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"we will cling to the Pillars of the Temnple of car Liberties, and if it MSt fal, we Will Perish amidst the uins."
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From theI New York Ecening Post.
LETTER OF J. C- CALHOUN.
WAsnIsoNis, June 4th L.4O.
Gentlemen: I do assure you that it is with
extreme reluctance I feel m;yself constrained to
decline the invitation, whiclh von have so kind
ly offered and earnestly urged me to accept: to
deliver the address to the Deiocrattie citizens
of New York on the approaching 4th ofJuly.
I am deeply impressed with the import:uce
of the question involved in the issue now belbre
the country, and have the strongest desire to
meet the wishes of yourselves ard those you
represent; but such is the extent of my enlgage
ments here, that it would be ont of liy power to
prepare an address worthy ofyou and the oc
casion. without an interference with my otlicial
duties to an extent thaft I could nor justify.
lie who would estimate the contest which
now agitates the Union thronghoiut its vast ex
tent, from a mere surface view, without looking
to the bottom. would form a most erroneous
conception of its true character and the mighty
consequences involved. Be assied, we are
in the midst of no ordinarv crises. The depth
and width ofthecommotion prove thatsome pow
erful cause is at worl beneath: and we cannot
too early or earnestly inquire what that cause is.
To ascertain what it is, we must first have
a clear understanding of the circmnstances
which constitute the present crisis,-and, for
that purpose a retrospect of our past political
history is indispensible.
It is well known to all, who are conversant
with the subject, that there u been from the
formation of the constitution two great partie.,
in our countrv-a national consolidation party,
and a state 'ribt republican party-the one
leading to the side of power; the other to that
of liberty. They even nreceded the existence
of the Governmen: itself, In the convention.
that formed the constitution. the sirnggle was
long and ardons between then-the consoli
dation party striving to form ine spiieme Ia
tional government. vilh paramoiut control
over the states. and tIw other to preservc the
federative character of the then existing system,
but at the same time to strengthen and peri.ct
the Union, as far as consistent with the inde
pendence and sovereignty of the statee. For
tunately, the latter, after a long contest pre
vailed; and the result was our admirable and
beautiful federal republican system, unexam
pled and unequalled in any age or country.
The struggle did not terminate with the coin
vention. The two parties survived. The one
took the name of Federal. and the other other
Republican-the former aiming to accomplish,
what it had failed to do i the convention. by
the enlargement ofthe rrants of power, through
a liberal and broad constructionm and the other
to carry otit the "omstitution, in its true mueaaz
ing and spirit, as intended by its framners, by ie
stricting the government within the limits as
signed to it. Each party had its leaider in the
first cabinet fornned by Gen. Washington-the
Federal in Gen. Haitilton, the Sec-retaury 01 the
Treasury, and the Rtepublicaii in hr..tirson.
the Secretary of State; both able, acconuplish
ed, patriotic. atnd admirably united by nature,
education, and position in the cabinet. for lead
ing the parties, of which they were the ac
The zsoliecy of Hlamibon prevailed; andI the
-fundintr syst. the uiniform if the rovern Imenit
aind the banks, the creatiotn of a natiomnal bank.
the protective policy, and the miilimnted applica
tion of the nioney power to objects not cembra
ced by the constitution. followed. The gov.
ernmemnt thus received its1 first and powe-rful
impulse in a direction t,nstuitedl to itsaenins and
from whiich, it has never yet fully reenivered.
The first re-tction to this almost irristile im.
petus was in the election of Sir. Jeflerson,
twelve years after the adoption ef the constitmn
tion; but wvithi such force had the machine been
impelled in the wrong directionaiid so adverse
was the period. fronm the then bellirerenit con
dition of the world, that wvithi all his expeience.
ability and honest zeal, he could do bitt little to
bring back the government, and give it a fresh
start in the directioni whlich its frameurs intended.
The funded debt wats indeed greatly reduced,
thne money power restricted to the cotistitution
al objects, retrenichmtent anid economy enfoirced,.
but the powerfid ligatures, which bound thet go
vernmtenlt to the pap'er system. could lie neither
broke nor serve ' L'nder his virtuitns, b~ut
energetic and oru.adox succe-sor, the times lie
eane more unpropit ionis. The Cigati c strug!
gle, which had so long agitated F~ieriipe pa:ssed
the Atlantic and reached onr shores. lThe
heavy expense and financial emnburrassnments,
which followed. bmountd the goverimnent with
cords more powerful thtan ever, to the paper~
system, and restored the policy of hlamilton in
its full extent. and to mtore thani its purimuative~
vigor. After the -:ermination of the war, it wvas
carried out in hold relief tio thme misea'l'i Ante
rican systmn 'till it was finially consumnated in
the Tariff of J838.
In its train followed, as they ever will, dis
cord, distraction, profnssion. c.tvaganice and
corruption. wvhichi ha~ve done munch to saip the
have utterly subverted them, if the cause, for.
tumately for the country, had not been arrested.
A reaction has n'it only commenced, but
made great progress towards freeing the coun
try from the last remnants of a policy, so dan
gerous and pernicious. How or by whon so
happy a change has been brought about it is
not material to state. It is sufficient to say,
that the government is already free from a fun.
ded debt. and a national bank, with a fair pros.
pect in a short time, to be liberated from all
connectimni with the banks and the protective
tariff. With them must fall the whole paper
and misnamned Americai system and their le
gitimate ofl'sprin gs, surplus revenue, ! roftision,
extravagance. corruption, d,-rangemnnt of the
currency and the business or the country,
which h'as brought us to our present conditioni.
Yes; I asstert with confidence. that a few years
of exertion snd perseverance in the same lirec
tion wiil complete thnn reaction and maerthrow
the whole system of po:icy, originating in the
federal consolidation school of politics, when
the government miay take a fresh departure. at
ter more than La!f a century. in the direction
which Jetifersont and ii., a.,.,oiutes would give
it, if tney were alive and at the helm.
It is thiis remarkable combination of circun.
stauces, that constitute the existing crisis; and
imparts to it, that deep importance, which cau
ses the agitation tnow flit throughout th-e wide
limits of this Union. The issue is made up,
and is belbne the peopkl. for trial. The question
is, shall the reaction be completed and the con
solidation federal sys:em of politics be over
thrown. and tie opposite substituted for the fu
ture? In a word, which shall prevail. the school
of JetTerson -r flamni!ton? Shall we alter the
great progeas made and with the sad lesson of
experinco before us. tuits back to the llamil
toun poilicy, reunite the government with the
bannk'a, create a new ntatonal bank, build up
another funding svtem. re-elant a protective
tarilT, restore the misnamed American systett,
with all its corrmnting and dang-rous conse
(lnences; or sball we', almonished by the past.
adopt the opposite systein of policy, restrict
tihe government rigidly to the few great objects
assigned to it: defeince against dangrer from a
broad: presevatie ofpeace and tranquility at
home. and a free amnd open commercial inter
course, within tnd without? Such is the real
question at issue stripped of the thousand mi.
nor and collnteral ones, which are mere appen.
dages, and serve to infltence the lighter mate
rials revolving around the two parties. The
ereat masses are ralied on tie one or time other
side; ott that ounr opponents. to arrest the further
progess of the reaction, and return to the old,
ant. I Irust, for ever expsloded system: we, to
!omplete the reaction and take a fresh departure.
n the direction laid down in the State Rights
lepbtilican Chart of '93 as prodected hv Mr.
leflferson and his compeers. in the deci?;sion
ifihis all itportanit reite-stion wil! depend, as I
ielieve. the ittire destiny of the comntry. If
he side ofonr opponents shiould in the end
irevail. our free and g!orions institutions will
ont long survive. A ranlicatl chance will fol
low in the character and habits af the people,
which must subvert mir tmstitutions. and with
them the Union itself; but if fortunately, that
'or which we contettd shall triumpln. genera
tions yet ninhorn. with the blessings of'Provi
r-nce, may live and flotnrish, an&d glory in our
free and happoy system ofgovernmttent.
Thus regarded. never has there been a more
important crisis since the adotition or the Con
sittition. The issue involved is onme which
mnay well call for the energy and efforts of free
mectn. The final decission cantiot long be post
poned. Now is the time for action. A few
vears must decide for or against is. Govern
imeitcatnot stand still. It mnnst advance or
recede; but when its direction is once taken, if
it should be in a wrionng directiotn-anainst th
cnnrse for which we cont-nd, it will he bevond
t nman powor to restore it short of revimmiion.
Let me in conclusion. gentlemen. tender yon
my heartfelt thanks for the hiah estimate yon
have placed on my past labors. For sixteen
vears my effTrts hmve be mi incess, fitly directed
to countteract the poliey of that zehool of ptli.
tic- to which i samnl opposed. and advance that
on whicb I soletnly believe tie salvation of
mr inistitutions depends: often under disconr
liinr eircnmtstances-often left with a snall.hnt
zallant hand: *yet never diepairing. The emd
ror which I have lalbored throngh a period so
loin! and eventfmd. is with vonr hearty co-opera.
tion not for distant. I see it approach with
oy-Once reached and the government fairly
placed int its nroper directint all I have ever
tinted at. wviii have bretn a--cmplished Be
c'ound:. I desire nothling tmore' hut retire and
bnecomo one or thie neor~te.
With great respect. T am &c.
J. C. CA LHOUN,
Tou Messrse. CnlAnt.F.s P. DAL..
MR VAN BURFNS LETTER.
WVe punblish io-dnay tine letter of the
President in reply to an invitation given
himn to bie prescmnt at a pubilic meetinmg and
stmerninment which wcas hueldi at the WVhite
Suh~lhnr Sprines, on time il thn ofthis nmonthl,
iv time Demnocraticecitizenis of the counties
if I nyette. WVnoldormd. anid Scott, in Kemn
mueky. It shnhil lbe rend nnmt cnitranstedl
wvimh tine sicklv ntnd unnmanmly letters of the
tlpposition etnnidaltte for' tine Prm'si-lenmry.
WastnIsO-rO,,iny 4. 1810.
Gentlemen :-l hatve hadnm thle honor Io
receiv'e thne itnvitatin which you have beer,
pleased no cive me in behalf of the Demo
ernmtie citizens of tihe cottnties of Fayette,
WVood ford. andl Scott. to be presemnt as a
tuiest at a pubilic meeting and entertain
-nent to Ine held by thnem at tine White
Sunltihur Spritnes, in Scott county, Ken
enkv', on time 11I th inls!.
Trmly ertntefmnl for thmis mnark or their re
:pen't and kindniess, I can bunt regret thmat
ny pubilic ditties will nt pertmit tme to
~xpress my gratefulness face' to fnee.
Thant I ha~ve bemen so fortunate as to
teinre "the Prmire notprmobation of the
D)emocranc'y nil Kenitnekv." that they look
po inte na "trune to tine Conetituntioni of'
hem (Iiutemd Sntatm's." "thle representatlive
imd ad conte mif itheir' pritnciples in ine E -
-untive departnimnt" of nmnr Gmovernnmnt,
iinnot hna tttfford'm nm poenlinr ei-tisfaiction.
i'nmning, as it mimew. fn'mt a highity respec
role pnortiomn oh' the atncienit anmd timle
oored patnriots oif thart nimble State, and
'rota the sonis of thnose who. imn thneir' day,
wvere tihe pillars oh' tine Repubhlic. iistory,
re'ntemteni, mu ist be false to her ditty wvhent
by Kentucky that the first effiectual blow 1
was struck at the dangerous principles in- i
iroduced into the administration or our i
Government soon after the adoption of the 1
Constitution-principles %% hich had already
led to acts of fearful usurpation, and threa
tened speedily to destroy ts well the rights
of the States as the liberties of the people.
It was the Kentucky Resolutious, backed
by those of her patriotic parent State, i
which changed the current of public opin
ion and brought back the administration
of the G,.vertnment to the principies or the
Revolution. For forty years the Democra
cy of the lJuion have looked upon those
resolutions as the creed of their political
faith; political degeneracy has been mark
ed by deparuire from that standard: and
like the original language of the Biule in
matters of religion, they are the text book
of every reformer.
Nothing could more effeciually prove
the purity of the principles they announced
than the progress they have since made in
the minds of men. While even the name
of the proud and powerful party which
opposed them, has come to be considered
a term ofreproach* if not of ignominy and
insult, the principles ofihe Kentucky reso
lutions, in prufession iK not in inet, now
enter into the creed of every political sect,
and the once derided name borne by their
apostles and advocates, is considered an
essential passport to popularit v and sue
cess. Nay, more the people almost with
one voice have recently recognized and
consecrated the principles of those resolu
tions by an act asimpressive and emphatic
as it is possible for a nation to perlhrnt.
Since your letter has been lying before ue
waiting fora reply, it has become my
agreeable duty to confirm the fiat of the
nation settling for ever the onconstittttion
ality of the sedition law of 189., by ap
proving an act for the relief of the heirs
of Mathew Lyon, refunding to them a fine
collected of their ancestor tinder the law
in question. Party prejudice. judicial au
thority, dread of the precedent respect for I
that which has assumed the form of law
for forty years, have successfully resisted s
this act of justice, but at length all are r
swept away by diat irresistible current of
public opinion, and the sedition act has c
been irreversibly decided to be tnuconstitu
tional by a tribunal higher than the courts
of justice-the sovereign people of the Uni
ted States. The patriarchs of Kentucky
and Virginia, the mint who in that day.
midst obloquy and insult, voted foror sus
ained the Kentucky and Virainia resolu- c
tions or 179. cannot but rejoice with a
joy unspeakable in witnessing the final
triumph of the pure principles to which
they then announced their allegiauce.
They and their descendatms have a right to
glory in seeing those principles recognized,
even at this late (lay by the acclatnations
of a nation, and one of the tyrannical acts
against which they protested virtually ex
punged from the records of the country.
While to aged patriots it is a subject of
congratulation andjoy, it teaches the young
that ellrts ofreibro ii the Government of
their country ought never to be considered t
hopeless, as long as there is any thing to
improve, arad thtut, ifihe fathers do not en
joy the fruits oftheirexertions in the cause
ofDentocraiieprinciples, they are certain
to fall in blessings upon the children.
I am most happy to inform you gentle
men, that I have this day signted the bill s
for the establishment of an independent
Treasury, a measure of which you speak
in decided commendation. Bythi< ineas
ure, the man-igetmne of nt importani
bratichi of our national concerns, after a
departure of iearly half a century, will lie
brought back to the letter, -.s well as the
obviomus spirit anl ientmon of the Consti- .
ttiiii. The systemt now supiersededt "was
in fact, onte tof those' enrlv nmeasures dlevis.
ed by the frietnds and advoc-ates of privi-j
leged orders for the pturpose of piervertintg
the governanent from its pture p~rinciples
and legitimate objects, iaunimg all power
in the hanids of a few, and enabilinig them
toi profit at the expenise of the many. 1 -
needl not inform you, getntlemuen, that the,
effect oIf dlepositing the putbli(: moutey in
hanks, wvas to lend it to those institutions
generally without interest, to be used a.s r
a pairt of their capital, atnd that they lent
it out uipon interest to their customerrs,there
by largely increasitne the profims of the
stockholders. Thius the few were enabled
to enrich themselves by tisitng the tmonevy
which heluingedl to the many. attd the pth- r
lic fundls were in fact dlraiwn from the -
Treastiry, without an appropriation tn 9
Cottgress, in clear violation of the spitrit t
of a cotnstitutional prohihition.n
The manner in which this ahtnse crept
into the government andl fastenied itself ft
tupon the country with the acquiescence a
of the whole people, is an impressive les- v
son. teaching the necessity uf perpetual si
vigilance atad energy in selecting and re
sisting the first encroachmtent, however I
seemtngly trifling uipon the principles of E
(itr govertmnem. Frm the deposite ofl
the public money in banks, it did not tne
cessarily follow that the banks shtol use
it. Its use was nlevei until lately, and I
iliet only to a limited extent, directly tau
thiorised by an act of the government. 1
Buit ats lie batks were in thec habtit oftising
dleposites, thety silently treatedl those f
he grovertnent like those of private citi
zens, anal the governmten t as silently ac
quiesced in the prsactice. As foar many ~
years, the revetnnes of the government
were moderate, antldie surlus was want
ed to ihay the principal and itnterest of the
pubic debt. the amount Ioauned out by the 0
banks was comnparatively small, anid the
profits of the stockholders less considera
ble. But in thn nrogress of the overn.
nent its revenues increased, and the a
nount unexpended became greater, until
L amounted to five. ten, and after the ex
inguishment of the public debt, to nearly
hirty millions. The disastrous ef'ects now
jecme apparent. An extensive interest
iad now sprung up, deriving wealth from
le use of the people's money, and having
)owerful inducements so to act upon the
;overnment as to increase the source of
heir income. Their influence was firit
firectly felt in interferences to prevent the
ayment of the public debt; then inl efforts,
brough the use of the public press, and in
ltiempts -o secure the influence of leading
>oli:icians and of men in authority, to pro
:ure a prolougation of their chartered privi
eges; and finally, in panic and pressure
allicted on the country with the hope of
!ontrolling the action of the government
brough the alarms and the sufferings of
he people. By shifling the dleposites from
mue great institution to many smaller ones,
he unity of this interest was destroyed,
aut not itq- power. Though enfeebled, it
till existed inl a force which the holdest
night fear, and has made itself felt in the
ontest of the last few years. But the in
elligence and virtue of our people have
riumiplied over art, panic and pressure,
mid the act of deliverance is this day con
It is hope that the business of the coun
ry will no louger be disturbed by the strug
les of the banking interest to get posses
ion of the money of the people. that they
tny make a profit out of its use, bit that
hey will settle down contented with the
rse of that which legitimately belongs to
tem, leaving the fund of the government
: be kept and expended according to the
tter and spirit of the Constitution. But
bIould it be otherwise; the intellicence and
rinuess of our people are equal to any e
iergency. They now understand the
rhole subject. They see no reason why
lie stockholders and debtors of banks
hould have an exclusive privilege to make
lemselves rich out of the use of the pub
ic money. They see no reason why they
hould be taxed to raise money for such a
Uirpose. They see that its effect is to
uild tip a rich privileged order at their
xpense to control the government and
estroy all equality among the people.
iceintg all this, and that the plan for which
iat iterest has so long struggled to the
erangement of the businessof therountry,
in palpable vlolatimn of the spirit of the
onstitution, their firmness will be equal to
very effort necessary to prevent its re-es
In the progress of our Government the
lost aratifying evidences have been fur
ished, that our people are, in intelligence,
itegrity and determined resolution, eqtal
) the task of self-government. In that
diminisiration, which has been appropri
tely named "the reign of terror," so ap
ropriately that men of all parties now re
udiate its acts, and are prompt to redress
s far as they can, the wrongs it inflicted,
ie force of statute law and the arm ofJu
iciary were called to aid the influence of
he Executive and the ad vocates of a strong
lovernment. in putting down the rising
pirit of the people, and controlling the
urrent of public opinion; but all these
ambined powers were exerted in vain.
'he Sampson of Democracy hurst the
hords which were already bound around
:s limbs, and in the election of M r. Jeffer
rn, vindicated its principles, its firmness,
id its power. A web more artfully cotl
rived, composed of a high protective tariff,
system of internal improvements. and a
bational Bank, was then twined around
lie sleeping giant in the vain hope of sub
!ting him forever to the dominion and
:ill of tle ambitious and grasping few
-d ou have seen how he has scattered
be whole to thtewindls whent roused by the
-arniing voice of the honest andl intrepid
acksn. A caini, in the trium ph of the in-.
epetndent Treasury, we witness the tri
mphji of the popular intelligence and firm
ess over the arts, arguments, appliancees,
nd1 alarms, of the interested few wvho de
ire to enaricha temiselves by the use of the
utblic motney-another and a most grati
fing evidence, that the people, when a
asedl, ne cottpetent to mnaintaitn anyjust
rmnciple, and' correct atny abuse, however
mnctioneda by precedent, or sustained in
On these evidences of popular intelli
ence atnd firminess, the Repubtlicani patriot
ists with well grounded faith, that all
anats which may be used to mislead or
itimtidiate the people, nowv or hereafter, I
sto a surrender of their Constitution and!
seir~ liberties, will,as they ever have done,
seel with a signal and withering rebuke.
I am, gentlemen, with thanks tihr the
iendlly spirit in which you have individu
Iy performed the duty assigned to you,
mry respect fully, your friend and ohedhient a
'rvant, M. VAN BUREN.
Ta) Messrs. John M. M'Cala, T. M.e
[ackey, B. Taylor, and G, WV. Johnson, a
The late Mr. Morrison, "the Hygeist," I
'ok fifty of his owvn Pills ont the day of hist
eathm, and refused to see a physician, al- <
gitng that if the pills did not cure him
lathing else woali.
Capital Puinishmnt.-T lie Legislature
r Connecticut has passed an act abolish
ig capitatl punishment, and substitutiag
nprisonenit for life.t
Respect without malice, but never wvith,
We mtust not pretend to see all that we
m., if we would be asy,
From the Nee York Eemaing Post.
Mr. Clay has been demonstrating to the
satisfaction ofsome hundred whigs, assem
tiled at a public dinner at Taylorsville in
Virginia, that the nation is ruined past all
remedy, by the mismanagement of the
party which at present has the majority.
The whig journals are publishing his
speech for the edification of their readers.
The condition of human life is so com
pounded of good and evil, that there is no
difficulty in proving, at almost any mo
ment, by the help of a little dexterity in
amplification, that the times are wofully
out ofjoint, and that the world has gone to
ruin. We known a prosperous farmer on
the banks of the Hudson, in every other
respect a good sort of man, who is perpetu
ally quarrelling with the weather. It al
ways is either too cold or too hot, too wet
or too dry, and he is never without some
ingenious argument to prove that he is
ruinedl by the caprice and perversity of the
weather, though. somehow, when the year
comes round, his granaries are always
full. It is his habit to complain, and long
practice has given him surprising dexteri
ty and fluency in usiag the topics of com
plaint, Mr. Clay, also, has served a tolera
ble appreutiship at the same trade. He
began more than twelve years ago, when
he denounced upon the country, in case
Gen. Jackson should he made president,
a fute more terrible than to he scourged
by plagues of war, pestilence and famine;
and since that time has done little esle
ihan labor to demonstrate that the poeple
of the United States, by ejecting him sd
rriends from office, have taken a plunge
into the gtlf of perdition.
Ve find quoted in the Hartford Times.
which comes to hand this morning, an ex
tract from a speech made by Mr. Clay in
in 1834, during the artificial panic of that
year, in which he says:
"Cast your eyes about you, Mr. Chair
man-nothing meets the view but ruin,
universal, wide spread ruin and distress."
Such was our situation -in 1834-the
universal ruin was so palpable that Mr.
Chairman had only to use his eyes to be
convinced of it. Since that time we have
been ruined haifa dozen times: ruined by
thespecie circular;-ruined by a refusal
to recieve the notes of the broken banks
tor the public dues;-ruined by the neglect
of M5r. Van Buren to consult Mr. Biddle
and adopt his project for healing the em
barrassuent of our money market in twen
ty itr hours. Our readers probably haye
not forgotten the famnous attack made by
the New York American, on the President,
for the ofibnee of allowing Mr. Biddle,
when rhat personage called upon him with
a heart overflowing with benevolence to
wards the community, to depart without
taking his inestimable advice upon the dis
orders of the currencv.
If you will take the word of a man who
is turned out ofollice, his successor never
manages well. The world has never gone
right with Mr. Clay, the affairs of the na
lion have never been administered to his
liking, since the 4th of March, I28, when
he and his friend Adams were removed
from office by the majority of the people
of the United States. Before that time,
iuring four years, least, the affairs of the
nation were admirable conducted. Mr.
Mlay's is a common case.
"Ask metn's opinions-Scoto now shall tell
How trade increases, and the world goeswell;
Strike off'his pension, by the setting sun,
And Britain, if not Europe, is undone."
It is very true that comtnerse has siffer
ed a severe cheek in this country. It is
true, aleo. that the same effect 1-as been
produced in other countries by similar
,anses-overtrading and excessive enter
rise In England and in France at this
inOment, commercial embarrassments pre
vail to a great extent, atnd even if the ex.
ravagant credits and mad speculations of
1836 had never occurred in this country,
t would still be impossible that a stagna
ion im those great centres of European
:ummerce should not occasion a lanigour
tad an inactivity here. This is understood
iv every person who tunderstands any
hing ofthe course of trade.
There is not a sensible tan in the com.
nunity who does ntot know that to charge
be embarrassmnents of our trade upon thte
iddministration is the shallowest prat tle that
'ver was ut tered. E ven Mr. C. while ef
etinig to deplore the distresse-s of the cotun
ry, anmd arraigning the democratic ad minis
ration as the cauts--,des not attempt to show
n wh~at mauner the conduct of the adminis
ration flas produced them-He under
tands very wvell that it is impossible to
avent evetn a tolerably plausible theory
a support of his charges.
From the Baltimore Sunt.
INDI REcT FAIsE HooD.-The open and
lirect violater of the truth, like the high
vayman, may lay claim to a certain sort
if courage, They run similar risks, the
tie of detection, the other of being shot.
3ut some there are, who will steal secret
y, and others who will falsify the truth
ty indirectior.; these are on a par, both oc
upying the same low and degraded level
f cowardice. He who insintnates a false
toed, whether by word or gesture, either
ypoihesis or intterrogatory, proves at once
is dlastardly disposition, and his disre
ard of truth. Such persons too, are uni
ormly malicints; they desire to do injury,
o gratify jealousy, revenge, or some oilher
iase passioni; and white impelled by their
vicked propenlsities to (do the bidding of
ho Satan within thetm, they are destitute
>f the courage to do it openly, and thus
heir cowardice drives them to indirection.
rhe indirect lie is a frequent weapon in
he hand of the slanderer, and is generally
bund in such ccnncxion with infamous
inuedoes, as to leave room for such infer.
ences in regard to its object, as, if true,
would shew that object to be unworthy of
esteem. Sometimes, indeed, those who
resort to this assassin-like mode of destroy.
ing the good name of others, make a show
of courage, by pretty broadly insinuating
that which the public know to be untrue
the falsity of which, they themselves are
aware, is well known to the public: but
wanting a hook on which to hang some
diabolical inuedo, they will then put o
an appearance of boldness, and approach
as near as possible to the perpetration of
the lie direct. True, in such cases they
rail to effect their purposes. The publio
cannot be made to disbelieve the evidence
of their own senses; what they have seen
with their own eyes, and heard with their
own ears. is laid'up in the storehouse of
the own knowledge, and we apprehend it
would be a difficult task to drag it thence.
Facts known to the public impress convic
tion that cannot be shaken by falsehood,
whether uttered directly or by insinuation,
nor by any inuendoes of evil import, at
wvar with established reputation. Such
devilish exhibitions of malice, defeat their
ends, and in most, if not in all cases, the
shaft recoils upon the archer.
THE STANDINo ARMT OF Joutr AD.
AMs.-General William Henry Harrison,.
the hero candidate of the hard cider party.
for President, on the 7th of January, 1800,
made a speech in Congress against the re
dtction of John Adam's Standing Army,
upon a resolution introduced for that pur
pose, in which he used the following Ian
"lHe had experienced seven years' ser
vire with the militia, but was sorry to say,
such was their conduct, that be never could
think of trusting the country entirely to
their protection. They might do well with
regular troops, and no doubt would. Un
tier these impressions, and from this expe
rience, he knew he spoke the will of a
great proportion of his constituents; lie sin
cerely hoped the resolution would not
Gen. Harrison, as well as the party
with which he has acted from youth to the
present day. has always distrusted the
people. He doubts their capacity to gov
ern themselves-he says emphatically in
the above, that he could not "trust the
country to their protection," in other
vords, he could not trust them with the
duty of protecting themselves! He voted
to sell them in Ohio as slaves. He ap
proved an act while Governor of Indiana,
when his word alone was law, so far as
his veto was concerned, to whip as well as
sell them. He supported John Adam's
Standing Army, because the people he
considered unfit to defend themselves!
For this devotion to the doctrine of feder
alism, a few months afterwards, lie was
rewarded by Mr. Adams. On the 12th
of May he was appointed Governor of In
diana, or in the words of Duane's Aurora,
"Sancho received the government of Bar
atartas for his service to the mad knights
of his master."
Democrats Look Here!-The officers
employed in ALL the Departments at
Washington city, are politically divided as
Federal whigs, - - - 196
Democrats, - - - - 178
Federal whig majority, 18
The amount of salaries paid them is as
follows, to wit:
To 196 Federal whigs, - $269,095
To 178 Democrats, - 236,149
E xcess paid Federalists, - 829,625
Whose hands are deepest in the public
.rib, even at the very seat of Government?
Who s'cure most of the 'spoils of victory?'
Which party is composed of 'office hold
ers?' Here are the men who war against
the Ad ministration which feeds and clothes
themselves and families. Now, if any
wig' ollce-holder-hater should read this
article, tall him to pocket the paper, lost
is neighbor may see it.
HARRIsoN FiAG,-'Mother,' said a
ass just entering upon her teents the other
lay, 'Mother. I want a newv Harrison
'What on earth do you mean, my child.'
saidl the good old woman, 'are you crazy!'
'Oh no; but my old one is worn out,
and I must have a new one.'
'But what do you mean by a Harrison
Flag? explain yourself.'
'Well, if you'll buy me four yards of
limity, I will make one, and then you can
ee what it is.'
The dimity was purchased; and now the
prightly lass, as she sports the rope, oc
asionally exposes the lower folds of her
new Harrison Flag!'
The following from a London Journal
nust be of interest to the single ladies and
;entlemen:-'If a gentleman wants a wife,
e wears a ring on the first finger of the left
and; iIfhe be engaged, he wears it on the
econd finger; if married, on the third; and
u the fourth, if he never intends to gee
narried. When a lady is not engaged.
he wears a hoop or diamond on the fin
;or, if engaged on the second, if married,
>n the third; and on the fourth, if as in
ends to be a maid When a gentleinen
iresents a fan, a flower or trickets to a
ady with the left hand it is considered as
n acceptance of his esteem: but if receiv
vith the right hand, it is a refusal of the
fer. Thus, by a few simple tokens, ex
lained by rule, the passion of !ovd ia ex