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Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, May 22, 1851, Image 3

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IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY
W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor.
ARTHUR SIMKINS, Editor,
TiR1M S..-Two DOLLARS per year, if paid
in advance-Two DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTs if
not paid in six months-and THREE DOLLARS if
not paid before the expiration of the year. All
subscriptiods not distinetly limited at the time of
subscribing, will be considered as made for an in
definite period, and will-. be continued .until all
arrearages are paid, or at the option of the Pub
lisher. Subscriptions from other States must be
accompanied with the cash or reference to some
one known to us.
ADVERTISEMENTS will be.conspicuously inserted
at 75 cents per Square (12lines or les,) for the first
insertion and 37 1-2 for each subsequent insertion.
When only published Monthly-orQuarterly,.One
Dollar persquare willie hirged.~All Advertise
ments not having the desired number.t insertions
marked on tha margin, will be coritmued until
forbid and charged accordingl
Those desiring to advertise by tho year can do
so on liberal terms.-it being distinctly under
sto6Tthat contracts for yearly advertising are con
fined to the immediate, legitimate business of the
firm or individual contracting. Transient Adver
tiseinents- must be paid for in advance.
For aurw.cxing a Candidate; Three Dollars,
in advance.
For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars,
to be paid by the Magistrate advertising.
EDGEFIELD, S. C
THURSDAY, MAY 22,1851.
Religious 'Notice.
The Rev. H. C. HERLONG, of the 3Methodist de
nomination, will preach in Pottersville on next
Lord's day, at 4 o'clock P. M.
"INDEPENDENCE" is assured that "DECISION
OF 1850," and " JoiN RANDOLPH" are different
writers.
"JoHN RANDOLPH" was received after the other
communications which appear to-day. Want of a
single spare corner must be our apology for post
poning its publication till next week.
- ---0
WE refer all, who are interested to know how
our merry maidens conducted their May-day cele
bration, to our first page, where a full account of
the proceedings is published. Mir. St. P. F. L
was the Poet-laurate of the occasion, and every
little nymph did ample justice to his muse, by the
grace and precision of her delivery.
Another fete of the same sort was enacted on
the same day, in a diffirent place, by Mrs. Mc
CLINTOCI'S scholars, which was equally interest
ing.
WHAT IS THE TRUE NATURE OF THE
QUESTION ?
ARE we, as a-State, to do something, or are we
to do nothingI Are we to resist the outrageous
injustice of the American Government, or to ac
quiesce in, and thereby, sanction enactments
which have virtually robbed us of our dearest
rights? Let the people of South Carolina weigh
well this important question, before giving a defi
nite reply. Let not the excitement or fears of the
moment hurry them into a decision, which may be
regretted through life. First and foremost, let
this great question be considered, with reference
to the .UsTIcE, the TauTu and the RIGHT involv
ed in its decision. Neither the hope of happy
consequences, nor the fear of disastrous ones,
should be suffered to bias hejudy 7~
gardingsthe questionin this pointc.
dwnginerogto'ismay.
a~hwpr~a~onthagould arise..
the rancli of'tine ideIidn -
ir fnsaying that the foules
-Nedo~e toithe State of South C- -r
-Midoera15onresl - 90-friEt c -
ing/tha-South Carolin'a is the bes.
properjudge of the grievances she 5
Are wo right or wrong, in saying, tL-. -
ally~and politically, at perfect liberty to sever the
link:that'ueonnects her with an agent, which has
been guilty of-usurpingauthority, contrary to-a
writteh and express agreement? Can, or cannot,
the right of secession be claimed upon undeniable
* groundsi Would, or would not, a repudiation-of
this right on the part of our opponents, be ample
cause for the disruption of this Confederacyi Is
it true, that there exists, nowhere, constitutional
authority for a single State taking steps, for saving
her citizens from the palpably vicious and illegal
measures of wrong and violence, forced upon her
by a combination of a majority- of her confede
ratesI In a. word, is secession a rightful mode of
proceeding, and is the aggrieved State the only
proper judge of the occasion that may demand it ?
Let every one, who is capable of thinking atal,
reflect upon these things, until his mind is brought
to absoluete conviction, on one side or the other. It
is often said, that there is no question as to our
wrongs-no doulgt as to the bare right of secession.
And yet some act, talk and write, as though
they did not feel that they were standing on the
.broad and immutable foundations of Truth and
Justice. We want such of our fellow-citizens to
think, until they are carried far beyond a simple
acknowledgement of this fact. We wish it to be.
come with them a deep-seated, earnest and ever
abiding, conviction-a conviction that will not
" down at their bidding"-a conviction that shall
be ever present to the mind, giving color to all its
calculations and speculations as to the issue of this
great strife. This feature, in all the struggles,
hithertorecorded, for justice and for freedom, has
been deemed the one of primary and paramount
importance. And it has, ever and invariably,
predominated over prospective anticipations,
whether of evil or of good. Such ought now to
be the case ; and hence the imperative necessity of
a thorough coniction. If this conviction is against
us, the presente contest may as well be given up
if it is with us, we have an element of strength,
that will make one man as tea, a battalion as a
regiment, and a thousand freemen, as "terrible
as an army with banners." Because the corres
ponding conviction of error and injustice in the
minds of our opponents, would render their arms
comparatively nerveless. Sampson when bearing
the jgates of Gaza upon his shoulders, and Samp
son whenashorn of his locks, does not present a
stronger contrast, than enlightened men contend.
ing for Justice under the shield of Truth, and
enlightened men inflicting a gross wrong without
even a plausible pretext.
Gentlemen are pleased to ask, as if in mockery,
" what will your cry of Justice avail you ! what,
your claiming of the Right ! what, your being
backed by the power of Truth !" We are surprised
to read such cold suggestions, emanating from a
child of the " sunny South." In is the very
essence of the most frigid utilitarianism. It is
giving direct countenance to a code of principles,
be fore which, (if it prevails,) all that is good and
pure and honorable, must fall, if, in the least op
posed, to what is profitable to the present genera
tion of mnen. ..I-is naking present advantage and
individua-inelundent, higher motives than future,
pennianeit beneit' and'moral reputation. If this
be indeed tihiPiif oFthe Algi, it; should be the
noble endeavor 9f rhdsewalzh lot has been east
in this genial ehm ; mi~gWselhamea are still
made dear by so-many hallowe reminiscences of
- honorable -Freedom, to wa against sits fate
progresa " to the .lest extremity' Suceurab be
fore the baneful influence, and you lesathe strong
hold, that guards your liberties! Admit thal
Justice agpd Freedom are but empty names, and the
talismanik spell which sustained the finting troops
of WAHINGTON in that diimal retreat across the
Delaware-which prompted the generous Ameri
can to support the filing cause, against hope, with
almostprofuse liberality-which enabled MARiON
and Suepva and BUTLERa and PICKENS, to
struggle on against all odds, and with the most
heart-sickening difficulties, until the dawn of a
bettet day, gleamed from old King's mountain
this spell, we say, will bo gone forever, and with
it, the hopes of true Freedom. No-there is a
power in Truth-there is a force in Justice-there
is a spell in the Right, which has often led the
week and oppressed to triumph, when the prospect
was far more cheerless than that which lies before
us now. To say that there is not, is to controvert
the tenor and spirit of our holy Religion-it is to
trample under foot the teachings of Christ himself.
His whole example-his every precept was intend
ed to illustrate the intrinsic power and strength of
Justic, Truth and Right. If the nations of the
earth are prepred, in this boasted 19th century,
to adopt as their standard and guide, the motto of
a vindictive Robber-chieftain, in preference to the
lessons of that noble Religion, which has made
our civilization all that it is,-if the philosophy of
a coarse Scottish thief, is to be placed in the scales
against the "Wisdom that cometh from above,"
then have we indeed fallen upon desperate times.
Is it not our golemn duty, as Christian men, to
meet and to repel these dangerous notions? If the
great principles, upon which modern civilization
rests, are in progress of subversion, (as has been
intimated) then is it indeed time that the opposing
forces were marshalled, not only on political, but
on religious grounds. Such intimations are well
calculated to arouse every thinking mind, to the
vast importance of the issue, which South Caroli
na, the weaker power in pointof physical strength,
but confessedly the stronger morally, may soon
make with a stronger Government, whose rapacity
and injustice its own constituent membersfeel and
e/plore. It is an issue of principle-it is a ques
tion of right, and Christian civilization is tojudge
between us. And in answering the question pro.
pounded in the beginning of this article, (viz:
" Shall South Carolina act or not ?" these are the
most prominent and most important considerations
-" Is Justice with us? Is Truth with us? Is the
Right with us ?" We therefore reiterate the hope
that our people will ponder gravely and consci
enciously this branch of the enquiry, until they
are brought to a settled conviction. Without this,
they cannot properly approach the discussion of
the probable consequences of our action.
In the following article, we will venture to give
some suggestions as to the rational mode of.con
ducting the second branch of the enquiry.
--.
rHE RESULTS THAT MAY BE ANTICIPATED.
There are only three results that seem to be at
ill worthy of being considered, as inany man
ner probable. Either South Carolina will be co
rced by the strong arm of direct war, or her right
to her own unrestricted port will be contested by
Federal Revenue-cutters, or she will be permitted
to secede unmolested.
The first supposition coincides with the erpecta
lions of a very limited number of intelligent gen
lemen. Ask the question, upon what grounds are
hese expectations based ? If it be said that there
a authority for this proceedure, we should desire
o be informed whether this authority is derived
~rom a written Constitution, or gathere bvj -,
epon this point, there is no difference of opinion
hat we have heard. of. All of us, who have ex
irensed any opinion whatever, are agreed that
rmed interference will not have the sanction of
[.aw.
What other ground is there for this expectationi
Efit be affirmed to you that the Federal Govern
nent weill pursue this course, because she has the
lorwer to do it, we would suggest the following in
luiries as beinggermain to the matter. What have
he Northern States to gain by persecuting us with
Nar ! What incoming pecuniary or civil advan
ages can be held up to the calculating people of
those States, as inducements to incur the vast ex
pense of such a wari What effect would such a
war produce upon Mississippi, Alabama, North
Carolina, Florida and even Georgia, (Mr. Cons to
the contrary notwithstanding ?) Would they sup
port this war by contributions, of men or of money?
could their people be restrained from revolution,
.pon the happeninur of such an event ? We think
hat candid, and well-considered answers to these
iuestions, will bring each mind to the conclusion,
hat an armed attempt to control South Carolina,
s a distant probability-or, if it should happen,
lhnt it will tend directly to strengthen our cause.
Others may think differently. Let us all reflect
Fully and dispassionately.
Another apprehended result is that our right to
aur oon free port will be restricted and contested
by Federal Revenue-cutters. What difference be
twveen this and armed interference, is the first en
guiry suggested. Suppose that sloops of war are
sent to blockade our port, would it, or would it
riot be the opening of a military campaign ? Ifeso,
the same difficulties lie in the way of its being set
ra foot, and sustained by the American States, as
in the case of direct war. But perhaps the South
sn States would consent to the experiment, un
ler the assurance that no open act of war would
be committed, and that intimidation only was in
tended. And yet, this point, having to be discuss
ed not only in Congress, but before the people of
the hesitating States, would necessarily be known
in South Carolina, and to the world, and the ex
periment would readily be tested, by some mer
chantman coming to Charleston. Were the attempt
made to bring her to with a blank gun, she would
sail on her way laughing at the farce. She would
thenperhaps be chased, grappled with and board
ed, or a regular broad-side would be poured upon
her ; and thus would be violated the stipulation
which induced the friends of Truth, Justice and
the institutions of the South, to sanction the arma
ment. The supposition that an armament with
such ridiculous restrictions, would be floated to
our harbor, may excite a smile. But upon what
other terms can it be supposed, that the Govern
ment could avoid the reprobation, protest and re
sistance of several of its constituent members. Is
not a blockade supported by powder and lead, wvar,
palpable war ? Can any sophistry make it other
than wvar ? Would not the object of this block
ade be to subdue South Carolina ? A portion of our
opponents would exult in this deed-but the just
and honorable everywhere, and especially in the
South, would ask, what do you propose to effeict
by conquering this Free Statei The precedent
would be an inminently startling one. Perhaps ii
would at once occur to the slave States that eni
ty to slavery was the true secret of this inveterate
hostility. Perhaps the desire to settle forever, the
question of State sovereignty might be discovered
to be the chief stimulant to the passions of our as
mailants. Perapsn, aot the same time. it mio-ht
be recalled to mind that this insued State, had
never injured a single sister, while a member of the
Confederacy-had never violated the Constitution
of the Confederacy-bad never failed to do her
part with alacrity and zeal, in sustaining the Flag
of the Confederacy-and, 'only when compelled by
grievous wrongs, had left the Confederacy, and
assertedheroriginal and uncompromitted sovereign.
ty. We think that such reflections might cause a
very large number of the people of the Southka
least, to pause and reconsider the question in i&
true light. Others may think differently. Iet
Reason decide between us.
Butit may be said, that a sagacious scheme can
be devised, by which the command of South.Car
olina can be attained without the appearance of
war. What is it! A floating custom-house out.
side the bar, to intercept and collect duties on
cargoes coming into our port. Does its being loca
ted on the high seas, do away with the illegality of
the act? The illegality consists in defining and
exacting duties which it is rightfully ours to define
and exact. What if this were done one hundred
miles from shore! It does not make the transac
tion one whit less unjust. It is a gross violation of
international law. But this floating custom-house,
alone and unassisted by gun-shipe, would of course
be the merest child's play. Would it be attempted
without some such support, either from vessels or
forts ! Every one will say, no. Here then is
powder and lead again. Our enemies must use
these instruments of war first; for, otherwise, our
trade and commerce would go on cheeringly, with
only the additional excitement of an occasional
race between a light trader, and a clumsy, brist
ling man-of-war. View this matter in everylight,
and ask yourselves, can it be other than war, and
war commenced by Federal guns.
What then is the true result, into which these
several supposed modes of proceeding against us
resolve themselves ? Is it not an act of war, which
must either be sustained by a declaration of war
coming from Congress, or disavowed by that body ?
The question of war upon South Carolina, must,
as a consequence of either of the courses prophe
sied, come up and be discussed in the Federal
Legislature, and that too at an early period of the
contest. What then is the-naked and only issue,
that can arise between Congress and South Caro
lina, in case of interference by the former? We
think it is the issue of war or peace. Our minds
will then revert to the enquiry, is it probable that
the American States will wage war upon South
Carolina ! We should remember that this, if ac
complished, would be done in defiance of Right
and Justice-in defiance of Reason and Expedi
ency-in defiance of the doubts and scruples of the
good and generous at the North-in defiance of
almost the entire public opinion of the South-in
defiance of the great probability of throwing a
a vast number of American citizens, into the ac
tive support of our cause, and of enlisting-for us
the sympathy, the "moral aid and comfort" at
least, of other Governments, and lastly, in defi
ance of the grand difficulty of vanquishing a hun
dred thousand brave men, contending for Justice,
and their family altars. Is it not a rational ex
pectation thata Government, hampered and stag
gered by these considerations, would be imbecile
and inefficient for any purpose of war upon South
Carolina? We are constrained to think that it is.
Others may differ from us. Let calm reflection be
invoked in deciding this question of probabilities.
The last supposed result, and one whibh is said
to hve the sanction and support, of many of our
opponents in the present Government, is that South
'rln wil be nerrnit.Il tjo ----L --.&
e - : .. again on the otner, can
be mentioned, sufficient to restrain the commercial
world, from using our market to the full extent of
the commodities it can supply!? It cannot be that
nations trading with us, shall,for that reason, be
subjected to additional restrictions in all tEiborts
of the Union. This would involve the Govern
ment in wrangling and confusion without end,
both at home and abroad. It would be manifestly
impracticable. Nor would it be less so, to say that
the Congress should declare that all countries, re
pudiating the trade of South Carolina, shall have
increased facilities and privileges. For this would
result in a rapid and material reduction of the pre
sent Tariff duties. How else could these facilities
be brought about!? If it be said that these propo
sitions are laughable, we may well ask, whatsoth
ers, bearing upon this point of rival custom-houses,
are worthy of more serious attention!i They have
not been pointed out as yet. When this is done,
we may judge better.
But again, our commerce is to be fettered by
rival interests. The nearest representatives of
these interests will be. perhaps, the towns of Sa
vannah, Georgia, and Wilmington, North Caroli
na. AR this is a mera surmise, for which no rea
sons whatever have been given, we must await,
as upon the other point, the development of these
reasons. In the mean time, we may consider the
following questions. Will our commerce interfere
with the welfare of the people of those States!
Will they get less for their cotton than if we were
in the Union!? Will their property be decreased in
value, by the fact of our independence!? Will it
be to their interest to break down, by inimical leg
islation, the institutions of South Carolina, which
are identical with their own! 'Will there be a
shadow of a pretext, for molesting our Govern
ment! Answer such questions as these, calrmly
and with due reflection, and we are of the opinion,
that each mind will arrive at the conclusion, that
the idea of rival custom-houses and rival interests,
operating against us, is a harmless scare-crow.
But granting all this, we are told that South Caro
lina, even if unmolested in any shape or form, by
the American States, cannot sustain her indepen
dence and preserve her respectability.
As our article is already to long, we refer our
readers, for many good views upon this last posi
tion, to the temperate and sensible articles now
appearing in our paper, over the signature of
" RUTI.EDGE." In conClusion we say, read and
study this great question for yourselves.
Z!ditor's Table.
" Tus HEIRS OF DERwENTwATER," and "THE
SISTERS or the FATAL.MARtRIAGEs."-These novels
have been sent to us, we perceive, by the Publishers.
The first is from the house of DEWITT & DAVEN
POaT, N. Y.-the second from H. LoNG & Broth
er of the same city. These Publishers announce
that they will transmit by mail, to any part of the
country, any new works of the kind, upon a re
mission of the cash. .A work of two hundred
pages will cost fifty cents, (without binding.)
These houses, doubtless issue a vast amount of
good reading; but wve must say, that they have
made an unfortunate selection in the specimens we
have mentioned. Not that they are uninteresting
-on the contrary, they are of much more than
ordinary interest. Once begin them, and it is
rather difficult to put them down, even for dinner.
Their fault, is the fault of Emigene Sue% works.
They are decidedly immoral and corruptingintheir
influence-more so thtan any novels we have read
for a long time. Villainy, debaucheryg robbery and
henr ..ue .. ar thirprviling features. There are
at th'e ametii;O, omew e1a pure ,
key. The plot of either rorlis rather defective z
and unnatiral. B -tihii is partially lost ight of -
by the reader, amid tlie iwried and hurriedici- a
dents of the story. these novels'posses
some interest of;i-t chaacter,. theyr ar
certainly not worthy l emmended 'o a
refined community. E.L DBjAHAaD is the au
thor of iheisfirtirA d r CoCer4N,
of the second. - -
BYaNz's-Poicxtr o, AM 06X AC& Iif M,
MECHANICS AND ENaria i as also been for
warded by DzwrrT &4,1 4oa'r, Tribune f
Buildings, N.- Y.; andetis gotohe alad- p
mirable and eice6di it 'It iaclear I
and condensed statementof.11 the information
requisite-for a scienfictistsiV-han the ap
pearanee moreover, of being esminently practical
and simple. We can, withio t heiti4on, recom-.
mend it to every -one, deoofacomnplishing
himself in these direnaebe.of0bu ne .
Price of mai Editioninw jditr. Address the
firm, as-above.
F -OR TE mr5
CAN SOUTH CAROLINAMA1NTAIN AN INDE
'PENDENT GOVJEMENT?
We are now to Co aility of the
State, under a scpa 4ii '-Io maintain
her respectability a noim ons, andto protect
herself against iggre , 1
Once Out of the U gliat.ia to prevent?
The elements of stren astate are compact
ness of territory, unio Wf niiest and feeling,
pecuniary resources, ai men of strong nerves
and stout hearts. So grpat men have said,
that " Iar Aas no *ameinetdx thee of good sol
diers." And again:. a,6Stite to be great,
must be of a military 'rc ' by origin
and disposition warlike." Tliere-is much wis
dom in these words. -t e-'ualy true, that
mere force never yet subdued ispirited and in- s
telligent race of men. A.brave and determined
people may be whipped, hut, if united, they can z
never be subdued. -Mtorydoes not.furnish a
single example. jt is a remark, worthy of its c
author, f
who overcomes
By force, hath overeonmeiuthalf.-his foe."
Nor do numbers alwey cotialtute the strength
of a State. A Territoryof moderate size, with
a warlike population, afrds ample bulwarks for
protection and defence.-. Small States, by a
prompt Concentration-of eir power, can always
exert a force greater in -proportion than large
States, and hence usually defend themselves be
yond all expectation a nozst large forces sent
against them. " It. is. . ownj- says a great
Statesman, " that it takes a.mueh less force, in
proportion, to subject aige.country with *nu
merous population, thaii . small territory with F
an inconsiderable pop tkn-;" Apply these
principles to our'csse.Inth Carolina is strong
in arms, and rich in toil She has a territory of
31,000 sqr. miles weiltll- to the amount of
$250,000,000; and a zliiary-force of 55,000
men, who may be constantly employed in active
service, without subtratc . erf largely from
the agricultural ind e State. And she
will have "good sol re not our men of
ua
a "military race ?" not warlike both a
But on a subject.lik~e tims, ala once of expe~
rience is worth a pound.Qf speculation. Let us t
look to history. Many of the most thriving and t
powerful nations of alutiquity, and of modern,
times, have been less in.pztent of territory than
South Carolina. Take, f~r instance, the Repub- ~
lies of AruzEs, SAra and Rout. The teri
tory of A-rrICA, includig the ralands, of which e
A'rHENs was the Capitaleontained only 874 aqr. tI
miles ; 135,000 eitizens ad alien residents ; and,
305,000 slaves (white,) th an aggregate wealth
of about $40,000,000. Sma-rA liad a small area,
with only 150,000 eitizensi and 220,000 slaves. til
Its wealth, in the palmy inys of the State, was
very inconsiderable. Yetthe combined army of ni
these little States, not lageri'tan the military g,
force of South Carolina, repulsed 300,000 Per ,,
sians in a pitched battle and drove back from Si
their borders, the Pesninvader with his mil- de
lion of soldiers. The ~oution itself to meet li:
this armed multitude m M excite our highest ad
miration. and teach us in example wvorthy of imni
The power of Rousz roe in a single city and in
a small adjacent terribry ; and when this great rei
State was at its highestdegree of strength and th
power, it embraced ont the principal proyinces U1
of Italy, not exceedinggerhaps, in extent, 50,000 bli
square miles. It was ijthe meanwhile poor aind all
without trade. Nothig but its warlike sons Sc
could have given it .sopomplete an ascenidency. th<
In coming down tothe period of the middle thi
ages, we find, among ire miost prosperous and aft
powerful States, the tle Italian Republies of du
VENICE, GENOA and BoasuNcE, with territories fat
not larger, perhaps, Ian Edgefield District.- of
There, too, was the iii Republic of SAN MaAR- by
NO, which exists at thiday, with an area of only the
21 square miles, and bopulation of 7,600-one les
of the most remarkablexamples on record of the me
capacity of small Stab to preserve their inde
pendenc and liberts. For centuries, it has of
stood amid the most detdful political convulsions; ur
and though invaded brpetually by the formida- pr<
ble powers of the .P1e, which surrounded it, we
grew, as the historia~lls un, " populous, happy eoi
and illustrious." Th'arose, we learn, from the amr
honest simplicity anlirtuouse manners of its in- wo
habitants. May we it aspire to the noble career ha'
of this gallant little i -e of
Look, also, to theresent nations of Europe. va
On the map we diseer some 45 States, less in me
extent of territory tjn South Carolina-King- cul
doms and RepubLia that not only enjoy the at
blessings of liberty is higher degree than most an<
of the States arounlthemn, but maintain a high -
respectability amnondie nations of the earth.- we
The reader will reepiize among these, Bzwuo- oth
uw, DENxARK, Gisos, HOLLxAND, PORTUoAL., Ric
SARDnIrA and SwrrysAn. Yet Belgium has are
an area of only 12,$. square miles; Denmark, an1
22,000; Greee, 2100;.IHolland,11,000; Por- clii
tugal, 39,000; 8aep,- 28,830; and Switzei-- by
land, 17,208. Ex~xa-itdlf, which has gradu- asi
ally risen in magde, till she lias become at wh
once the most w4and ufoit powurful nation at c
otheglobe,.hai ' of only 51,500 square one
miles~ beiagrlels tLthrGeorgiaer Florida, pea
'helab -aeb5es- e-nbd~ but hae
mintained..their independence. -How do the
umberlesuitdo Priueipafitis, Duehics and King
oms in Gernany, mafy of them not as large as
dgefield Districtj preserve theii sovereignty
nd independence gniong the despotic family.of
luropean nations? There are the free cities o!
IAURnUO, BusaxN, LUDEc and FANirOa-r, only
bird rate towns, that have existed as Independent
DVereignties f'r centuries. True, they belong,
t present, to the Germanic confederation; but
his is a mere league of defence against external
owers, not interfering with the sovereignty and
reedom of these cities. Yes! these Republies,
ot one of them having an area over 150 square
riles, nor a population above 200,000, have long
pheld, and do now maintain their individual
overeignties, enjoying the glorious sweets of
berty, in the neighborhood of large and power
Al despotisms-under the very eyes of tyrants,
rho have their standing armies of 150,000 and
00,000 men, and who frown upon every sem
lance of political freedom. Once members of a
;onfederacy, styled the "Hanseatie League,"
rhich comprized some 85 States or Cities, and
rhich, by its wealth and arms, ruled nearly the
rhole of Northern Europe, these little States
ave had the nerve to achieve their independence,
nd to maintain it under all the frowns and threats
f despotism.
Yet the people of Carolina, with quadruple
heir wealth, and military force, and more than
entuple their territory, are actually hesitating,
rhether or not they shall give up their sovereign
V, and become the mere tributary allies of a
Torthern consolidated despotism. 0, Temporal
), Mores!
But in estimating the elements of success for a
eparate State Government, it is not proper to
onsider only our physical resources. The true
trelngth of a nation rests as much, perhaps, on
he operation of moral causes, as on the organi
ation of physical power. The Government,
rhich, by its reckless administration and lawless
ppressions, has sown the seeds of discontent and
iction, need not expect to exert the full measure
fits strength or greatness. For this tobe done,
specially in free countries, the moral energies of
he people must be awakened. Among a great
nd free people, before the national mind can be
rged to exert its full power and will, a plausible
*retext must offer itself-a prospect of gain, or,
t least, of some seeming good. Factions among
s may combine for the accumulation of wealth
nd power, but they will rarely unite to consume
realth by extravagant wars, unless driven to
Item in self-defence. The Federal Government,
y arousing disaffections in the minds of the peo
le, on the great sectional matters at issue before
be country, has deranged its springs of power,
) as necessarily to cripple its energies, if not en
rely to paralize them, in any struggle it may
rage relative to these sectional issues. And
-hile its power thus becomes weakened, a com
ioh interest and safety must inevitably urge us,
Doner or later, to that union of feeling and senti
tent, that concert of will and action, which the
esire for self-preservation never fails to inspire,
nd which are the chief sources of national
trength.
-e, e.s . y - 4. * ..uan the aggressive
>iritof military, despoticenations, Dlespots know
int, under the enlightened diplomacy of modern
mes, every community of'Sfates~for their mutual
elfare and saf'dty, will use the utmost efforts to
reserve a baldu~ct of pols'. 'They gre begin
g to learn, also, that, in time of high po~pular ex
tement, standing armies, how well so eter dis
plinied, are not always to be relied -on and
at the spark of liberty, once kindled by the
ish of fire-arms, is in danger of soon lightting
the whole mess of the people, and of extenhd
g to the soldiery itself. Hence the cautious
nidity of the crowned heads of Enrope, in the
cent outbreaks among their' siubjectd, And
>thing but the dread of public opinion-s-f a
neral Congress of Nations--of ant awakcening
nse of indignation throughout the European
ates and the eivilzed world, prevents the mlore
spotie powers from interfering to suppress the
oeral movements now going on in the smaller
ntinental States.
South Carolina may, with reason, count upon
is moral element. All the Southern slave-hold
States know and feel, that, on the proper
straint of Northern power, absolutely depends
air safety and welfare; and this, whether the
iion exists, or be dissolved. , Without the most
nded prejudice and suicidal policy, they cannot1
nt the equilibrium between Northern and
uthern power to be destroyed. It would be
*ir certain destruction. They know and feel
* ; and how much soever they may for awhile,
er South Carolina withdraws, listen to thei
leet strains of the Northern Syren, when that
il Goddess creeps out fronm her secret places,
aggression, and attempts to force her designs
the otitward forms of power, rest assured, 1
~y will rise tip iin their might to stay the heart
course of the greedy and cruel monster. No
ral reckoning can be moi-e certain.
Consider now the situation and circumstances
South Carolina. In the first place, these will
re us to a policy of peace. Cut off from all
epect of enlarging our dominion. by force,
should be entirely free from the ambition of
iquest--that prolific source of strife and war
ong the nations of the world. Our efforts
uld be directed to the pursuit of liberty and
>piness; to striving after a high development
our internal resources; and to making ad-t
icements in our moral and intellectual attain
nts. While this would naturally lead us to
tivate peace and conuity towards other States,
would ensui-e from them feelings of friendship
I sympathy for us.a
Again: The nature of our produce would be c
Il calculated to beget friendly relations with s
er States. Our Exports consist of Cotton, a
c, Lumber, &c.-products of the earth. We ii
almost the only State that exports Rice to il
extent. Our produce, therefore, is of that fi
maeter, which will cause it to be eagerly sought il
many nations, while our situation will be such (
o lead us to seek from others, commodities v
ich they may have to~exchange. This begets, v
ace, a lively and heathful trade ; and every q
knows, that trade and commerce are great
Butthirdly, wo-shall avlittloexcit
animosity or envy of other nations., .Our Terri
tory will be comparatively small, and in-gresl
part, subject to cultivation only by the African
It would,' therefore, scarcely tempt a conquerorf
or invite the rapacity of the North. Our wealth
also, is of such a nature, as not to excite North
ern cupidity. Consisting almost wholly of land
and negroes, it would be of little value to any ex
cept those whowould own slaves and live .upor
the soil, while any serious disturbance of our In.
stitutions would efreetually destroy our produce,
which it is so much the interest of others to ob.
tain. Nothing but a spirit of revenge in the
Northern mind, could provoke an attempt tc
conquer our State; and we need have fears froni
no other quarter. While, then, other States
would have little temptationto interruptus, every
consideration of interest and policy would lead
them to let us alone; in which ease, as shown in
our former article, we should enjoy an unexam
pled state of prosperity.
With our native strength, therefore, and by'the
operation of the moral causes, we have been con
sideringi there can be little doubt as to the ability
of the State to maintain her liberty and indepen
dence.
As to her respectability, that may very well
be left to time. One thing is certain, it will never
depend on mere physical strength. Under the
judgment of a christian wdrld, physical power is
no longer the single test of worth among nations
or individuals. A people who practice virtue
and justice among themselves, and in their inter
course with others ; who excel in morul and in
tellectual attainments; who are brave, high
minded and honest; and who always tread the
paths of duty and honor, need have no fears, for
their respectability either among contemporane
ous nations, or with posterity, though they may
chance to occupy a small territory, and to enjoy
few of the luxuries of life. It may too, with safe
ty be affirmed, that while small States have some
times afforded substantial liberty, large oneshave
always been despotic; and hence, the people
who sacrifice to their ambition by seeking to live
in large and magnificent empires, must do so at
the expense of their liberty and happiness.
RUTLEDGE.
FOR THE A DVERTIsER.
Ma. En'rro: That your correspondent" Dx
crooN or 1850," should deem me deficient in
courtesy has excited my unaffected regret. Ful
ly realizing the difficulties of conducting a con
troversy in print, and of avoiding every cause
of offence, both seeming and real, I endeavored
to exercise an unwonted degree.of prudence,
and to this end actually consulted my dictionary
upon the very word to which objection is made.
In the books to which I referred, the adverb
" flippantly," means fluently, smoothness and
rapidity of speech, &e. In this sense was it used,
and when I assure " DzcisioN oF 1850," that I
have no conception of his real name, I hcipe'and
believe that he will resume his good temper and
former signature and drop Ius alias. I suspect
that "Dzcsion oF 1850" and "Jomx Rax
oLn.". are the same, and if so, I cannot obect
- &- .-of the latter article as it was
impressin that 'Independence'
-corteous -If, however, " Jdux
different writer, I will sofar
u of " Dzeusrow'ow 185,1-as
r. ~ ever asserted "that a State
however smal eanot pay for the edippsfof her
own government." Iaid expressly that South
Carolina " would be rich enough-to entice the
cupidity of the world, but too feeble to defend
herself," if attacked by a powerful Nation; and
secondly, that the assertion, though understood
as it *as by "Joax RANDOras," is not more
" disgusting'" than the stupidity of his -'deelara
tion "that the experience of military men has
tau-ght us that it is much easier to take strong
positions thaif to maintain them." Upon this
principle it follows, that it is mnore dificeult to
subdue a weak man than one who is strong.
But enough ; wrangling was never more out of
place than at the present time, and I here de
elare that in whatever I may write, not one word
of acrimony or disrepeet shall escape me, unless
used as retort,
The " Dgcrsros of 1850," finds it diffilut to
reconcile my approbation of the appropriation of
9300,000 made by the L~egislaturo, and my
ivowed opposition to separate State action, and
solds tirat li'paration for an issue that may or
uny not arise ifpon some future contingency is
in absurdity. 'The explanation is simply this,
liat preparation to meet an issue is the most
ffeetual method of' averting it. Were the
hirteen Southern States to secede i a body, I
inve no idea that a blow would be strucek. 1But
do not require a coalition of all those States to
nduce me to advocate secession. The co-opera
ion of any two States with South Carolina would
entent me and I would then advocate action
ostanter. I believe that three States would
rrm a nucleus of strong attractive power, which
rould rapidly increase, and I further believe that
uch a coalition of a few States would be more
ikely to result in war than the secession of a
ingle State. By war I mean actual fighting
iot blockading. The preparedness of South
larolina under these circumstances, would be a
aluable absurdity. Nor does it follow that be
ause I approve of one appropriation of a given
mount that I recommend others and each larger
mounts. Three hundred thousand dollars ju
iciously invested in small arms and cannon, in
ddition to the arms now owned by the State
private rifles included) would be quite suficeient
r her wants while looking to thte co-operation
f Alabama and Missisrippi. Every dollar of
ist amount invested in Steam Ships, built with
view to their conversion into vessels of War,
think will be money thrown away. Towards
uilding a Navy, $300,900 is but a drop in the
ucket. It is not the appropriation which has
Iready been made, but those which are yet to
amo in carrying out the scheme of separate
aceession, to which Ialluded when I asked " will
ot the heavy debt the State will be forced to
icur in order to put her in a condition of de
nec, (by land and sea, with her men in the
old, her navy afloat, besides the previous debt
ecident to her organization as an Independent
~overnment) entail a burden of taxation which
ill depopulate the State ?" .The sentence as I
rote it was an enquiry, not an assertion suit is
moted. '
Your correspondent helds me coniinitted to a~
illfrathiicrn..2+taatniea and nTfa
thi appropriation made1fy Ih6atis
.1- ali I would hawe her Cdo.40-m w liser.
pariod followed theword "more?-DmIgtihav
bixi.nBut take the sentenes awbole, andI
doojliink the meaning given to psrtsfaiyv.
inferable. The sentenceiuas followso-'w.ld
have-herinneMWan&: - 1
training for anyneeny," by wh iji-eia.
cause her young men tbU
them,-to-marc~rand whede=aadeia
of this idea, Ireommen 'in the bl
the organization of Volunteer-Coup j
equipped, in every neigh -
Neither am I an "anti-State
under all circumstances. I have
"that when every e'o'-hpe
the South shall have vanished (which w 4be.
determined upon the passage
other law injuriously affietg-our instititions,
without producing.eo-oberation1tesIilthe
emergency justify :drepeisasie, andithemi let
South Carolina, single and alone, takelhIbreel,
&c." I would then adoptsemion ayrs
resort and believing that our politicalsestsep
was at its crisik, would consent to the ezeriment
of plunging South Carolina ints this "Ocea of
uncertainty;" with that hope wbiehis the rt
comfort of all secessionists-the hopeAiUt so e e
of the States of the South may Womd
rescue. - -
I desired to say more on other poinswhei
have been misinterpreted and. misgiote_
matters-of a private nature are nqw . -ng pqg
my time and-my labour.
TO THE PEOPLE 01 EGEFIE
It' would be a reproach to yourn
for any citizen, to endeavoio peii
we have hot reached a point in the
State, that demands all your viglani u
ment, courage, and firames. - tteiptsiae
been, and will b'nade-to deoeve'anf7aislua
you,.by timid men, and by unworthy .iriige n .
Many of you have already been ..etrya p
great error. The-truth has not. been is n
and the true issues for.y.fj eie
been fairly presented to your minds. T
vidual who addresses bas no
rations to and Wre no
what le now has to say;'r foi 'AmiA
studiously kept hidden from the pu-ia*.
me, then, with patience and confidence. .
Among the many specio r agintea1. uto
divert you from the sale qutiortimIhuld
now engross your-thoughtsankyur
if yott mean to. vindicatd yourtghif,iltha
shallow coaterfeit of a reas, tyiir 4
gates did -not sere you with felit* 4
Session of the Legslature "6. vo -o
call of a Convention-ofthi
to your wishes and your ei i onbk iy
unholy -attempt to.:injure a rig
casting an unmerited i --
Let this argiment b i i
scrutiny and'if.0siin
stiepredeltendne on"
to tierre
.'which weel"pti.
peetand homait
should be guarded udj te
chastity of yourdaug iai it ehomlkh 4
egually-as sensiltive to iniydatras reudygts.
repel every rude stifsiit3.il1 adinonliye,
that you willapei te mrdsilrrde
. bus sovereigns, and 'hbi er-in'equtW.
proofs of your claims toth'atligkppellistion,if
your servants are the only beings en -earth fromas
whom you can resent an injury. -Every -cow
ardly little monster een tyrannize over-i.s slave.-.
It is very unbecoming in -you to expend yournc
wrath and fieroc resentment on-those whorsse
complish your behests with fear andtremliing,
while you are meely enduring from-the-hndof.
a strong man,. the foules-t -enormities that, ever
blighted the prosperity of a once free people.
The truth is, you had no right-to expect to be
consulted in relation to the calling of your State
Contention.. It was impossible that -you eool
have been advised in that regard. You re
often asked, even until the question becamedsa
miliar to your ear, if we should resist in tl4
event of the passage by Congress of certainh
noxious measures recommended by the famous
Committee or Thirteen, and Amen wa teldd
response from everf heart and ee'ryilip
Now, my Fellow-Citizenu, I enghitifewvr
you well, for I have lived long amoneityen na~
I have endeavored toexjpore every avenue-that.
leads to your hearts. I shall speak plainly-o
you, because I have enjoyed your heilftiltjl
confidence, and honesty needs no-coueeids~t,
You are -reasonable men-gallant sadih
toned, while you keep your tempers 1mfeba
manly control, and you never play..the tyrants,
until you are mastered bfpaaion','oblid b"
prejudice.- You are then, as
any other angry people. Listenr
argument, and if you hate even'tl~e mdt~
rate patience and capacity for rieetio(T4W
prove to you, beyond donbt, t1Nstion1iP
the sade ofa reason to complaiba ist ---
consulted about the Convention.
During the Canvass last yea, for ueatiitthe
General Assembly, it was- not certainly haimgsur
that'the various Billatermedthe",Cmpis4ijg't
would, at any time, receive the sanegen~ikhe
National Legislature.. On the contrarygwead
good grounds to hope that they..would nggo
the passage of the Great "OmnbbUgas
entirely defeated, and it~wagnt until)lekte
year, that its various passenges gerelbroget
into Congress for a separate hearing. Th.ar
rupt barga'inwith Texas, u4h ctestahlish'
ing a Territorial Gove meti4IO .
aid not receirve the assent of thefjeisigi
the 9th of Septemnber y and~h~t~
mission of the State of C 4 e
was also only approved~uh ., -
sets establishing..a rtoil
Utah, and amending the.
btaineathe approvalo
he 18th offetsae
njustie-.to suppressa.

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