter Parker is described as
being about :iti years of age, about 6feet 14 inch
Iuig, light colored kanir, heard incling to red
dishaess, rther a thin visage, sandy complexion
talksqaick,and cuts his words short; face tolera
bly broad at the eyes, but narrow at thme chim; a
small piece broken off of ne of his front teeth;
broahoulders, slenider waist, hmas a habit of
mckig his teethm,large knees and k nock kneed;
he is a blacksmith by trade, anid fund of ardent
Given under my hand and seal of' the State,
at Colmimbia, 13th any of March, in the
year of oar Lord one thousand eight hiun-.
dred amid thmirty-nimne, antd in ahe sixty third
year of the Inde penidence of the United
States of Amnerica.
y thme Governor.
31. Lanon. Secretary of Sita.
MR. CALHOUN, OF S. CAROLINA
Bill to prevent the interference of certain
Federal Ofcers in elections.
Mr. Calhoun said: I belong, Mr. Presi
dent, to that political school which re
gards with a jealous eye the patronage o
ttis Government, and believes that the
less its patronage the better, consistentli
with the objects for which the Govern
ment was instituted. Thus thinking,. I
have made no political move of any im
portanuce, for the last twelve or thirtect
years, which had not for its object, direct
ly or indirectly, the reduction of patron
age. But, notwithstanding this, I canno
bring my mind to support this bill, deci
dedly as I approve of its object. Among
other difficulties, there is a constittiona
objection, which I cannot surmount, ant
which I shall, without further remark
proceed to state and consider.
This bill proposes to inflict the penalt:
of dismission on a large class of tie offm
cers of this Government, who shall elec
tioneer, or attempt to control, or inflinence
the election of public functionaries eithe
of the General or State Governtnents
without distinguishing between their olli
cial bad individual character, as citizens
and the questinn is, has Congress the conti
stitutional right to pass such a law! That
again, involves a prior, and still more gen
eral question: has this Government t i
authority to interfere with the electora
rights of the citizens or ihe States?
Ja considering this general question,
shall assume, in the first place, what non
will deny, that it belonas to the States sep
arately to determine who shall, and wh
shall not, exercise the right of suffrngc
and, in the second, that it belongs to them
in like manner, to regulate that right; tha
is, to pass all laws that may be necessar;
to secure its free exercise, otn the oni
hand, and to prevent its abtse on the oth
er. I next advatce the proposition
which no one in the least conversant witi
our institutions, or familiar with the con
stitution, will venture to question, that a
far as citizens are concerned, this right be
longs solely to the States, to the entire e.
clusion of tie General Government, whic\
can in no wise touch or interfere with it
without transcending the lim its of the con
stitution. Thus far there can be no differ
ence or opinion.
But a citizen may be also an officer o
this Government, which brings up th
question, has it the right to make it pena
for him to use his official power to contro
or influence elections? Can it, for instance
make it penal in a collector, or other oWli
cer, who holds a bond, in his oflicia
character, on a citizen, fo thireaten to en
force it, if he sheuld refuse te vote for hi
favorite candidate? I regard this proposi
tion as not less clear than the preceding
% heuever the Government invests an in
dividual n ith power, which may be use(
to the injury of others, or the public, it i
manifest that it not only has the right, hui
that it is in duty bound to prevent its ahuse
as far as practicable. But it must he born(
in mind that a citizen does not cease ti
be one in becoming a Federal officer
The Government must, accordingly, takc
special care, in subjecting him to penal
ties, for the abuse of his oflicial-powers
that it does not interfere in any wise witl
his private rights as a citizen, and whicl
are, as has been stated, under the exclu
sive control of the States. But no sucl
care is taken gither in this bill or the sub.
stitute proposed by its author. Neithe
make any distinction whatever betweet
t he ojicial (and private acts of the ojicer a.
a citizen. T(he broadest and tnost compre
hensive termas are used, comprehendinj
and subjecting all acts wit bout discrimina
tion as to character, to the proposed pien
alty. Under its prorvisious. if an otlice
abould express an opinion or any candidl
ate, say ofta President, who was a candid
ate for re-election, whether favorable oi
ufavorable, or to whisper an opinion re
lating to his administrationi, wvhether gooc
or had, he would subject himnself to th<
penalty of this bill, as certaittly as if he
had brought the whole of his oflicial pow.
er to hear directly on the freedom of elee.
tion. That a bill, containing such broad &i
indiscriminate provisions, transcends the
powers of Congress, and violates in the
officer the electoral- rights of the citizen,
held under the authority of his State, and
guarantied by the provision of the consti
tution, which secures the freedom ofspeeely
to all, is too clear, after what has been
said, to require additional illustration. It
cannot pass without the enlarging the pow.
er or the Government by the abridgenmen1
of te rights of the citizen.
But, it may be replied, that'these are
ins'ances where the Government has sub
jected its ollicets to penalties for acts of a
private character, over which the constitu
tion has given it no control. Such un
doubtedly is the fact, and its right to do
so, in the eases referred to in the discus
sion, cannot be denied; but all such cases
are distinguished from that under consid
eration by hines too broad to be mistaken.
In all of them. the acts prohibited were in
the first place, such as were itncompati~ble
with the official duties enjoined; as in the
ease of the prohibition of commissaries to
purchase or deal in articles similar to those
that are made their official- duty to pur
chase, in order to prevent fraud on the
public. And in the tnext, the aeta prohib
ited involved only civil rights, which be
long to hitn as a citizetn. The former hte
may yield at nplnanure. without disedi.
or disgrace, but the latter he cannot sur
tender without debasing himself, and giv
ing up a sacred trust vested in him, by the
State of which he is a member, for the
common good; nor can this Government
denand its surrender, without transcead
ing its powers and infringing the rights of
the States and their citizens.
It may also be said that, in most cases,
it would be impossible to distinguish be
tween the official and the political acts of
the officer, so as to subject the former to
penal restraints, without interfering with
the latter, and that it would in practice
render ineffective the admitted right of the
Government to punish its officers for the
abuse of their official powers. It may be
so, but little or no evil can result. What
ever defect of right this Government may
labor under, in such cases, is amply made
up by the plenary power of Ine States,
which has an unlimited control over the
electoral rights of its citizens, whet her offi
cers of this Government or not. To them
the subject may be safely conlided. It is
they who are particularly interested in
seeing that a right so sacred shall not be
abused, nor the freedom orelection he in
paired. We must not forget that States
and the people of the States are our con
stituents and superiors, and we hut their
agents, and that if the right in question ,e
abused, or the freedom of election im
paired, it is they. and not we, who must
mainly suffer, and who of course are the
best judges of the evil and the remedy.
If the policy of the States demands it,
they may impose whatever restraint they
please on the Federal officers within their
respective limits, in order to guard against
their control or influence in elections; and,
if it be necessary to divest them entirely
of the right of-sniffrage. To those who
are so much more interested and compe
tent to judge and act on this subject than
we are, I am for leaving the decision as
to what ought to be done, and the applica
tion .f the remedy Entertaining these
views, I am forced to the conclusion that
this bill is uticonstitutional. and if there
ivere no other reason to oppose its pas
sage, wotild be compellea to vote against
But there are others sufficiently decisive
to compel me to witibold my support. were
it possible to remove the constitutional ob
jection. So far from restricting the pat
ronage of the President, should the bill
become a law, it would, if I mistake not,
greatly increase his influence. He has
now the almost unlimited power of remo
ving the officers of this Government-a
r power. the abuse of which has been the
nubject of much and, in my opinion, of
I just complaint on the part of the chamber
to which the mover of this bill belongs, on
the ground that it was calculated to in
crease unduly the power anti influence of
I that depariment of the Government. Now
what is the remedy this bill proposes for
that evil ? To put restrictions on the re
moving power? The very reverse. To
mnke it the duty, as it is now ihe right of
the President to remove, and in discharging
this high duty he is made the sole judge,
i without limitation or nppeal. The fate of
the accused would be exclusively in his
hand, whether charged with the off'ence of
opposing or supporting his administration.
Can any one, the least conversant with
party morals, or the working of the bu
man heart, doubt how the law would be
executed ? Is it not certain, that it would
be most rigidly enforced against all officers
who should venture to oppose him, either
in the Federal or State Governments, with
a corresponding indulgence and lenity to
wards those who supported him? A single
view, without prolonging the discussion,
will decide. Should there be a President
of such exalted virtue and patriotism as to
make no discrimintation between frietnd
amnd foe, the law would be perfectly use
less; but if not, it would he tnade the pre
text for indiscriminate removal of all, who
mnay refuse to become his active atnd de
voted partisans; and it woukd thus prove
either useless, or worse thian useless.
With the object which the mover of the
hill has in view, it seems to me, lhe ought
to take the very oppa3ile conifse, anri in
steadi of making it the duty of the Presi
dlent to remove, he ought to impose res
trictiomns on the power of removal, or to di
vest him entirely of it. Place the of
flee holders, with their yearly salaries be
yond the reach of the Executive power,
and they wouldl in a short time be as mute
andI inactive as this bill proposes to make
them. Their voice, I promise, would
then be scarcely raised at elections, or
their persons he found at the polls.
Butt suppose the immediate object of
the bill accomplished, and the officers ren
dered perfectly silent and passive; it might
even then be doubted whether it would
cause any diminution in the idfluence of
patronage over elections. It ivould, in
deed, greatly reduce the influence of the
oficee holders. They would become the
most insignificant portion of the comnmu
nity, as far as elections were concerned.
But just in the same proportion as they
might sink, the no less formidable corps
of office seekers woul rise in importance.
The struggle for power bet ween the ins &
outs would not abate in the least, in vio
lence or intenbity, by the silence or inac
tivity of the office-holders, as the amount.
of patronage, the stake contended for,
would remain undiminished. Both sides,
those in and those out of power, would
turn from the passive and silent body of
incumbents, and court the favor' of the ac
tive corps, tat panted to stapplant them;
and the result wonld be, an annual sweep
of the former, after every election, to
make room to reward the latter, and that
on whirchever sird the ale of vicetory
might turn. The conscquence would be
rotation with a vengeance. The wheel
would turn round with such velocity that
any thing like a stable system of policy
would be inpossible.Ench temporary occu
pant, that might ie thrown into oflice by the
whirl, would seize the moment to make
the most of his good fortune. before he
might be displaced by his successor, and a
system, (if such it might be called,) would
follow, not less corrupting than unstable.
With these decisive objections, I can
not give my support to the hill, but I wish
it to be distinctly understood, that in with
holdihg it, I teither retract nor modify any
sentiment I have expressed in relanion to
the patronage of this Government. I have
looked over, since the commencement of
this discussion, the report I made as chair
man of a select committee on the subject
in 1835, and which has been so frequently
referred to in debate by those on the oppo
site side of the chamber, and 1 find nothing
which I would omit, if I had now to draw
it, but much, which rtime and reflection
would induce me to add, to strengthen the
grounds I then assumed. There is not a
sentence in it incompatible with the views
I have presented on the present occasion.
I might here, Mr. President, terminate
my remarks, as far as this bill iq concern
ed; but as the general question of patron
age is at all times one of importance under
our system of Government, and especially
so, in my opinion, at this present junc
ture, I trust that I shall be indulged in
offlering my opinion somewhat more at
large in reference to it.
If it be desirable to reduce the patron
age of the Government, (and I hold it to
be eminently so,) we tnust strike at the
source-the root, and not the branches.
It is the only way that will not in the end
prove fallacious. The main sources of
patronage may be found in the powers,
the revenue, and the expenditures of the
Government; and the first and necessary
step towards its reduction. is to restrict
the powcers of this Government within the
i-igid limits prescribed by the constitution.
Every extension of its powers beyond,
would bring within its control sulbjects
never intended to be placed there, follow
ed by increased pairotange, and augmented
expenditure and revenue.
We must in the next place take care
tint to call the a-knowledged powers of
the Government into action beyond the
limils which the common interest may
render necessary, nor to pervert into
means of doing what it was never intend
ed by the constitution we should have the
right to do. Of all the sources of power
and influence, prevention of the powers
of the Government has proved in practice
the most fruitful and dangerous, of which
our political history which furnishes ma
ny examples, especially in reference to the
money power, as will appear in the course
of my remarks.
A fLer restricting the powers of the Gov
ernment within proper limits, the next
important step wotil be to bring down
the income and expenditures to the small
est practicablc amount. It is a primary
maxim under our system, to collect no
more money than is necessary to the eco
nomical and constitutional wants of the
Govertitnent. We have, in fact, no right
to collect a cent more. Nothing can tend
more powertlly to corrupt public and
private morals, or-to increase the patron
age of the Government, than an exces
sive or surplus revenue, as recent and sad
experience has abundantly proved. Nor
is it less important to restrict the expendi
tures within the income. It is, in fact, in
dispensable to a restricted revenue, as the
increase of the former must, in the end,
lead to an increase of the latter. Nor must
an exact adlministration, atnd a rigid ac
countability, ini every department of the
Governmettt, be tneglected. it is among
the most ellicient means of keeping down
patronage and corruption, as well as the
revenue and expenditures, just as the op
posite is amotng the most prolific sources
It is tlit, and thtus only, that we can
reduce elfectuatly the patronage of the
Government, to the least amount con
sistent with the dlischarge of the few, but
important duties, with which it is charged,
and render it, what the constitution in
tended should be a cheap and simple Go
vernment, instituted by the States, for
their mutual security, and more perfect
protection of their liberty and tranquility.
It is the way pointed out by Jefferson and
his associates of the Virginia school,
which has ever been distinguished for its
jealous opposition to patronage, as the
bane ofa ttr political system, as is so pow
erfully illustrated in the immortal docu
muents so frequently referred to in this
discuission-the report of thme Virginia Le
gislature, on the alien and sedition law, in
the year '99.
But there is, and ever hans been, from
the first, another and opposing schtool, that
regarded patronage with a very different
eye, not as a bane but as an essential in:
gredieut,-.withtout which the Government
would be impracticable; and whose lead
ing policy is, to enlist in its favor the more
pnwerful classes of society, through-their
interest, as indispensable to their-support.
If we cannot take lessoke from this school,
on the question of patronage, wve may at
least learn, what is of vast importance to
be known, how and by what mean. this
school has reared up a system, which has
added so vastly to the power and patron
age orthe Government, beyond what was
contemplated by its framers, as to alarm
its wisest and best friends for its fate. With
the view of furnishing this information, so
intimately connected with thme object of
thee remnrksa. T nennso tinea ..
brief and rapid narrative of the rise and
progress of that system.
At the head of this school stands the
name of Hamilton, than which there is
none more distinguished in our pUlificat
histery. He is the perfect type and iri.
personation of the national or Federal
school, (I use party names with . re!ue
tance, and only for the sake of brevity,) as
Jefferson is or the State Rights Republi
can school. They were both me- of emi
nent talent, ardent patriotism. great bold
nessi and comprehensive and systematie
understanding. They were both meet
who fixed on a single object far ahead and
converged all their powers towards its ac
complishment. The difference between
them is, that Jefferson had more genius.
Hamilton more abilities; the former lean
ed more to the side of liberty, and his
great rival more to that of power. They
both have impressed themselves deeply
on the movements of the Government,
but, as yet, Hlamilton far more so than
Jefferson, though the impression of the
latter is destined in the end, as I trust, to
prove the more durable of the two.
It has been the good fortune of tlif
school of which Mr. Jefferson is the head#
to embody their principles and doctrines in
written documents, (the report referred to,
and the jrginia and Kentucky resolu
tions,) which are the acknowledged creed"
of the party, and may at all times be re
ferred to, in order to ascertain what they
are in fact. The opposite school has leit
no such written and acknowledged creed.
but the declaration & acts of itsgreat lead
leave little doubt as to either its prinei
pies or doctrines. In tracing them a nar
rative of his life and acts need not be
given. It will suffice to say, that he en
tered early in life into the army of the
revolution, add became a member of the
military family of Washington, whose--.
confidence he gained and retained to the.
last. He next appeared in the conventiot
which framed the pconstitution wherie.',
with his usual boldness, he advocated a"
President and Senate for life, and the ap
pointment, by this Governient, of the
Governor of the States, with a veto on.
State laws. These bold measures failiof
he retired from the convention,it is said
in disgust; but afterwards, on more tea
ture reflection, became the zealotis and
able advocate of the adoption of the con
stitution. He saw, as he thought, in t
scheme of Government, which conferred
the unlimited powerof taxing and declar
ing war, the almost unbounded source :of
power, in resolute and able hands,
hence his declaration, that though the
Government was weak in its organi
zation, it would, when put in action, find
the means of supporting itself; a profound
reflection, proving that he clearly saw how
to make it, in practice, what his move
ments in the convention had -failed to ac
complish in its organization. Nor has lie.
left it in doubt, as to what were the means
on which he relied to effect his object.
We all recollect the famous assertion of
the elder 1dams, that the "British consti
tution," restored to its original principles,
and freed from corruption, was the wisest
and best ever formed by man; and Ham
ilton's reply, that the British constitution,
freed from corruption, would be impracti
cable, hut, with its corruption, was 11h.
best that ever existed. To realize what'
was intended by this great man, it must
be understood, that he meant not corrup.
tion in its usual sense of bribery. He was
too able amd patriotic to resort to such
means, or to the petty policy this bill is
intended to prevent. Either of these modes
of operation was on too small a scale for
him. Like all great and 'comprehensivo.
minds, tie acted on masses, withoit.much'
regard to individuals He meant, by .ot
ruption, something fatr more 'poiwerful antd
comp~rehensive; that policy, which' sys.
temnatically favored the 'great and power
ful classes of society, with the view or
binding them,- through thetnt interest; 'to
the support of the Government. This'
was the single object of big policy, and @
wvhich he strictly and resolutely adhieradp
throughout'-his career,' lhnt which, wheth'
er-suited or not, to the British syistern o1'
Government, is, as time has show'aus
congenial and dangerous to ours. -
After the -constitution was' ado'ted, he
was placed at the head of- the Treasury'
Department, a position which gave fulf
scope to liise abilities, and plaed -am'pe
means at his disposal to rear up the 'sy-s
tem he meditamed. . Well and akiJfully
did he -use themt. His first mea'stre was
the adoption of the funding system, ottthe
British model; and on this the two schools,
which have ever since,. under .one fdrm o
anotlier. divided. the counify,- 'ad 'nee
will divide it, so long as the. Givensin '
endures, came into conflict. 'They were
both in favor of keeping the'"publicetfttb -
but differed as to the mode afussu'atingihe
public debt,'and the ainount thatogh t
be assumed. The pohtey of Hsaailiou pre.
vailed. - The amoumnt assumied was ab' ne
$80,000,000. a' vast sum for h codutfs6
impoverishied, imd witt& a popidatioat-so
inconsiderable, us we then bad.2 T1hirdr
ation of'the system, addthe iaesdgilietio
so larae a~debt,~ gave a decided, and pow
erful impulse 'to the'Governme'dt, iji-tho
direction in which it -has' sided co'ilin'ned
to mover almost consatif.
This was Ibllowed- by a meae a iF
ed on his own' resposibiiiyd ti'z
face of'law,-but which, thougb[ihitw#
it ttttractedl little aIseatioi ot ' nA*t~o
has proved. the ifos10 pwetfs ol-ti
means employed in. rarii ny and ntn
ainaing' his favorite-systemn.:' :refer'to the
Treas'soy :ordeor directing time receipt of
bank notes iu'the dues of'the-Government,
and-'which was the Oirst link of that un