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mo't to' -otco clcu
- "We will cling to the Pillars of the Templo of our Liberties, and if it must fall we will erish wmidst the Ruins.'
W. EDURISOE, Prprieo.EDGEFIELD, S C OCTOBER 16185
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There is a king, a stern old king,
Who hath ruled since the world began,
And all of the earth are doomed from their birth,
To undergo his ban;
And he cares not he, whoe'er they may be,
Who bend before his frown;
With a scornful laugh, he bids them quaff,
And drain the death-dahught down.
And when he eomes near men, quake with fear,
Though they boast when he is not nigh
That they will not shrink, but fearlessly drink,
And bid the world good bye t
Ah me! how they pray the livelong day,
Should he take them at their word.
And the frantic groan, and feeble moan,
In mournful tones are heard!
He ealls aloud for the bier and shroud,
And points to the glootny pall,
And half in jest, he says, there is rest
And room enough for them all.
The bgga with the king and his crown
The hands are pressed across their breast,
And both look up to their God!
He knocks at the door of the rich and the poor,
With the same loud thundering sound,
And with dauntless air he bids them prepare,
For their long last sleep under ground.
Men droop and die at the glance of his eye,
And wither away at his breath ;
For the name of his Kin, this stern old king,
'Is the grim, ficce conquerer, Death!
THE RICHI MAN.
BY J. W. WInITFIELD.
The Rich Man thinks his gold his own,
And all his gold can bring;
The Rich Man thinks, when thus he thinks,
A very foolish thing.
Ie builds a palace beautiful;
The graceful columns rise,
And while he thinks then all his own,
They glad a thousand eyes.
He spreads his floral garden round
The roses bud and bloom;
But with himself we all enjoy
Their beauty and perfutne.
His noble chargers paw and prance
The Rich Man's heart is proud ;
He sees them with one pair of eyes,
But thousands have the crowd.
His parlor walls are loaded down
With gems of art-to please
Himself, he thinks-to please, in truth,
The poorest man that sees.
TIhe stately ball, the cultur'd grove
The park with pebbled way
The leaping fount that sweetly sings
For these he has to pay.
And pay that other eyes may gaze
And feast without a care ;
The joy is ours, the task his own
To please them and prepare.
BY ARITEMETICAL PROGRtESsION.
Last summer while engaged in the tobac.
co and eigar business, I used to have for
customer in cheap cigars, one of those know.
ing fellows whose knowledge serves bettet
to bore his victims than to advance science
You couldn't make him believe that-oh, no
Tell him they wvere regalia cigars that cos1
$40 per thousand !--it might stuff down th<
throats of those who knew no better; he was~
none of them. And so it was with everything
he always knew best. It always appeared I<
be his delight to draw me into some contro.
versy, no matter what the subject, in order t<
hear himself hold forth. I tried every way
could think of to cireumvent him, and at lengti
I did succeed in laying him out as flat as
It was on a Saturday afternoon, he cmi
in, made his purchase, and seated himself, t<
deal me out his usual potion; but I wai
awake for him.
nCaptain," said T, "I have made up my min
to go to California, and, if you wish to go int
a speculation, now is your time."
"As how ?" said he.
"Why, you see them fifteen boxes ofecigars
well, there are tum hndred .nd fift in e:ac
box, and I uill let you have the wmole fifteen
at a low rate, providing you take them all."
"Very well," said my friend, "let's hear the
"You give me one cent for the first box,
two cents for the second, four cents for the
third, and soon, doubling upon every box."
"Done !" said he, "fetch on your eigars.
S'pose you think I haven't money enough
"Not at all, so let's proceed ; here's the first
He drew from his pocket a lenthern purse.
and out of it a handful of coin.
"And here's the cent," said he, depositing
a green discolored copper on the counter.
"Here's your second box."
"And here's vour two cents."
"Very well; here's your third box."
"And here's your fourcents," said lie chuck.
"Here's your fourth box."
"Exactly. And here's your eight cents!
"Here's your fifth box."
"And here's your sixteen cents." C
"Here's your sixth box."
And-Ha! ha! ha!-here's your thirty.
"Here's your seventh box."
"And he're-ha! by Jove the joke is getting
too rich-here's your sixty-four cents and a
ne:rly half your cigars are gone." a
"Here's your eighth box," said I, assuming r
a cool indifference that perfectly astonishea
"And here's yorr dollar and twenty-eight
"Here's your ninth box."
"And here's your-let me see-ah! two a
dollars and fifty-six cents."
"Here's your tenth box."
Here he drew his wallot thoughtfully, nnd
on the slate made a small calculation.
"And here's your five dollars and twelve t
"Here's your eleventh box."
"And here's your-twice five is ten, twice
twelve is twenty-four-ten dollars and twen
At this stage of the game he had got quite
docile, and I continued
'-Here's your twelfth box; hand over twen
ty dollars and forty-eight cents."
Here the globules of perspiration, large as
marrowfat peas, stood out in bold relief on :
his face, but at length he doled out the sum.
"Here is your thirteenth box-fork over 3
your forty dollars and ninety-six cehts." 1
At this crisis lie looked perfectly wild.- r
The sweat was pouring off him in streams,
and the tobacco juice was ruuning out of his
IForty ninety-ski-f I do-I do, but ff I do d
mav I be hanged!" p
And taking his pile into his hat, he crushed
it en his head, and made his exit at a rate of
speed altogether unheard of; and I have ne- .
ver seen him near enough to speak to him
front that day to this.-Spirit of the Times. C
DArK Houns.-There are hours, dark hours, t1
that mark the history of the brightest 8
year. For not a whole month's in any of the
millions of the past, perhaps, has the sun
shone brilliantly all the time. And there have
been cold and stormy days in every year. P
And yet the mists and shadows of the dark- n
est hours were dissipated, and flitted heed
lessly away. The cruelest of the ice-fetters
have been broken and dissolved, and the most
furious storm lose its power to harm. And
what a parable is all this of human life-of
our inside world, where the heart works at
its destined labors. Here, too, we have the
overshadowings of dark hours, and many a
cold blast chills the heart to its core. But
what matters it? Man is born a hero, and it
is only by darkness and storms that heroism
rains its greatest and best development and J
illustration; then it kindles the black cloud I
into a blaze of glory, and the storm bears it N
more rapidly to its destiny. Despair not then.
Never give up; while one giod power is
yours, use it. Disappointmentt will be real
ized. ~Mortifying failure many attend this ef
fort and that one ; but only be hionest, and
struggle on, and it will work well.
WVoRK IF You WO'LD RIsE.-fti( hard Thfte
beitg founid in a reverie shortly after an ex-t
traordinary display in Parliament by his bro
thter Edmund Burke, and questioned by a
f:iend as to the cause, replied: "I have been
wvonderine how Ned has conitrived to monop
olire all tire talents of' the family: but thent
againt, I remember when we were at play he
was always at wvork." Thte force of this an
ecdote is increased by the fact, that Richard
Burke was consid:red' not interior in natural
talents to his brother. Yet the one rose to
greatness, wvhile the other died comparatively
obscure. Don't trust to your genmus, youtng
man, if you would rise, but work ! work!I
A GooDi JoKE.-The Adrian (Michigan),
Expositor is responsible for the following:*
A tall keen-eyed countryman stepped into the
Court-room at Detroit, the other day, during
the progress of the railroad trial. Stepping
up to a spectator, lie requested that the pri
soners might be pointed out to him. The
man he accosted, being somewhat of a wag,
poitited towards the jury. The fellow scann
ed the twelve wvith his interesting eye: w'hen
satisfied with the scrutiny, turned to his in
former, and whlispered, "Wvell, they are a hard
looking set, aint they. I know by their looks.
they ought to go to the State Prison, every
one of them !"
EniucTIos.-Eduention must be made ac
cessible to all-as accessible as the air of
heaven. It is quite as necessary for the vig
orous developement and healthy operation of
the intellectual man as the pure atmosphere
is to the mere animal frame. Without edu
eation the rising generation can no more per
form and discharge the duties of intelligent,
1moral, and responsible beings, than mere sa
vages or skeletons can be expected to per
form the functions or use of civilized and liv
To know how bad you are, you must be
come poor; to know how bad other peo
u le are, you must become rich. Many a man
thinks it is virtue that keeps him from turn
ing rascal, when it is only a full stomach. Be
careful, arid not mistake principles for pota
FOR THE ADVERTISER.
Dol. John Cunningham's Letter,
po THE SECESSIoN BARBACUE, HELD AT
MOUNTAIN CREEK, ON THE 5TH INST.
SALUDA RivER, LAURENS,
3rd October, 1851.
GENTLEMEN :-It was my intention to have
oeen with you to-morrow, but the sickness of a
hild now prevents. It would have afforded me a
insual pleasure to have addressed a meeting,
vhose high motto, as you represent, is "Action,"
,nd " who have unfurled the flag of resistence, to
tand or fall under its folds, until every right
Lear to freemen is secured." I have in Into dis
ussions heard so much to dull and depress the f
ensibility of the spirit of free inderendence, that
hose sentiments seem gratefully to freshen the
urrent of my life-blood; and my heart leaped
rithin me to respond to them in person in clarion 1
I can but regard the scheme, called co-opera- i
ion, to be now as submission in its tendency, and
s mischievous in its debilitating influcnce, as it r
Iways has been hopeless and futile in furnishing 4
esistance to the effects of the monstrous wrongs
f the past, and protection against the impending
in and dangers of the future. As a contri
ance to wheel.South Carolina into the Southern I
ne, now commanded by STErnENs, CLEMENS
nd FOOTE, and under a blank flag of acquies
ent submission, it should startle into execrating
epudiation our indignant souls. But as a politi- 4
a] policy, it is barely worthy of position even on
ie Georgia platform. Georgia accepted the
1easures of the last Congress as a Compromise
-as a matter agreed upon and claimed to be a
ettlemnent between the North and the South,
ad furnishing a sort of binding guarantee
gainst further wrongs and injuries. But while
ur Carolina submissionists, also would tamely
ink into subjection to those measures putupon us
s the doom of Southern institutions and equali
r, they do not even give us a nominal guarantee
bat we will not be " kicked and cufred" again
en, not even the pretext of its violation, which
light make them (as self-respect and good faith
iight compel Georgia to do) rise in resistance,
The object of Congress and the North is to
estroy our institutIons mia' property, and yet
reserve the Union too. To this end a great
arty organization, called by the syrene name of 1
Union party," was agreed upon and entered
ito at Washington over a year ago, to force the
'ompromise, and all sneh aggressive measures,
own upon the country. The practical creed of
iis party is, that a State has not the right to t
eede, or at any rate shall not do so ; that it is
ierefore not soverign ; and that the Union, right
r wrong, despotic or weak, must and shall be
reserved, cost what it will, if rivers of blood and
iountains of treasure. This creed is now as
rted and proclaimed, as that of the President
nd his Cabinet, of a controlling majority of f
ongress and of the two great national parties,
Vhig and Democrat, of all the Northern States
3ur majority oppressors), and, to all practicable
urposes, of even the parties who have carried
ie elections of the South. Stephens, Toombs,
obb, Clemens, King, Foote and such recreants,
re the too!s and represeftfatives of this gigantic
anta. Delay fd submission nota. upon our
art, will be acquiescence, either of silence or of
eakness, in that end ; and the history of this
dasis will practically, for all porposea of despotice
ower, establish it as a precedent and doctrine.
Ye must crushi these principles, and shiver this
ombination noto, or we w~ill be allowed no basis
a resist any of the pending aggressitons verging
to emancipation on the one hand, and national
espotismn on the other :and wheni the dlesola
ion, horrors of that final measure compel us in
ecessitous desperation to fight that despotism on
no side, and our slaves on the other, it will be
ounited at forlorn, scattered, treasonable resolu
ion, over which the winds of heaven will sweep
he moans of a world's execution. State sover
ignty and the incident right of secession are the
niy shield and sword for the defenaco and pre
ervation of our political liberties and domestic
nstitutions, They are ::cte important thtan
lavery, and all other interests and privileges,
secause they constitute b:.ti the foundation of
hem, and the structure which is the horne and
eastle of their existence. The issue in reality is,
MOR RI10n'r AND PRIACTIet OF sEL.F-GOVERNMEN'r
-the only basis of popular liberty."
This issue being made and put upon us note,
cc must meet it and resist noto. We can only
lo so by a practical and ensubdued assertion of
hese cardinal powers and rights of secession.
[at is the use of them; and "possession" or
>ossesors use is more thai: "nine points" in
If Congress and the North, alias the Federal
rovernment, will in a definite and binding form
icknowledge the sovereignty of the States sever
illy, and the consequent right of secession (both
>f which arc great historical political truths), we
night probably have an inducement to await the
novemnent of our sister States of tho South,
;oaded into action by past and other wrongs, as
hen, we would hold our means of resistance in
mur hands, ever ready for use. But when the
memy is stealing into our very ranks and tents
a disarm us, shall we consent to sink into and
join the sleep of Southern submission and indif
erenee! No, by showing them our " dragons
teeth," those enemies will recoil in terror before
the aovereignties of States and the long lines of
their freemen, who will spring up under this
great issue at the sound of our "cery to arms,"
and we can save ourselves and the South too.
In lsotnan hear nd ponder upon the words
.d thing is to bring on this common struggle at
no distant day, If nine millions of people
give up all that they are worth without a
in struggle, then will all history be contradicted
, and all experience falsified. I will not stop
r- to show, that there is an organized Southern
m Rights party throuahout the whole South,
it united on this singYe issue, and contending
i- with zeal and wisdom for the very result
to -which Secessionists and Co-operationists in
this State desire to accomplish. I will draw
no inference from the fact, that a new era has
? dawned in the history of our country by the
organization of a Disunion party. The mo
- ment the Southern States unite on the single
question of domestic slavery-shall it be
the Union is either dissolved or the institu
tion is perpetually secured. The former is
what we must look to, for when the contest
arises on the single question, the Southern
and the Northern races will have become so
distinct, that longer Union will be impossible.
Why then this fiery impatience? Why at
e. tempt to hurry our allies faster than they are
1 willing to go? We seem to forget, that the
people of South Carolina have been over
twenty years in learning to look upon this
Union as any thing else than a very great
e blessing, and actually are so impatient with
a our sisters, that we upraid them with oppro
e brious epithets, because in the short time
from the Address of the Southern Members
of Congress to the present, they have not
learned to look upon the Union with the same
feelings that we regard it. And because they
are unwilling to move as fast as we desire, it
. is gravely proposed to cut loose from them,
making no distinction between'the Northern
enemy and the Southern friend. Can any
proposition be more startling? The condi
tion of the slave power in the world is pecu
R liar and critical, all nations on the face of the
earth of any strength, are opposed to the
institution of domestic slavery. Its strength
is the Union of the States in which it is. And
yet the Action party of South Carolina, as
I they call themselves, ask us to tear away
0 from this slave Union and subject the institu
tion in South Carolinian to certain anihila.
tion; for it is the extreme of fatuity to sup
pose, that we alone can maintain it against
the opposition of the whole world. We are
7 met here, however, with the assurance and
f ope, that if we do secede and the institution
-t is attacked; the other Southern States wi!i
e come to our aid. I suppose they woold, if a
I direct and open attack be made, tut does any
it man suppose that would be the case ? We
e must give our enemies credit -for some saga
n city, inasmuch as they have been overreach
L ing us for the last thirty years, and conclude
hat theywill do nothing to excite the hostil
ity of the other Southern Sfatei.' A people
can be ruined as effectually by the arts of peace
as by the arts of war. A war of diplomacy
and tariffs, can render our property in a very
short time, perfectly valueless. Such a war
h costs neither blood or treasure-it excites
neither pity or sympathy-it will waste us
away until our people, sik and tired, and dis
y heartened with the constant drain, will either
come back to the place from whence they have
been seduced, or beg to be incorporated
among those from whom they have fled.
What a destiny is this for South Carolina,
t proud South Carolina! who can contemplate
it and not feel his cheek burn? We produce
nothing that those opposed to us cannot get
in abundance elsewhere,-and as to our trade,
n South Carolina might be blotted out instant
ly, and it would not interrupt the commerce
of the world a single hour. You are told,
however-secede, and you will be strong and
e powerful, rich and prosperous. How are you
to be trong and powerful, with no army or
or navy ? How are you to be rich and pros
perous with neither trade or commerce ? You
d are deceived with the notion of strengeh and
t riches-but no one condescends to tell you
how. Secede! action! is the word; and the
o people are expected to march off without one
d thought of the morrow. No preparation, no
r fixed plan of government, no provision for
e the future. If some of us stop to enquire
eabout thme 'propriety of this hasty movement,
d wve are urged forward with the cry of submis
Ssioni. If some of us stop to dispute the wis
.dom of this rash step, we are silenced with
. the sneer of cowardice. If some of us ask
n what is to be the cost of all this thing, we are
shouted down with the cry of mercenary.
SThe whole object seems to be to keep the
. blood in one perpetual bol, in order that the
? brain may not have time to act. Did ever a
ywiise people act so before-or did ever a peo
,fple so acting,nachieve anything great? No.
n The people must begin to think for them
e selves,-they have a right to know what this
? thing is to lead to-what is to be its cost,
L and what is to be its danger.
- Rash men count neither cost or danger
if brave men count both. The former com
it menec before they are ready, and generally
n fai.-The latter make due preparation, and
r- generally succeed. Now, I ask any plain man
>f in the country, what preparation has South
I Carolina made for breaking up this govern
y ment under which wve now live, and forming
g a new oiie? It'is utterly idle to sny what the
present State government will do, because the
e present State government is based upon our
erelations with the Federal government :-the
. Secession party proposes to break up all those
irelations, and form entirely new and distinct
eones. What preparation have we made for
, that ? Will we be told that the Legislature
- has appropriated three hundred and fifty thou.
is sand dollars to buy arms: Why, the arms
as thus bought will not be more than enough
ni than the Eitate will require in times of the
r most profound quiet. And yet this is all the
n preparation that has been made. Upon this,
if however, we are called upon to dash upon an
as experiment which may bring upon us the com.
>f ined horrors of a civil and' a, servile war. I
r- could counsel you to risk this, if I saw any
te good likely to result from it. I could coun
lo sel you to submit to grinding taxes, to an in
m definite depreciation of property, to a loss of
l all the comforts of life, if in the future I could
h, but dimly see redress for your wrongs, and
t' security for your rights. But when I look
-ei and see nothing but a hopeless struggle and
r final defeat, I ask myself, in wonder and as.
e. tonishment, whore is the wisdom that used to
d, guide our councils ? A moment's reflection
- convinces me, that all the wisdom is not yet
re gone. Calhoun and McDuffie have gone
f down to the grave, but your own Butler is
af here-arwell and Cheves still speak with
you; and but yesterday, the old man who had in
retired to hismountain-home to compose-him- bi
self for death, came forth and made yet one to
more effort for his beloved State. They all to
tell you with one voice, that this Secession T
policy is not the true policy. Are these men se
to be disregarded1 What motive have they B
to deceive yor? Their highest ambition has li,
been gratified. All, except Butler, who wears th
the harness, not for himself, but for you, have in
voluntarily Fafd down the honors of life, and rn
gone into close retirement,-they can have et
nothing at heart but their country's good, and in
I tell you they speak the words of seriousness
and truth. Are-, you will be told, has cooled cc
their fires. Who spoke with more fire and ar
energy at Nashville, than Cheves? Who m
stood up more bravely in Washington, than tr
Butler, when he battled all alone? Who th
hurled defiance at Clay more fiercely than at
Barnwell ? Not he who succeeded him. cij
These men have that tried wisdom and assur- n<
ed courage which needs not the excitement cc
of notion to keep it alive-and I have hereto. lal
fore believed, and still believe, that it requires m
no artificial stimulant to keep up the fire and co
courage of the South Carolina people. They w
are up to the mark now-they have been so w
for twenty years, and he who tells them that ki
if they do not rush forward now, they will su
lose their courage and tamely submit to any a i
wrong, calumniates and insults them. in
I did not intend to review the gradual sta. cc
ges of decay which the State must fall into, th
after she has been erected into a nation, liv- fri
ing altogether by sufferance, but this has been cc
done so often, and it is so sickening to the pr
patriotic heart to think how low South Car. be
olina will fall under such a policy, that I for- to
bear. Let nts all determine to stand by our so
beloved State, in every fortune. The time st!
is at hand when every man must do his duty;
and if we be true to ourselves, we may, on the se
second Monday in October, yet show that rea. ta)
son still holds her sway and check now, be. sej
fore it goes too far, the fatal policy of sepad no
rate secession. hi,
I am, gentlemen, with much respect, thi
Very truly yours, of
A. R. ALDRICH, an
Col. John C. Allen, and others. dr
Letter of Hen. J. Ps Richardson. Or
CLARENDoN, Aug. 25, 1851. rie
Gentlemen-I regret that circumstances be- fo:
yond my control deprive me of the pleasure in
of accepting your kind invitation to attend the ed
patriotic festivity with which you propose to ty
honor one of your fellow-citizens. tir
Allow me to assure you gentlemen, that th
the patriotic zeal which your District has man- w,
ifested for the preservatiorref'outhen Rights hi
and Institutions, has awakened a most grati- cc
fving pride of recollection in those old party ra
and political associations, by which I wits in N,
other times and earlier life, so interestingly in
connected with you. I cannot be insensible w,
to the fact, that zealous and ready as I be- ne
lieve all her citizens are for her defence, yet ve
there is no portion of the people of South
Carolina, who have manifested a warmer or so
more active sympathy for her wrongs, than c
those imbued with the Union principles of ti
Nor could it consistently be othervise. at
Who more hopeful of a returning sense ofjus- be
tice in this Union that they were? And whose of
confidence has been more signally and mani- T
festly abused? Who, but a distinguished nc
member of the Union party, in the very ear. ea
liest stages af our then controversy, suggest- wj
ed secession as the true, the only and legiti- lo"
mate remedy of an aggrieved sovereign of this Gi
Confederacy? Who but ourselves, gentle- lie
men, the "echo" being still upon my lips- ra;
and the sanction of it coming then fresh and co
warm from the bosoms of my party associ- te
ates-proffered our allegiance and our duty th,
to obey behests of South Carolina In such a ha
contingency, and asked only that she would an
forbear its exercise until our domestic insti- Ai
tution became the subject of aggression; ed
when the whole South (as we hoped) would pri
rise up as one man, and in that man but one wi
heart, and in that heart but one throb, to re- jec
pel it? It has come; the contin'reney has si<
happened; the pledge is demnande<Y; and we ca
at least, I am happy to perceive, are ready to
redeem it. the
It would certainly then, be a strange des- fo1
tiny-a peculiar accident in party positIon- th
and an extreme and obstinate persistance in ev
Federal conservatism, that wvould not only gr
array us against our owvn remedies, but in ev. us
ery contest for her rights in perpetual oppo. cC
sition to the action and the measures of South mi
Carolina; and as in the present instance in
the very issue, in which we proposed that
they should be applied.
Neither can I abandon the hope that in all
the essentiatl elements of resistance, there is
really no discord or division among any class
or portion of her citizens. If the question be
one of ultimate secession, or ultimate sub- re
mission to Federal interference with our in- SP
stitutions-who is thtere that will differ with U
us ? If the expedient preferred be that ofeco
operation, who does not desire it? wvho does g(
not seek it ? who are more earnestly striving 01
to obtain it, than those of our fellow-citizens T
who, while they deem it "to be worth great bi
and many sacrifices, yet cannot consent to
purchase it wvith the sacrifice involved in sub- S
mission?" On the other hand, if there be Pt
those amongst us wvho would by a rash and m
precipitate course of action, repel any reason
able prospects of a Southern Co-operation, I -
anm sure that I would be doIng no Injustice at
to the patriotism of the distinguished gentle- D
man, whose valuable public services the oe.
easion itself is intended to honor, to assert fo
that he would himself rebuke and come out
from among them." Butif after all other ex- at
pedlents have failed, secessIon should indeed
indeed prove the only ultimate mode of pro- E
curing co-operation or redress, who is there tfn
of any class or party among my fellow-citi. is
zens, that [ dare accuse of a craven and trea- na
sonable determination to barter the rights and C
sovereignty of South Carolina, for peace or P
pelf, rather than resort to separate State ac
That secession may become a necessaryr
precedent to co-operation, cannot reasonably
be questioned. We know that It is often ea
sier for men to move than to think together
-and that States as well as individuals, may
be induced to meet issues which they are re- ic
inctant to .nnienl. u Suternn Confederate- p
>f the gallant Howardr Georgia, an unterrifi
mid uneorrupted Actiotist:
"If we (Georgia) chbose to put up with o
)ression and marked d r~dation, it is no reasm
or her (South Carolin lfollowing our inglorio
xamplo. She has the'glt to judge for hersel
Md unless some of the other sovereign Stat
)y their votes maintain the right of aeceasion,
a most probable that will put the Gover:
nent to the test of red ing a sovereign State
"Who will fight ti battle against Carolint
When Georgia and At ma, Florida, Tenne
ce and North Carolina shall be called on to fu
ish troops to fight this * ttle for abolition, Ca
,lina will not be the nly field drenched
1lood." * * "If tSouthern States we
o assert the right of sjfcession, it would put i
nd to all the threatened collisions."
Thus speaks a true 9outhron. But more, r
elow.eitizens. Wheifwe act, before Congre
an get at us, it must decide against the sove
ignty of the States ird the right to seced
Then Southern Representatives and States w
here throttle that new hydra of war and powe
r be compelled to rally as a rampart around i
a defence of their own existence. This t1
'ederal Government will never dare risk, at
nust "let us go in -peace;" and then in pea
there will go with u.,
Your obliged fellow-citizen,
Messrs. R. C. Griffin, James Sheppard,Z. V
arwile, James H. Mims, E. Andrews, . (
)unonvant, Committeeof Invitation.
Letter from Col. A. P- Aldriel
)F BARNWELL, IN REPLY TO A REQUEST F0
A COPY OF .I3S.SPEcH:
BARNWELL C. H., Sept. 30, 1851.
Gentlemen:-It was my intention to con
lv with your earnest request and send yoi
or publication, a copy of the speech which
ad the honor to make to a portion of ti
atriotie people of :Edgefield District,
)orn's, on the 20th jeptember last. I fin
owever, that my gagements will put
ntirely out of mygpower, and I must be
ou to believe, that mothing but urgent n
essity could make me disappoint you.
here is anything which I have more at hen
iow than all things-else, it is to prevent tt
uicidal policy of immediate separate secel
ion. States, like individuals, have no rig!
o commit suicide. 'That immediate separal
tate secession will i$dliet entire ruin upo
outh Carolina, I hadi not the least doub
[hat calm endurnd&tr alittle. while, wi
tuite the other Southern States, certain]
he Cotton States, in a solid phalanx again!
he powers of the North, I am firmly pe
nded. How much better then, is it to e:
libit the calm courage of a firm people wai
ng for the time to strike, than the feverie
.xiety of a fanatie people, destroying then
elves because they are unable immediate]
o redress their wrongs. I would not see m
tate dishonored, but I cannot consent to sc
ny State destroyed for no good. If by d
.troving South Carolina we could secure f<
he other slave-holding States "indemnit
or the past and security for the future."
night be that we could make the sacrifie,
ut to lose all for ourselves, and gain nothin
or our friends and allies, is an extent of d<
otion which can hardly be distinguished froi
nsanity. What are we asked to do? Ren
dvan'evil? No! Restore our rights? N(
dress our wrongs? No! What then
ake an exhibition of guixotic resistant
hich is neither demanded by our position <
ur pledges. South Carolina is in the ver
eart of the slave territory, and from her pi
ition will be the very last State to be affectc
y the abolition phrensy. She has lesst
take than almost any other State in t
.onfederney. Her people are less likely I
migrate with, their men servants and mai
erimts to thte new territory, than any oth
eOplel in the Union. She has made no sing0
>ledge on her statute book, but to co-operal
ith her Southern sisters. She has so'
ouh less thani Virginia, Georgia and Missi
ippi Why then this excitement? Is it bi
:use a heated body, hatstily convened witi
,ut authority, dear to counsel, bent upt
arrying otut the policy of a few, disregardirl
,he onnosel of the wise and experieuced, hat
letermined upon a course of action concei
d in passion and acted upon in excitement
tre the people to execute that policy calm]
tad deliberz'telv against the convictions
heir matured 'ad better judgment? (C
his be wisdom ? Can South Carolina lot
ouor and charactcr by refusing such a lead
think not, and I feel satisfied, that the gre
~ody of the people will decide in like ma
er. To the hasty and passionate action
he self-constituted May Convention, mu
e traeced the presernt excitement and divisic
n thc State, the people have now the oppo
unity to check this spirit, In the election<
eputies to the Southern Congress, and
1pe they will embrace the occasion to alb
he party heat and strife which is fast growir
n the State.
The simple proposition before the peop
riow is, wvill separate secession by the Sta
>f South Carolina, put us in any better pot
tion than the one we now occupy ? If it wi
the State ought to secede. If it will not, tI
tate ought not to secede. I repeat her
what I have said elsewhere, that the first it
pulse of every true, brave, Southern heart,
o throw off' the government which oppress
s, and if wye listened to impulse rather th:
reason, we would say, et us brave any clang
rather tihan endure these wrongs. But wvhm
we come to reason the matter we see, that
wo exercise the calm courage which endur'
until it is ready to strike, we run no risk
defeat and will gain all our demands. A
gression has progressed so far now, that tI
rntest, on the questiun of slavery, is
longer a contest betweet the States as Stat,
and the Government, btt between the peop
of the North and the people of the Soul
as two distinct races. This is the distin
issue. The Submissiotists demand, that v
isolate the people of South Carolina fro
this Southern race on this Southern issu
Those opposed to separte secession deman
that we make common eruse with this Sout
en race, feeling confiddit that together v~
must share a common victory. I will n
ston to shnw, that tha imvitnhle tnencv
my refuse to co-operate with =n in counci
it irresistible circuinstaneescncompelthem
co-operate in-actior.. They any be deaf
our warnings and our entreaties now.
hey may bid us save ourselves N we ean,.or
ek our own destruction if it pleaseth uA.,
it when we kindle our beacon fires, thei
,ht will. Illume their own hill-tops. Wlien
e Government throws the firebrands of war
our midst, they must soon and -speedily
sh to extinguish a conkagraton,which must
herwiseinevitablyconsume te diyidwell
No, gentlemen, I cannot be misfien inmy
nfidence, that the State wift be inited in
y possible emergency, which.could.com.
and either the blood, the sacrefice, or.the
!asure of her citizens. I cannot but'believe
at whatever apparent diversity may.fist
long us, is more imaginary than real, auti.
iated rather than realized. I have yet seen
road diverging from the broad and Ilberual
urse indicated in the proeeedings of our
.e Southern Rights Convention, which the
Yst captious, or conservative patriotism
uld reasonably prefer, I know no party
io would not postpone seeession to any
il-grounded assurance of co-operation. f
iow no sound Co-operationist who prefers
bmission even to the magnifed horrers of
separate independence. We have ristened
vain to the sagest and the ablest of our
unsellors of all parties, if there be aught iAL
e consequences of secession, or the mii
iitless and abortive experament of
uld be essayed) worse than the illlst,
esent and future-they have depicted .esu
aring or having borneasAs all comparable
the horrors of that dooink*hch they have
solemnly presaged tW&pnd over our in.
tutions i this nion...
The honor and the rhts fa State are in.
parably connected. 1oikoCarolina hating
cen the positlon,that she has; having as
rted her rights, rehearsed her wrongs, an..
unced her determination, and invoked the
hest elements of sovereignty itself to affirmn
-m, I would not fear to trust the question
her course, or her duty to the decision of
y class of her citizens. Resistance or re.
ass with her, is certainly a foregone conele
in. She has called her Convention; she has
ganized her resources; she has establisheA
r encampments; she has erseted her armo
a; she has lavished her treasure to prepare
e the issue; and when the unquestionable
port of these things comes to beconsideir
under the solemn and official r'espnalbil& -
of those to whom she has refee her des
iy, who among them can be insensible to
3 obligations which they imposel: He
>uld perpetrate a bolder act than Cosar
nself when-he piased-th RUibicoIfho
uld propose, in an assembly like that, to
tify the dishonor or submission of the State.
)r would he be actuated by an ambition less
iane than the Ephesian incendiary, who
yuld rashly plunge South Carolina into a
edless and perilous contest to reap an har.
At of fame, of glory, or of political spoils.
If secession, Ine!uding as it does all rea.
nable time, means and appliances, to pro.
.re co-operation be not the remedy-what
en is? Let any one show a safer, a spee.
er, a stronger or a more practical expedient,
.d I for one will follow him. There may
those among us seemingly, too impatient
delay-too heedless of conseguences.
?mper their zeal kindly if you will; but do
t crush the principle-do not abjure the
use. The spirit of resistance is already
,11 nigh extinguished in the South. It has
Ig 'nee palsied under Federal triumph.
-orgia; it even now flickers with doubtful
ht in Mississippi; and in Virginia, not a
( gleams through the darkness of her late
unsels. One more act of dishonor submit.
I to; one more aggression unresisted; ano
.r wrong endured, and the whole South will
ye become prepared to renounce its allegi.
ce to Its own sovereigns and institutions.
Carolinians, we will have become asham.
of our nativity, we will venerate our op
3ssors as our superiors; we will go abroad
th shame upon our brow and carry our de
ted heads with the blush mantling suffu..
n on our cheeks, of a degraded and perse
Let us then not despond of unanimity in
counsels of the State. Let us not do the
i1 work for the Abolionists of disarming
State of its energies. Let us conciliate
ery diversity of opinion which tends to the
cat point of resistance. And above all let
resolve, that whether it be by secession or
-operation, that our Southern institutions
ist and shall be preserved.
JoHn P. RmcnAjtsoir.
Messrs. 3. Galluchat, Daniel Brown, C.
Cauthen, A. Goock, J. D. Mcllwain.
OPzioxs ABuoAr.--We clip the following
'narks from the Texas Republican. In
eaking of Gen. Waddy Thompson, and the
iionists in this State, that paper says;
"Men who hold this doctrine can do no
od in South Carolina: and if they were
t of the State it wvould be much better.
es feeling there is not the growth of a day,
t has been maturing for years.
"If we are to believe the papers of that
ate, and public sentiment as evinced In
blic meetings, the feeling is altnost unani.
ius in favor of separate State action.
" It is worse than profitless-it is criminal
to disguise the position of South Carolina
this time, Her convention assembles in
ceember, and the members to it were elec
a upon the Issue of union or disunion, the
rmer having a majority of about ten to one,
~e have been nothing to give us any assur
ce that public sentiment has changed.
" In view of' these facts, we see but two
iys to stave off the crisis, which is hasten.
g with the unerring certainty of time. One
to hold the convention of Southern States,
asked by South Carolina, and which we
neeive she has a right to expect, or to ap.
u to her through our Legislatures. If the
uth adopt either mode, we hope she may
sist upon a permanent settlement of the
avery question, by which it may be put at
IF from our youth up we have borme a
>,od character, no one whose good opin.
nis worth having believes the evil re.