Newspaper Page Text
from the ChIrs. AIercury.
THE MEETING OF DELE-GATES.
We give below, a paper submitted by
the Hon. F. W. PmKmns, to the tecent
meeting of Delegates at Columbia. This
proposition, togethei with sundry resolu
tions, presented by other delegates, was
referred to a committee of twenty-one, but
after-consideration, it was deemed unne
qessary at present to go so deeply into the
nuestion. or to enter upon so lengthly an
exposition. The tone and spirit of the
address were highly commended, and we
believe met with the hearty and cordia-l
sympathy of the entire meeting, and at the
request of several of the members we have
procured it from the author, who has kind
ly consented to its publication.
The country has just past through a war
that hab covered our arms with glory; and
the acquisition of vast foreign territory is
severely testing the capacity of the Fede
ral Compact for expansion. If the same
p-itriotic spirit of justice anti compromise,
that animrated those who formed that com
pact, could again pervade those whose
duty it is to preserve it, then there would
be no difficulty in the questions that arise.
The simple principles that are involvetl
in a confederation of equal and indepen
dent States, are capahle of being enlargad
and expanded, so as to embrace almost a
boundless extent of territory, and a great
variety of interests, provided thait the com
mon Government of the whole carefully
abstain fro;n all interference with the.local
interests of the States, or the pursuits of
the people as * divi&als. So soon as it
deviates from t1s course, it creates a strug
gle for sectienal power and ascendency,
which disturbs the harmony that ought to
exist between equals and endangers the
preservation of the compact itself.
Every people have their criterion by
which to judge ofliberty ; and after a peo
ple have become educated, under the
standard they have formed, they are bound
to preserve it; and if they submit to its vio
lation they finally become self-abused and
sink into degradation.
II former ages. the grea t struggle was to
acquire and -defend personal rights, but
we have long' since passed that stage, in
the progress of civil liberty. The great
struggle now is to preserve and defend the
separate interests and rights of independent
communities. Bound togethor as we are
under our Constitution, liberty is as much
violated by interfering with the separate
interests of our independent communities,
as it was formerly -by the acts of despotism
trampling over the personal rights of free
mean. Liberty is itself progressive, and
enlarges and expands with progressive civi
lization. Qpr system is more complicated
and refined, to suit a higher grade of gene
ral intelligence, than has heretofore beien
diffused among any people.
The war that has been waged upon our
local and domestic institutions, waged as
ti has been by our co-partners in the con
federacy, is a war upon civil liberty as it
exists under our great charter of rights. In
regard to the abstract question that may
bednvolved in domestic servitude, South
na has no defince to..make ,.he
an b made upon su'ch an issue,
ehave'ier own sovereign will. It is enough
or~'K~b us to know that this institution has been
s inherited by us from a brave and virtuous
acsrand that in the progress of events,
it has become identified with the political
-power and existence of the State itself.
South Carolina acceded as a State to the
Federal Compact with this institution as it,
iow exists. We aicceded as States wvho
yere to be equals and co-partners. And
f any rights or interests be acquired over
-.w and foreign territories, they accrue to
he Federal Government, by virtue of the
~onjoined sovereignty of the -States, which
- hat Government wvas created to represent.
And if its power be exercised Bo as to ex
-lude any portion of the co-partners from
-he rights and interests they acquired, it is
violation 'of the original terms of the
ompact- and if persisted in, is a virtual
hange of the Government, and we are not
ound to abide it. The Constitution, un
or which tbe Federal Government acts,
as created by States alone, and can be
nended or abrogated oinly by the States
:States. Knowing these things, we
>uld be untrue to the great principles of
'i liberty~as they exist amongst us, if
were to submit to any change or infrac
of the original terms of compact. save
* ugh the mode and manner prescribed
by the instrument itself.
In this point ogiew the subject becomes
one of much greater magnitude than any
thing involved in the abstract question that
grows out of Jomestic servitude. It is a
question that involves .the political inde.
pendence and the highest constitutional
attributes of the State as a State. We
would be faithless guardians of the trust
reposed in us by a confiding people, if we
were to stand by antd quietly see them de
prived of any rights as equals of the people
otf any other State in this Confederacy.
It is a fatal error to suppose that this
Union can be preserved by the power of
niumbers, and the force of arms.
It isjustice, truth, and a fair exercise of
the powers granted undJer the Fcderal
Compact, that can alone sa've this Union.
Give us these, and there is no battle field
where the flag of the Ucion shall wave but
where some son of South Carolina shall
fall in its defence, as thiey -have heretof ore
done, both at home and in a- foreign land.
We love the Union which our forefathers
made; we love the Union that springs from
the genius and ihe spirit of the Constitu
tion, bit nio othier,
It would be doing great injustice to our
brethren of the Northern States to suppose
that we have no frienids amongst thems A
powerful andi talentedl portion of th'em are
sincerely devoted to guarditig and protect
ing all the rih secured to us under the
Federal Comipact. They are for the Con
stitution as it is, and for the Union
Wehope and trust those who are true
tthe country, and all its great interests
and institutions, wvill do their duty faith
fully, and preserve the good and the wise
in every section from the fatal consequen
ces that may be forced upon us by mad
ambition and fanaticism.- Btut, neverthe
less, it is duelto ontaselves to know, that if
we have not the spirit and the power (if
need be)to defend and protect our o'vn
rights there are none who will do it for us.
. We have sister Southern States, iddn
tified with as in interest and in feeling.
Our institutions are the same, and our
destiny 'must be the same. Consultation.
with them, cordial harmony and concert,
will give us strenghth and power in the
future conflicts that may arise If we
move in concert there is no difficulty in
preserving ouor peculiar rights and the
Union too. If we bury all past jea!ousies
and rivalships, and conic together in united
and patriotic feeling, the danger will be
past, and tife Union, with all its consecra
ted glorres. becomes perpetual.
In the Southern communities of this
Union, the division in population is not
into capitalists and laborers, but between
the black and the white races, where all
political power is openly vested in the lat
ter. We own labor itself as- well as its
proceeds, and thus tr e, to all intents and
purposes, botit laborers and capitalists.
The censequence is that we become the
censervative portion of the Confederacy.
Most great struggles in government arise
from the tonflicts between capital and
labor, and the Northern States, from their
organization, cannot escape that conflict.
In the great contests and interests that
arise through the exertion of the taxing
power bi the Federal Government, we are
necessarily thrown on the side of justice
and equality, and become ideihifled with
popular rights. Concert of action and
consultation, then, with-our sister South
ern States to preserve our own peculiar
rights, is not only essentiil to our political
libetties. but makes us the conservative
power of the Union'itself; without the
balance from our power, this complex sys
tem of conflicting interests would run into
The history of .the last twelve months,
amongst the most enlighthened people of
Europe, has taught the world to feel that
Governments are not so stable and sacred
as they were formerly supposed to be.
The lesson may have its influence here as
well as elsewhere. One great considera
tion that has heretofore 'bound this Union
together arose from the fear that European
Governments, with monarchical instituo
tions, might interfere to conquer or subsi
dise fragments of the Confederacy. The
extraordinary developments of the last
twelve months have entirely dispelled that
fear. The day has passed when their Gov
ernments can ever again interfere in Amer
ican politics. Under these circumstances
there never was a period when justice, for
bearance, and a strict adherence to the
wise compromises of the Constitution,
were more necessary to preserve and per
petuate this Union. Unjust and uncon
stitutional interference on a delicate and
vital question, if preserved in, may finally
excite a pacific, but proud, and brave peo
ple, maddened by insult and wanton wrong,
to take steps from which there can be no
retreat with honor, and the consequences
of which no man can foresee. If the swords
of freemen should ever once tremble in
their scabbards, from the perpetration of
insult and wrong, the magic spell that
binds us to this -Union will be dissolved,
and that hallowed devotion which we have
been taught in the consecrated recollec
,lonrof the p' ''o . cheinsh forit, will be
frgottensm're-fiirceionflrop athat must
arire, when States will organiA with the
will and the power to be free and indepen
dent, be- the consequences what they may.
At the present time we should carefully
avoid doing anything calculated to isolate
South Carolina from her sister Southern
States. But we should ever remember
that the emblems of State sovereignty rise
all around us. The Declaration of Inde
pendence itself; the articles of Confedera
tion. and the Constitution of the Union.
all proclaim the separate sovereignty and
independence of the States in any final
issue that may arise.
WVaiting the progress of events, we, at
present, adopt and re-affirm the resolutions
of Virginia, and pledge ourselves to co
operate with her in any emergency that
POPULATION OF CHARLEsTON.-A cen
sus has just been taken of the city of Char
leston. and wve regret to learn that the
population of that ancient and hospita5le
city is on the decrease. A census taken
by the M~unicipal authorities, makes the
entire population, white and black, in
1848. 26,457-whites 14,187, tree colored
and slaves [2.264, showing on a comnpari
son with iho United States census of 1840,
a deficit of2,810. The decrease in popula
tion, has been, however, with the free
colored and slaves, which classes have
decreased since 1840, 24,44 per cent; the
wh/ite population baying regularly increas
ed since that period io the ratio of 8,87
per cent. But this is a very small increase
compared with that of most of our princi
pal cities. In 1810, Charleston ranked as
as the #ifth city in the Uuion, in populatiob;
in 1830 she was the sixth. She is now the
sixteenth. Cincinnati, Brooklyn. Albany,
Louisville, Ne wark, Pit tsburgh, St. Louts,
Buffalo, Rochester, Lowell, and perhaps
Washington,'Providence, and Tray hav
ing outstripped her'since 1830. Charleston
must shake herself, put her .wealth, (of
which she has an abundance) sod her en
terprise in operation, and regain her for
mer elevated position.
The following is the ratio of increase in
population of seven cities in thirty-years.
From 1810 to 1840, New York had in
creased 224 per cent; Boston. 157 per
cent; Philadelphia, .137 iper cent; Balti
more, 220 per cent; Charleston, 18 per
cent; Savannah, 116 per cent, and-Newv
Orleans, 590 per cent.-Char. Mercury
Ma. CALHOUN-There is a report
afloat that things are not altogether agreea
ble between Senator Calhoun and his
Sounathern confederates. Calhotn intends
to work for himself alone, and all the hon
or ;i glory, or profit, must go into his own
pocket; a course which experience has
shown us will not be altogether so suited
to the tastes of those with whom lhe is as
sociated. If a storm don't grow out of
this companionship before six months have
passed by, the elements and the omens are
all false."-Jacksonvile (Jli.) Journal.
The man who penned the above is pro
foundly ignorant, ofthe character and aim
of the distinguished citizens of whom he
writes. Self never enters into Mr. Cal
hmoun's calculations-his being a catholic
mind, consulting primarily the paramount
good of the entire Union, involved in the
preservation of unimpaired State sover
EDGEFIELD C. HJ
- WEDNESDAY JUNE 6, 1049.
( Mr. W. G. RSSEtLr , i, Out au
thorized AGENT for the colleciton of all
moneys due us in the Distritts if Edge
field, Abbeville, Newberry aid Barn.
well. We hope all persons idebted to
us will not put our C~llecbr to the
trouble of calling on theni fie second
time, or force us to place thieiaccouis.
in the hands of Magistmu-f be col
*lected at their COST. We want our
money, and must have it. word to
the wise is sufcient.
07 The citizens of the village ind vicinity
are requested to iMeet in the.ContI House on
Monday next, at 9 o'clock, for-ePurpose or
making arrangements forga.Pid i"o.the 4th
of July next, on the occasion o- ..a presenta
tion of Swords to Lieut. W. C. onozN, and
Ca t. J. C. SIMRKINS.
June 6th. 1849.
Court of Equi ,
The Court or Equity commed its sitting
for this Dristrict on Monday 34!-Chancellor
07 Dr. Wm. BftrLza, of idrednville, So.
Ca. has been appointed agent forail0Cherokee
07 It is stated, that Asso-ri LAwaRxc is
to be. Minister to England.
7 Gen. Shields; Mr. Breese, and Mr.
Wentworth, are candidates for United States
Senator in Illinois.
07 The Duke of Wellington completed his
80th year on Tuesday, the sit of May: so
says an exchag.
17 The report that England and France
had protested in a joint noto against the in
tervention of Russia in the war between Aus
tria and her Hungarian revolted provinces. is,
by the latest intelligence, without confirmation.
Artesian Well. r
The Artesian well in Charleston has reached
the depth of 834 feet.
Minister to France.
It is said that Wx. C. Rtvents, of Virginia,
is to go out as Minister of the United .States to
-Sir John Fra i.
It is stated that PresidentTa Pi ient to
Admiral, Sir John Franklin, w has been ab
sent on an exploring expedition' the Northern
seas for more than three years.
Canadian Seat of Government.
.Lord Elgin, in his reply to the address for thte
removal of the seat of Government in Canada,
.expresses an opinion unfavorable to the meas
ure. Montreal is to continue to be the capital.
Gov. SEaBROOE has appointed a number of
distinguished gentlemen of this State to attend
the Rail Road Convetion to be held at Mem
phis, Tennessee, on the 4th of Jnhy next.*
Gov. Towns of Georgin, also, has appointed
one hundred and seven of the most distinguish.
ed citizens of Georgia to attend the same con
The three great events now exciting the
deepest interest in Enrope are, says the London
Times-the advance of the Russian troops into
Hungary-the approach of a French aumy to
Rome-and the prospect of a serious comtest
between all the existing governments of Ger
many large masses of the people, already
pledged to risk everything in defence of nation
al~unity and democratic institution..
Monument to Washington.
In erecting a national monument to the Fath
er of our country, it is suggested that marble
or granite be contributed by each State of the
Union. An exchange paper has the following:
" It is said that Ala bama contributes a block
of her native marble to the Washingtor, Nation
al Monument; and the managers invite other
States and people to follow the example. Eve
ry stone sent should be 4 feet long, 2.highi, and
1 foot 6 inchtes bed, with a front bevel of a
quarter of an ich to the foot. .Marble, granite,
or any durable stone will be received.
Will not Georgia, Tennessee and North Car
ohina send specimens of their beautiful marble,
and South Carolina her granite, to assist in the
coastruction of this Monument to the'memoar
of the Father of his Country ?"<
Lieut. MArNK REID, of the late -New York
Regiment of Volunteers in Mexipo, in urging
his claims to the gold snuff boz, bequeathed by
Gen. Jacksotn to the citizen of New York, who
should most distinguish himself in battle, is re
presented as uttering the followitig egregious
"6. In this action ,[Churubugo1 I forced
a body of South Carolinians to carry their Lieut.
Colonel from the field, when he fell mortally
"7. 1 caught the South Carolina flag as it
fell from his hands, and carried it for some time
during the deadliest of the enemy's fire.
"8. In this action, led thec Nero York and
South Carolina Regiments to the charae-the
14as1 chaige made on the 20th of Augnat."'
If it be true, that Lt. Reid is thiauthtor of 'he
above amusing assertions, it is not the first
time lie has been known to display his vanity
and weakneas in boastful praise of himself. If
we have not mistaken his character, to boast is
his idiosyncrasy, We do not impute to Lt.
Reid any bad conduct on the battle field of
Churubusco. On the contrary we were wit
ness to some degree of gallantry displayed by
him; bitt we most humbly suggest to him,
that hte might have reflected more honor on
higher'claims to the gold snff boe, % astead
of taking care of the Lt. Colonel, and'the col
'ra of the Palmetto Regiment, hehad given a
little more attention to the colors of his own
which so much needed a gallant bearer, on that
We cannot suppose our readers so badly in
formed on the facts of that great battle, as to be
lieve, that there is oneeord oftruth in the above
Quere 7-if Lt. Reid was with the Palmetto
Regiment fighting, where was the New York
Regiment, to which he belonged I
Another incendiary pamphlet with the above
signature haa been sent to private gentlemen
throngh this office. If any doubt could have
existed, after reading the former article of
" l3rutus " as to the abolition sentiments of the
writer, that doubt will be removed by a peru
sat of the present. We care not whether the
writer is of " pure Carolina blood," and has
not a "Yankee relative in the world "-his
work is the effort of an abolitionist mind, and
his design is to excite political discord and so
cial einmity among our people, with a view, we
verily believe, of favoring the scheme of prac
tical emancipation. We care not tohat the wri
ter calls himself, his sentiments are dangerous
to the rights and liberties of our people, and
must be promptly condemned by every sensi
ble man in the State.
We would like very much to know by what
means the writers of these incendiary pamph
lets have been put in possession of the: names
of our citizens to whom they address their c'on
munications I Is there among as some secret
agent, working in the same impious causepwho
I urrrisnes thte names of persons -add other in
formation to these midnight autihors ? We aki
free to confess our fears about the matter-".
There are no doubt, men lurking at this time,
in our midst,.ready at a moment to seize upon
such an agency. The community should have
an eye upon them. At a time like the present
vigilance is the sacred duty of every citizen!
FOR THE ADvEaTIsER.
What is the Will of the People ?
It is often said, "voz populi, vo. Dei,"
the voice of the people is the voice of God.
This is the favorite maxim of demagogues,
though they are all the while making
efforts to lead the people wW&, theit$Dwu
views. It is, we feal, only a ptece ofbi
canery on their part. Will thqpeople allft
themselves to be hood-winked by such
shallow attempts at flattery ? If the adage
be not true, demagogues, by persuading
the people that it is, are misleading 'them
to their own injury, under the pretext that
they are leading themselves. Now this is
the worst species of deception. It not only
cheats, but it dupes. This is scarcely
pardonable in the good friends! of the
We do not believe the maxim to be true,
in a general way. If the minds of the
people--were propetly enlightened, and
-their vpjie, the calm utlerance of tbeir
i 'aesed judgi1giria4e wQ1k hava much
faith in the stying; for tht .there might
be wisdom in a multitude of counsellors;
but uninformed as our communities often
must be on the important subajecte, of ihe
day, and controlled frequently by design
ing men, it wvould he a dangerous maxim
to be relied on practically. As one of the
people, we do not wish it fully carried out
in practice. We wrill not disguise our true
sentiments. If the maxim be brought into
general application, the people will be
often made to work injury to themselves,
when the sober action of the wise and the
prudent might avoid it. While the people.
therefore, should claim the right to have
their will carried out in all mat ters clearly
working to the general good, Jet them
beware of those, who in outward shnw of
friendship -profess to defer absolutely to
wrhat they consider the will of the people.
If -we do not suspect the patriotism of such
nten, we will be obliged to call io questiout
But before acting on the maxim, even
when it is to be taken as true, it is necessa
ry to find out first, What is the will of the
people ? D~emagogues often fancy they
are deferitng to it, when in reality they are
not. Let us inquire into the matter.
We have seen that the people, politi
cally speaking, are they, who exercise the
privilege oft the Ballot-Box. The voice or
Fwill of the people will be, then, the free
and clearly expreesed wish of' those, who
rightfully enjoy the elective franchise. A
few newspaper articles, therefore, or par
tial neighborhood meetings, professing to
re present-t he will of thze people, lay claim
to authority to which they are not justly
entitled. No representative agent is aut
thorized to act upon such informa-l, irres
ponsible indications of public opiuion.' A
fair expression of the will of the people is
to be obtained, only throug the Ballot
Box, or by primary meetings held gene
rally in every District or community,
But here a serious dilliculty arises. Shall
the will of the numerical majority be al.
ways considezed the will of the people ?
To many, it may seem paradoxical to an
swer this qluestion in the negative;i for the
right of the majority to govern absolutely
is generally considered to he the essence
of the Democratic creed. So reply to this,
wve have only to say, if it be democratic,
it is not Republican, nor is it consistent
with rational liberty. We will not discuss,
in this place, the practicalquestion, wheth
er or not the Representatives of the people,
are bound to carry out the will of the ma
jority, clearly expressed;i that will be
touched on hereafter;-but we now go
further back, and deny that the majority
have the right to mnake their wilt the abso
uate rule of action in a community.
Ia the first place, as to the changing of
any part of our Constitutions, the people.
in their wisdom, have expressly hound
themselves not to be governed by a bare
majority. Thus far, then, in relation to
some of the mnost important matters touch
ing our liberties, the majority are restricted
-and rightly restricted ; for it is the sen
timept of mankind, as expressed in all
well regulated governments, that the rights
of society are not safe in the hands of ma
jorities ; that, in governments, the strong
should not always be allowved to prescribe
the rule of action to the weak ; that might
is not always right. It is the experience
of history,that in nearly all governments par
decided, not according to the rules of jus
tice and the righis of the minor party, but
by the superior force of an interested and
But even in those matters not falling
directly under the Constitution, whence is
derived to the majority the right to govern
absolutely ? All good government is right
ly supposed to be founded on the will of
God. And the will of God is this great
rule of right. What, therefore, is against
the will of God is wrong. Now is not a
majority as much bound by the will of
God, as the whole of a people? Aud the
whole are assuredly bound by it! This
no one can deny. The majority, then,
no more than the whole, have a right to
do wrong. But what is that, which a ma
jurity are bound toxonsider wrong? Any
thing, it. may be answered, against the
revealed will of God, or at variance with
the natural principles of justice, which are
nothing but the unrevealed will of God.
Among these. may certainly be classed
injustice to others. It is wrong, "to do unto
others as you would not they should do unto
you." The majority, therefore, have no
right to take away privileges, that belong
of right to others. They have no right to
deprive the minority of advantages, which
as members of the same community, under
the operation of equal laws, they are
fairly entitled to. On the contrary, when
holding the reins of power they are bound
in justice and in reason to protect the weak
dr in their rights and privileges. This is
the foundation principle of every well or
ganized government. Men would never
have associated themselves into political
bodies, had they not supposed, they would,
'ky the union, be better 1protected than
without it. The strong can always take
care of themselves. The very object of
government, as stated, is to protect the
Admit the contrary of the doctrine
aboto maintained, to he true and a "re
ductio ad absurdon" will follow. If the
majority have the right to rule absolutely,
what is to become of the minority? We
all know the aggressive influence of power
over the human mind-how it holdsl
and how it grasps! It seeks always to
acquire, and never yields, except when
forced to yield. No concessions infavor of
liberty have ever been made by despotic
power except from force or fear. We ap
peal to history in proof of this assertion.
The great magna carta, and the celebrated
Bill of Rights, the boasted guaranties of
English liberiy, were, as we know, extorted
from the hands of arbitrary power. Our
own Independence was plucked from the
iron clenches of despotism:-So, of all
other charter rights of which history makes
It is not in the nature of power to yield
or to be liberal, where prerogative is con
cerned. On the contrary, it is one of the
inherent qualities of despotism to accumu
late and to encroach. And it is never
,content without active rule. It labors per
petually to extend its influence outwardly.
Power is not sweet unless exercised. Hence
the maxim is certainly true, "That where
the majority rules without restriction the
minrIi.esshe subject?" f.
Now- this wotild be not nuly absurd but
monstrous! 'Timagine the minds of the
multitude inflamed apon some agitating
subject:-add to this. the increased ma
lignity of patty spirit-nnd what bounds
can be assigned to the heated action of the
dominant party ? Let history answer the
question. The result has nearly -always
been, proscription of politica l.righ ts, confis
fiscation of property and even death. These
are almost the sure consequences of ma
jority government-than which, there is no
doctrine in the whole catalogue of gov
ernrg~ental powers, more dangerous and
fatal; and certainly, none, wizth less foun..
dation in reason.
And wvhere is the justice of the'thing ?
Men entering into political union, agree to
give up a part of their natural rights,'that
they may be better secured in the temain
ing portion. And the union once formed,
a two fold obligation arises between all
the parties associated: First, an obliga
tion to cease to exercise that portion of
their natural rights surrendered to the
Union; and secondly, an obligation to
forbear asking a greater surrender of rights
from their co-leaguer:, than they them.
selves have made. There must, in this
particular, be a perfect mutuality between
the parties in order to form a fair union.
Nlow wvhenjany number of the co-leaguers
assume to themselves more than their
rightful share of power, they take from the
remaining portion a part of their proper
rights and powers. This is manifest.
Hence the very first principle of political
association will be vjolated. The mutu,.
ality, that naturally subisists between the
parties will be destroyed. The govern
mental compait;.be it tacit, implied or ex
press, will be broken, and all just obliga
tion to obedience will be at an end.
When, therefore, the tmajority in a State
or nation, infringe the rights of a minority,
they transcend their rightful powers; and
i f the infrnngement affect materially the lib
erties of the minority thet moral and politi
cal bonds that unite the parties are virtually
These are fundamental notions on the
subject of polinical powers, which, we be
lieve, will not be controverted.
The majority, thee being restricted in
their right to govern, even beyond con
stitutional checks, are just as inuch bound
practically to restrain themselves within
their rightful limits, as are individuals.
They are bound by all the ties of political
association, and by the plainest precepts of
morality, not only not to infringe the rights
of the minority, hut to deny thermselves a
prospective good, if by acquiring it, they
work injury to the minority.
A nother conclusion follows. When the
majority are in error, there is certainly no
moral obligation to obey their will.
The minority, then, not being deprived
of their rights, by the rightful powverof the
majority, are as macht entitled to have
their will respec:ed and considered in the
administration of government, as the ma
jority; for the will of the :najority is only
the opinion of the majority on their rights
and privileges, or their general interests;
and tu have a regard to the interests of
one portion of the community, withott
reference to the interests of other portions,
is subesive of all jttstice and liberty.
True statesmanship consists in protecting
as well as possible, all ie parts of socle',y
As already stated. this is the chief aim ot
every well regulated government.
'The will of the majority. therefore, does
not alone constitute the will of the peoplei
the will of the minority is a cfostituent
part, to he respected and observed by all
public functionaries. In'cnclusion, the
will of the people is made up of the will of
the majority, or plurality, aud the will df
all the minowities in a commuoniy.
or THE fropr.
From dhe Clurkston Courier.
CHARLESTON, May 98, 1849.
The Convention met this day at thi
First Baptist Church, in Church street,
After prayers offered by the Rev. V. R.
Thornton of Ga., the minutes of the last
day's meeting were read by the Secretaryt
On motion of Mr..J. C. Crane,-of Va.
Resolved, That the next meeting of this
Convention be held at the 1st Baptig
Church, in Nashville4 Tenn., on the second.
Friday in May, 1851.
The report of the Committee on Nesw
Fields of Labor was, on motion, taken
from the table, and read by the Secretary.
The report gave rise to a debate in which
Messis. Jeter, Tinsley, Dagg of Alpb'ama,
Culpepper and Sanders participated. Mr.
Jeter spoke in complimentary terms of the
style in which the report was drafted-it
was, he said, well drawn up, but a portion
of it seemed to him to have somewhat of
a political bearing, and he thought the
Convention had better avoid committing
itself to any opinions, or any course-of ac
tion which had the aspect of interfering
directly or indirectly, with political mat
ters. The Convention in times past, had
always avoided doing it, and he hoped at
this day. when it was understood, at least
in our country, that Church and State had
no special alliance with each other, it
would alwayd continue to pursue a similar
line of policy. The Rev.'gentlemen in i
dicated the portion of the report to which
he took exceptions. and moved that that
portion should be stricken from it.
The passage in the report referred ta
was stricken out, and the report was then
adopted, and ordered to be printed.
After a fervent and deeply impressive
prayer. offered by the President, it was
ordered that this Convention do now ad
journ sine die.
Immediately after the adjournment of
the Convention, a meeting took place, to
consider the subject of establishing, at the
Sobth, a-Central Theological. Col
The-merits of the question biviang.
previously discussed, the aetishVn
meeting resumed th
a more efficie
union of t
charge of oug~i
sures whleh,a (
they may belt
the Southern Sits,
'raining of our youigi M
ing the gospel minisiryNW. F ~ ~ t
Resolved, That .five aof the aforesar
Committee shall be a quorurm for th'"'
transactinn of business.
The Coinmittee appointed under the 2d
of the foregoing Resolutions, made the fol
lowing nominations: -,
A. M. Poludexter, Chairman ; Mary
land, Geo. F. Adams;'District of Colum- -
bia, J. S..Bacon ; Virginia, J. C. Clopion;
North Carolina, S. -Waite; South Caroli
tn, Dr. W. B. Johnson ; Georgia, Thos.
Stocks; Alabama, J. H. De Voite; Mi.
sissippi, J. T. Tichienor; Louisiana,- W.
C. Duncan; Florida, James E. Broome;
Texas, James Huskins; Arkansas, Jesse
Hlartwvell; Tennessee, R. C. B.4tLowell;
Kentucky, W. C. Buck; Missouri, A.
Charleston, S. C., Messrs. 3. R. Ken
drick, T. H. Cuthbert, M. T. Mendenball,
Georgia, B. MW. Sanders, N. G. Fostert
. The meeting then adjourned.
The Presby terian General Assembly (old
school) in session at Pittsburg, chose the --
Rev. Dr. Mnrray, of New-Jersey, modera
On Friday a report on the subject of
chu'rch music, adverse to the employment
of professional singers, favorable to the
congregation uniting in singing, and pro
posing a list of standard tunes,.was pre
sented, and referred to a select committee
to prepare a work for publication.
A letter .from the delegate to the Maiee
general Conference, on the subject of
slavery, shnowed that a very large majority
of the !Uaine conferetnce were in favorof
discontinuing all correspondence with the
General Assembly. helieveing that it was.
proslavery. The delegate had positively
denied the charge that the General Asset.
bly attempted to justify slavery by the
Bible. This, and others on the subjiact,
were referred to the Committee on mem
FIRE IN MoBILE.--A fire broke out i'm
Mobile en the morning of the 28th ui.
which destroyed property to the amount
of Eighty Thousand Dollars. The 'amount
of Insurance on the property is stated at
about thirty..three thousand dollars, all of
which loss is said to have fallent on offices
. Severalyotung men were caught beneath
a falling roof., and seriously injured-the
life of one is despaired of.-Char. Courier.
Gxrw. WOrH's Faxr..-Jt has been
stated that Gen. Worth's family wasi in
New-York at the time .of his decease.
This is a mistake. His wife, and all but
one of his children, weas with him.
A report got in. circulation in Boston on
Friday last, that two or three cases of
Cholera had occurred in that city in the
course of that day-but upon investigiition
the renort proved to be entitely groundlans.