Newspaper Page Text
-- - . - - . - .------"-.- - -
raie will cling to tie Pillars of Elie Temple of udour'LI fa, we wl iitraturut fle lu iw,
W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor. EDGEFIELD S. C., MARCH 29, 1854.
W. F.- I DURISOEPProprietor.- --
THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTI SER
IS PUBLISHED EVLRY WEDNESDAY B7
W. r. DURISOE, Proprietor.
ARTHUR SIXKINS, Editor.
Two DOLLARS per year, if paid in advance-Two
DoLLaRS and FwrY CrNTS if not paid? within six
months-and THREs DOLLARS if 4t paid before the
-expiration of the year. All subscriptions not distinct
IV limitetd at tile time of subscribing, will he consid
ed as made for an indefinite period, and will be con
tinued until all arreartges are paid, or at tile option
of the Publisher. Stipscriptions from other States
must invariably be accompanied with the cash or
.. eference to some one known to its.
ADVERTISEMENTS will be conspictnoustly inserted
at 75 cents per Square (l2 lines or less) for the first
insertion, and 371 cents for each subsequet insertion
When only published Mionithly or Quarterly $1, per
squsre will be charged. All Advertisemnents not
having the desired number of insertimis marked on the
margin. will be continued until forbid and charged
Those deisring to advertise hy the-year can do so on
theral terms-it being distinctly understood that con
racts for yearly advertising are confined to tile fume
diate, legitimate business of the firn or ineividul
contracting.- Transient Advertisements must be paid
for inl advance.
-or announcing a Candidate, Three Dollars, in
For Advertising Fstrays Tolled,Two ollars, to be
eid by the Magistrate advertising.
SPEECH OF HON. P. S. BROOKS,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
In the House of Represettatives U. States
March 15, 1851, on the bill providitg ' er
ritorial Governments for iNebraska and
Mr. BRooKs said : Mr. Chairman, I desire
to express my views upon the bill whiieh is
engrossing the thoughts of every Member on
this floor, and I wish to do so before the
ground is altogether covered by the arnV of
speakers who are holdirg themselves itn re
serve. Should aught of intemperante of
language' escape mie in time remarks I ami
about to make, I trust that it may be regard
ed as directed towards pritiiles and poi
tions, and not to the persons ft omt whomi tle.
I have lived long enough to learn, that to
do justice to the opinions and evei prejudices
of others, is the surest way to secure atjust
consideration of my own.
Nor, sir, does it jutmipl with my humor or
my appreeiation of honor to assail those who, I
in obedience to a local semtinmett, are averse
to a resort btt too c'ommnoi inl a warmer hit
itude. Jt is a cheap diplIy of chivalry to
ftvhen no risk is inctrred; and, for my
own part, I would prefer the conditiOni o
him w'ho bears the wound than of iitmi bv
whom it is, under stch elircumstances, need.
I am frank to avow my belief that it would
have been wiser aid itn better ketepmimtg with
the genieral interests of the couitiy, had the
hill providing Territorial Governmtmienits for
Nebraska and lnsas beet delaved until the
pressing wInts of the people of those Ter
ritori-s had c:used them to a1pply to Conl
gress for relief.
The frietnds of the bill maintain that the
so-Lcalled Missouri compromise line has heen
supt-reeded by subsequeit acts of legislatiomn
which are iticonsistent with it, and that it is
therefore virtually ainulled. I wotld have
preferred to continue ill this attitude. It would
have given us the advantages of a defensive
But, sir, the bill is before us, and it becomes
us of the South to avail otrselves of the op
pirltune occa-:sion,. to bring bacek congressiont
to) reassert the great cons1titutionatl primnciple,
thatt as th p-eople are Ite source of all polit
ical power, they have in the capacity o1
.sovere-igmn States, te inherent right of self
governmtent, andl to reg tinl our constitutintal
ight to g~o with our pr-operty, of evemy de
scription, upon any part of the public do
We rejoice to unite with otur brethirent of
the WVet im so patriotic an eniterprise, and
we rejoice thmat the stars of the Constitution
amnd of empire, are minglinig their rays to
gether in the WVest. We rejoice upotn this
coinicitdence of-opittioni between the pi-ople
of two greatt sections, which are detstinled to
grow together. imn prosperity amnd wvealth, amnd
which God has united itn a commeton initerest,
b~y that great 'ighwvay of commnerce whticht
Is-inigs the treasures of the WVest imnto the
Jltp of the South. Was the Wu1ilmnot proviso
. itncorporated into the hill, I apprehtemnd tha;t
no obstacle would lbe intergesed to its pas
sage by those wvho no oppose it. But, sir,
a certain frattertnity, who with Imhule pre
tensions, have atssumtedI to be thme onlyi relia
bile expounders of thte Consttution-thae dis
coverers of a htighter lawt thatn thte law of
God, ini obedienice to the peculiar tenets of
hbien they are required to love their breth
retn in black nmore than thtose of the same
coslor as themtselves-te-jl us in samntmnious
tones of. senatorial digntity to " maintainu
* plighted fatith." 'Tey olbject to the- bill
1st. Because of thme assumption that it was
the original policy of the country to exclude
savaery from time Territories held in cotmmoni
by the States.
~2d. Because of an act of legislation in
1820, the consideration of which has beemn
enjoyed by the slave States, and the hentefits
of w~hich have not yet accrued to the Itre
2d. Because of the assumed antagonism
of the free and slave labor, and that thte ad
missioni of slaves into these Territories will
resutlt in the exclusiont of foreign emiigrantts.
4th. Because of the immorality and the
inexpediency of slavery.
I prps to reply to the objections in the
order, in, which they are stated, arti dI inivite
.yoar attention, first, to that which is based
upon whatt is assumed to have beemn the ori
gintal policy of the country. It is not sur
prisitng that among a peoiple who have just
* emerged fromt a wastinig anud protracted war,
wvaged in the defemnce of their own liberty,
that in the tirst enjoyment of that liberty,
tmatny should have been precipitated into ex.
travatganes of opinion anad of act. There
was amn exultant feeling of triumph, natural
yet da mro, which jnervaded every rank
of society, and the prosperity of tile Amei
can States was never imore critically perilled
than at that period of time which intervenes
between the termination of the war of Inde.
pendence and the adoption of the Federal
While the States were employed in a com
mon resistance to a coimmion enemy, they
were secure agqitst rivalries and jealousies
amongst themselves. But with the relaxa.
tions of peace came the intoxications of
liberty. We were then in " the infancy of
the science of constitutions and coifedera.
eies;" and never was our victory complete
until the liberty we had achieved had been
regulated by law, and the rights of the States
ill relations to each other and to the General
Govermnent, then about to lie established,
had heen defined and guarantied by a writ.
That the light of liberty during this inter
val should have been reflected from the white
to the black man is but natural ; and that
mnei high in fame for widomn and patriotism,
have uttered sentiments adverse to the ex
tension of slav. ry, 'it would be unfair and
untrue to denv.
Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in the Federal
Convention, avow ed the opinion that slaves
" bring the judgment of heaven on a coun
rv. As nations cannot be rewarded or
punished in the next world, they must be in
this. By an inevitable chain of causes and
efl'cts. Providence punishes natiormal sins
by national calamities. He lamiented, how
e0er, that some of our Eastein brethren had,
from a lust of gain, embarked inl this nefari
Mr. Ellsworih, of Contnecticut, said : "Let
us not itteri-tidle. As population increases,
poor laborers w ill be so pletty as to render
slaves useless. Slavery, in time, will not be
a speck in tihe coumitry."
Authority may be "adduced in suppott of
a thousami exploded theories. Authority,
and high authority, nmav be brought for con
verting this Government into a consolidated
despotism, authority for givimg the President
a life tenor of office; and authority for con
erring upon him the appointment ofmenmbers
o. the other branch of this Congress. And
to what does this authority amount I You
11mv as well give the authority of Quakers
agminst war, and tihe authority of Shays's
rebellion against the hlessings of the very
liberty we had achieved IV revolution.
of what weight is the authority of Mr.
Masoun minl Virgimmia now, that the judgment
of Ieaven is visited upon the owners of
slaves? And of what weight imn Connecti.
cut is the whoksome renimstrAnce KfMr
Ellswortb, let us not iitermeddle ?
Sir, tihe judgment of Heaven has fallen
uponi our lad, amid ill such pletteous showers
Of' prosperity and of greatness, that the na
iritis of the Old World turn their eyes upon
us inl admiration and amazement. Our staple
priodnectionis-tle productions of our slaves
-fill every market inl both hemispheres.
They have so interwoven themselves wvith
the occuiatinimis, the habits, and the necessi
ties of man, that a failure of the slave crops
of America would threaten revolution in
Europe, aid bring ruin upon thousands of
our own countrymen, who, in their blind
fianaticisim, would niow spoil the udder which
has fed and fattenied theim.
The policy of a Govermnent is not to be
learned from kolated opinions, irresponsibly
given ini loose debate, but by its solemn en
actients, exect *ed in proper-form, and by
Buit, sir, since this point has beeni made,
we may leatrn mnre of the policy of the.
countrmy by examinming the opinmionis of othier
aemtlmmemi of theO Federil Convention.
il Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, observed
that " the abolition of slavery seemed to be
going1 on in time Unmited States, and that the
gonod sense of the several States wvould, pmo
baly, bmy degrees complete it."
M r. Dickinsoni, of Dela ware, " considered
it ina~dmissib'le, on every prmipille of honor
arid safety, that the importationa of slaves
should be authorized to time States by thme
Const itumt imn."
Mr. Luther Martin, of M.iryland, .wfrs for
prohibiting thme imiportationi of slaves. " It
was inconsistent with thme principles of tihe
Revtolutionm, anmd dishonorab!e to time Ameri
cmn character, to have such a feature in the
Mr. Gerry, of Massaeusetts, thought we
"had mnothimng to do with the coniduct of time
States as to siaves, but ought to lbe careful
nt to give alny sanictiomn to it."
Mr. Lngdon, of New Ihampshire, was
strenuous foir givimng this power (prohmibitimn
the imp1ortation) of slaves) to thme Genmeral
Government. " Hie could not withm a gooid
comscience leave it with the States, who
wol hngo on n ith the traffic, without
-tha~t -hywill themselves cease to import
The opinion of Mr. Mason has already
All this is plain enough, amnd puts time gen
eral dlispositiont of the convention, to pre
vent time itmportatiotn of slaves, beyond ques.
* Un where wvere time Carolimnas and Geor.
Mr. Rutledgze said : " The question at pre.
sent, is, whether time Southertn Stats shall
or shall not be parties to thme Unionm? .lf the
Northern States consult their interests the)
will tnt oppose time increase of slaves, wvhicli
will increase time commodities of which time)
will become the carriers."
Mr. Piunckney said : " South Carolinn
never can receive the plan (time Costitutiom
'if it prohibits the slave trade. In every pro
posed extension of the powers of Congress
that State had expressly and watchfully ex
eepted that of tmeddling with the tranisporta
tion of negroes."
General Pinickney " declared it to be his
firm opitnion that, if himself and all his col
leagues were to sign thme Constitution, ant
use thmeir personal influence, it would be o
no avail towards obtainimng the assemnt o
their constituents. South Carolimna an<
Georgia could not do without slaves."
Mr. Williamson, of North Carolina
" thought that time Southern States could no
be membes of tim nioni t he clause (m
restricting importations) should be rejected.
Mr. Baldwin, of Georgia, bad
national objects alone to be before the con
vention ; not such as like the present, 'Which
were of a local nature. Georgia was de
cided on this point."
Well, sir, with these points of difference
so fully expressed, so strongly urged on the
one side, and sternly resisted onl the other,
what was the result ?
A few other extracts expressive of the pci.
icy of the country, will explaiin :
Mr Sherman said " it is better to let the
Southern States import slaves than to part
with them, if they made that a sine qua non.'
Mr. Gouverneur Morris said," these things
form a bargain animonig the'- northern attd
Mr. Elisworth said " If we do not agree
on this middle and moderate ground, he was
afraid we should lose two btaltes, with such
others as may be disposed to stand aloof;
should fly into a variety of shapes and di
rections, and, nost probably, confederations
-and not without bloodshed."
Now, sir, we begin to see sonikhat more
of the "policy of the countr,"' and the ex
planation of the whole matter is simply
this: The northern States having founid slaves
unprofitable to them, judged they would be
so with us at the Sobili. Under this mistake
they vielded to the obstinacy. (if you please)
of the Carolinas antd Georgia, and the im.
portation oif slaves was authorized by law
until 1808, a period of twenty years.
Delaware, Maryland an( Virgina, were
then indifferent on the subject; for they, too,
had found them unprofitable, and kiew that
they could sell off to the States fu; ther south,
Iupon better teris; if the idiportatioti from
Africa was prohibited.
About this time Mr. Jefferson said of to
It is a culture productive of infinite
wreteltedness ; those employed in it.are in a
continued state of exhaustion, heyond' the
powers of nature to support. Little-food of
any kind is raised by ltem, (tobacco grow
ers) so that men and animals on these farms
are badly fi'd, aid the earth is rapidly im
Nor was tihe right to import slaves all that
the pro-slavery States retained anid secured
by the compact ; for, though they were in a
minority in the convention, yet so confident
was the Northi of the entire worthlessness
of slaves, and so pertinacious the pro-slavery
States in their refusal to enter the Union up.
ott any other terms than those which now
appear in tihe compact, that theg guarantied
to all the States -qual rigmas m Aiublic
domain ; and by the second section of the
four th article of the Constitution, contracted
to deliver up our runaways atid, if necessary,
to protect us and all the States against any
kind of " dome tic violence,"
Yet we are now told that it was the policy
of the country to exclude slavery from all
Sir, there is a suspicious sound in that
word nalional, which jars upon Southern
ears, and when coupled with tihe doctrines it
inculeates, comes athwart the gale like the
low whistle of the bandit, and admonishes
hionest tmen to look well to the security of
It is worse than absurd to quote the indi
vidual opinions of any man agailnst the in
stitution of slavery Vhiclh were expressed
before those great staples which are now
grown so abundantly in the South and South
west, entered as controlling elements into
the commerce of the world. In every as
pm'et wvhich you tmay view it, the appearance
is different. TI he destruction biy thne war of
the little commerce w~e possessed, together
with the absence of that great staple wvhich
has sitnce given emi loymnen t to millions, hand
well nigh rendered property itn slaves not on1ly
valueless, but an absolute incumbratnce. Thne
times were propitious both to schemes of
emianciationl, and to the entertainment of
sentimetnts of pseudo-philatnthropy. Lands
were abutndant, labor cheap, the cotton gin
unknown, sugar uncultivated biy us, the to
b:ceco market overstocked, and the profitable
culture of rice thought to be confined to tide
water swanmps; and, as a corollary to these
p1o~Istbtes, the negro almost too expensive an
article for a poor man to keep. The moral and
intellec tual character of the tiegro ,bis peculiar
adaptatirin to the culture of our piincipal
staples, tIhe staples of themselves in a measure,
and the great and vanried uses to which they
have since beetn applied, were then wholly
The territorial expansion of our country
its nume~rical strength, and our magnificent
comnmerce, l.ad never been foreshadow~ed by
the most fervid imagination. In 1741, but
eight bales of Cotton were exported from
Amnerica. In 1791.,(an interval'oif fifty years)
but forty-seven bales. The invention of WVhit
tney came into use in 1793, and our present
production is upwards of three' millions of
bales, worth over a hundred niilliotns of dol
lars, and which tie ingenuity of man has amp.
plied to almost every conceivalle purpose.
The acquisition of land from France and
Sp-ain, h-as added other sta ples to our e xports;
and time has revealed the fact, that the ele
vation anid Christianization of the negro is
only to be effected by his servitude to a su
perier race, anid the ameliorating influen ce of
atn itntelligence borrowed from the wvhite man.
Blut, sir, we repudiate all authority but thne
Constitution. In by that instrument it catn
be shown that wve of the Sonth have beeni
comtmitted to an odious inequality of right in
the public domain, then we will submit ; but
so long as wve are able to hold with onie hand
this charter of our eqnal rights before the eyes
of our children, and to defend it with the
other, you will fimnd anly and every authority
other than the Constitution insufficient to re
I will next proceed to the second objection
to the bill, whieh is because of an act of legis
lation, passed itn 1820, the cotsideration of
I w hich has 'been enjoyed by the South, and
r the benefits of which have not yet accrued
r to the free States. We are asked to revere the
provisions of the act of March 6, 1820, as
sacredly binding upon honor, and told that a
, refusal involves the turpitude of fraud.
tSince thne first atssemblage of Delegates
, frotm A merican Stnate to confer upon mat
ters affecting me general welmire, quesuons
connected with the iristitution of slavery have
been the never failing source of sectional dis
agreement and legislative contention. The
foundations of this.Government have been
threatened by its thries, and as often has re
pose been re-establisied by the magic of com
promise. It was compromised in the Con
gress of the Confederytion, and opened again
in the Federal Convention. After eliciting
much of eloquence, and much of patriotism,
it was seemingly settled by the adoption of
the Constitution, but again disturbed by the
acquisition of teiritory from France. Here
again the fires of discord were smothered
over only to break.out with fiercer violence
upon the organizatioiI of territory acquired of
A gain the virtues r compromise were in
voked, and with a t inphant success, which
was heralded forth tj the world as a specific
against the ills of Stte. But three short
years have pased, a d again the snbject is
before us, with its*xtremes as thoroughly
charged with opposte qualities as bWfore the
equilibrium had been created by the aid of
compromise. 11iihearsal of the general
history of the severuid compromises is made
to show that there is no manner of 'affinity
between slavery andcornpromise. We are
warned by the past of the entire insufficiency
of compromise to secare a finality of the sub
ject, and I submit that it is more manly, wis
er, and more hones from henceforth to es
chew the word.
The question of avory w-is legally set
tled when the States, which were then par.
ties to the compact, ratified the Constitution.
It thereby became a part and parcel of the
sbipreme law of the land, and no graver leg
islative mistake, none so dangerous to the
South, or so eibarassing to the Constitu
tion-loving portion of the North, was ever
committed, as when the stern letter of the
constitution was forgotten in the. delusive
attractions of a hollow compronmise.
But, sir were we, for the sake of argument
to admit the constitutionality of the. act,
known as the Missouri compromise, 't would
pot, in justice,. strengthen the positions of
the opponents of this hill. In fact, it weak.
ens them, and exposes their entire insinceri
ty ; because it is in proof of record that the
very men who are &ying out the bond! the
bond! have, on every occasion and oppor
tunity, violated its spirit and meaning, and,
in their interference: ith the slave-trade in
the District of Cohfuli, and in the matter
of California, the ve bond itself. I know
it MlIL )l te.pmople of. Cali
fornia excluded slavery Ty their own consi
tution; but the Journal of *this House will
show, by the voting, which is therein recor
ded, that the price of her admissions was
the exclusion of slavery. Were we to grant
that the " Missouri bond," (as it is some
where called,) was contitutional and fair,
the opponents of this bill are stopped from
pleading it ini the present issue, by the fact
that ihey themselves have uniformly disre
garded it-s provisons. It is, I believe, a uni
versally admitted principle of justice and of
law, that in every dependent covenant a fail
ure of performance by one of the parties to
it releases the other from all obligations to
For upwards of thirty years has the South
acqniesced in this Missouri line-which was
t first forced upon her by a iorthern ma
jority-and not ini a singile instance have
we attempted to overleap it. Believing that
we would be excluded by natural laws,
which, north of 361 30', are adverse to the
proftablenesss of slave labor, wve became
reconciled to a law~ which we know to be
unconstitutional. Continually harassed al
most beyond endurance, -we wvere willing,
for the seke of quiet, to adopt this line as a
inal settlement of the question. Actuated
by these considerations, we ha:ve made re
peated offers to extend the line to the Pa
eiic ocean-offers which vindicate our fideli
ty to the contract, and which, had they' been
necepted in the good faith in which they
were tendered, might have given stability to
Oit the loth August, 1848, an amend
ment to the Oregon bill, then before the
Senate, was offered, providing for the exten
sion of the compromise line to the Pacitic ;
and passed that body, by a vote of 33 yeas
and 21 nays. The nays wvere:
"Messrs. Allen, A therton, Baldwin, Brad
bury, IBreese, Clarke, Corwin, Daviis of
Massachusetts, Dayton, Dix, Diodge, Felch,
Greene, H ale, Hamilim, Miller, Niles, Phelps,
U pham, W alker, and W ebster-2 1."
Th'~e bill thus amended was sent to this
House, and rejected by the Free-Soil vote,
which was un~anious1 against it.
My immedilate predecessor moved to amend
a hill, originiatinig in this Rouse, which [pro
vided a territorial government for Oregon,
and in which the Wihnot proviso was incor
porated, by declaring the effect that, inas
much as slavery waus excluded from Oregon
by operation of the lawv known as the Mis
souri Compromise, wve were content to abide
by its te'rms; and it was promptly rejected,
as insufficient for the purposes and designs
*In 1850, wvhen the bill for the admission
of California was before the Senate, Mr.
Davis, of Mississippi, moved to amend, by
making 3640 30' the southern boundary of
the State; and it was lost-23 yeas, 33
Amendments to the same effect were
subsequently twice offered;~ fti-st by Mr.
Foote, of Mississippi, and again by Mr. TFur
ney, of Tennessee, and both rejected. But
why multiply instancesi I have referred
to but one which occurred in this House,
because we all know that for years the only
hope of the South has been in the conserva
tism of the Senate. For upwards of thirty
years has the South, in observance of an
acquiescence unwisely yielded, submitted to
tme insult of an exclusion, and, by a geogra
phical line, from a common territory, secur
ed by common treasure ; while the Free.
soilers of the Northm, in obedience to the dy
ing injunction of tjmeir great captain, to
" persevere," have persevered ini their en
croachments to the south of the line.
Our section of the country has been,
hroughouat this entire neriod, flooded with
inflammatory character. The peace of our
society, and the security of our lives and
property endangered by fanatical emissaries;
our deluded slaves enticed away under the
cover of night, and their owners murdered
in the broad light of day, in endeavoring to
secure them; our-people insulted, thruih
their Representatives on this floor, by poti
tions crammed with falsehood and slander,
and the bond itself cancelled by an attempt
to fix the Wilmot proviso upon Arkansas
But, sir worse than 2l, as if to mortify
sensibilities made acute by grief, to grind
insults into hearts made tender by sorrow
urd to rob the widowed southern mother of
her only consolation-the consolation that
her husband or child had died in the cause
of his whole country ; while the gore of the
eroes of Tennessee,- of .Mississippi, and
Carolina was wet upon the plains of Mexi.
co-a bill was introduced, in the hot haste
of avaricious cupidity, and Oassed this
House, which excluded their kindred of the
South from the very territory which had
been purchased with their blood.
Nor, sir, is this all ; for, in violation of the
spirit and letter of the compromise which
authorised the admission of Missouri as a
State, within one year from its date this
Rouse refused her admission; liecause her
people had, by their State constitution, ex
duded free negroes from her borders. The
Free-Soilers have presunmed to legislate upon
ilavery within this Distict; have endeavored
ix their doctrines upon forts and public
7rounds in every quarter of the country, and
ave dared to let the pollution of their
hounghts rest upon the grave of Washington,
;hielded though it be by the sovereignty of
I submit, sir. that I have shown an entire
railure of coisiderition. All this, and much
miore liesides,-which will be made appear
rrom the record of the country by others
wvho will fdilo w me, and the boadunimpeach.
?d by the* South.
But, sir, wd are told that this is no viola.
ion of the contract; fdr although the act of
820 prohibits slavery north of the line,
et it leaves the question open south of the
ine. Sir, I will not argue a proposition so
perfidionsly monstrous. It is enough, if any
hing he wanting, to satisfy any honest man
of the utter folly of compromise; and ad.
monishes W6 to blot out that which is a
ralsehood upon our statutes.
The authority of Mr.. Monroe, and the
the southern members of his Cabinet, (Mr.
Cl ir.iiad Mr Ciiifrdj is
iven for the constitutionality of the Missouri
Compromise. Mr. Calhoun always denied
that the compremise had the authority of
iis sanction. In his speech in the Senate
,f 7th June, 1848, lie said 4xpressly that it
was " carried by northern votes, aid opposed
ulnost unanimously by the South, but yet
cquiesced in by us from love for the Uiion."
It may he that the President, as well as Mr.
Wirt and Mr. Crawford, acquiesced from the
But again we are told that the South hap
iad the full enjoyment of the benefits of the
ompromise, for that under it four slave
States have been admitted into the Union,
while the free States have but Iowa. To
this it is sufficient to reply, that out of the
North west Territory (once the property of a
iave State,) four free States had been pre.
viously carved out, and their admission into
the Union secured a preponderance of politi.
cal power to the noti-slaveholding States in
this House. Wisconsin has since been ad.
ded ; and, in violation of the ordinance of
1787, wvhich testricted the number of States
to be create& out of the Northwvest Territory
to five, an io more, a part of this territory
has been inrown with Minnesota, which will
result ini securing to the free Stat~s the
political powver of six States; one~ mxore than
was stipulated in the oirdillance.
Mr. Chairman, the end of the whole mat
ter is, the question admits of no compromise.
The men of the North regatrd slavery as a
moral, a social, and a political evil. We re
gard it a moral, sociail, and political good
If both are sincere, (and I believe that thou
sands are, who, ignorant of the character of
the negro and the workinigs of the :,ystem,
juge of the institution by false standards
and prejndiced symnpath':es,) then no0 coin
promise should be toleratid.
There is ino middle ground betweedf right
and wrong ; and those of us whom desire to
perpetuate this Government, whether fron
the North or South, have no alternative but
to take this question of slavery buck to where
it was left hy the Constitution.
Here wve "will find authority to sustain us!
aainst assaults from every quairter. Hern
we finid au'thority for the equal rights to the
States, and here authorily fomr the citizen o1
any State removing with his property of an:
description into the territ.,ry of the Unitet
We are not asked to legislate slavery int<
Nebraska and Kansas, but to carry out
good old republican principle, that the peopl
shall decide for thiemselves the character o
their municip~al Government, and be left in
free condition to elect for themselves, whet
they multiply iito States, slavery or na
The bill is in entire consonance with ou
republican theory, and a recurrence to th<
true doctrines of the Constitution. It pur
sues the same line of p.mlicy which obtainet
in regard to Utah, wvhich lies north of 3B
30, anid in reference to New Mexico, nearl:
all of which lies south of that line, and il
reference to both of which the question a
issue was left exclusively to the judgemient c
their own people.
It is a policy utterly irreconcilable witi
the provisions of the Missouri compromise
inconsistent with its spirit and letter, and it
its effect, nullifies and obliterates it.
I next approached the argument urgedi
opposition to thte hill-that the admission c
slaves wvilh operate to the exclusion oh foreigi
itmmigrants; and [ quote as my text the foi
lowing paragraph of a remarkable manifestc
which invokes the outward pressure of hire,
letterwrites, and the " conductors of newt
papers in the German and other foreign latm
guages." upon the nation of Congress:
A- I VISA A I I I A" 4 F&"N b - -.
tory, patriotic statesmen have anticipated
that a free, industrious, and enlightened pop
ulation will extract abundant treasures of
individual and public wealth. There it has
-been expected freedom-loving emigrants from
Europe, and energetic and intelligent labor
ers from our own land, will find homes of
cumfort and fields of useful enterprise. If
this bill shall become a law, all such expecta
tion will turn to grievous disappointment.
'rhe blight of slavery will cover the land.
The homestead law, should Congress enact
one, will be worthless there. Freemen, un
less pressed by a hard and cruel necessity
will not and should not work beside slaves."
I do nut say that such would be the effect,
but if any earthly consideration could induce
me to cast my vote in favor of inflicting the
Wilmot proviso upon a territorial bill, it would
be the consideration that unnaturalized for.
eigners should be excluded as well as slaves
[revere, with a patriotic gratitude, the memo
ries of those illustrious characters who never
became American citizens, but whose names
are a part of the history of American liberty.
I-ppreciate the worth ofhundreds of merito
rious citizens who first saw the light of day
in foreign climes, and cherish for them all
those elevated sentiments which are awakend
by the word countryman. I rejoice in the
equality of their social and legal rights, and
am not jealous of their political advancement.
And yet, sir, so firm is my conviction that
the liberties and institutions of our - country
are in greater danger- from the influx of a
foreign population than from every other
catise united, that I avow in my place an en.
tire readiness so to amend the naturalization
laws, and extent the period of political pu
pilage, as will eecure a better knowledge of
our Lheory of gavernment, and give some
pr'aiise that th'e privilege of.citizenship will
be rightly npprtciated,and not abused.
I would int deny to any man who, upon
fith in our laws, has settled among us, with
a bona Jide intention of permanent residence,
the legal or political rights of a naturalized
citizen. But, sir, emigration is ,increasing
into'an evil; and it is tiue to prepare against
"Jam pridem Syrus in Tiferim defluxit
Orontes, et linguam, et mores,et cumn tibicitie
Things are not as they were. In the
earlier days of this Republic we needed an
increase of population for the security of our
own people, and the development of the
resources of.the country. We were then.in
t eglition to Ameicanize by example. qd
ailisptiion. Wi-w'ere a wholes'ome is
tanci froim European associations and policy.
Our owi people were less pragmnitical and
foreigners less impudent.
But, sir, our danger now is not from
weakness, but from unwieldly and unregu
lted strent'h. The question with the states
man is riot whence to draw a population,
but how to regulate and discipline that which
we have; how to preserve to the people
the fullest enjoyment of property, of life, and
of liberty, and yet to restrain them within
the wholesome limits of constitutional law.
They who guide the ship of State will
I find their powers of government sounded to
the highest key in controlling the elements
of fanaticism and propagandism which are
of home production, without the inflamnmato
ry influence of irresponsible conductors of
newspapers or mobs-who mistake rant for
reason, and license for liberty.
Such is the infatuation of a portion of
those who oppose this bill, that, with the
history of the foreign population in America
fresh in their nmemories-a history wvhich, at
the North, is but a succession of riots and of
mobs, in which private houses have been in
vaded, public edifices demolished, railroads
subverted, churches burned, and our citizens
murdered--that they condescend to appeal
even to those outcasts from the purilieus of
the cities of the Old World, to bring their
influence to bear upon'this Federal Legis
cInmpursuance of ther maidness they have
cnrbtdto swell this tide of corruption,
wvhich threatens their present peace and so
ciety, and whlich threatens us all in prospec
tive, by gratuitous donations of publie land,
to any and every f'oreigner, upon the sole
condition-'of actual settlement.
Will it be said by Free-Soilers, in support
of their philanthropy, that they desired thus
to provide homes for the negro as well as
for the whites i Then the proposition
amounts to this, that wve of the South, after
being robbed of our slaves, are asked by
the Xbolitionists and Free-Soilers to relieve
them of a population which they have cor
rupte~d into nuisances, by setting apart a
poto fterritory, of which we are joint
onrfr the benefit of these very-rund
ways and -free negroes, wvhile our slaves and
ourselves are to be dleliberately excluded.
ISir, the Free-Soilers but reveal the politi
cal use of slavery when they make th~eir ap
peals to foreigners for its restriction ; and
they hut expose their counterfeited philan
thropy wvhen they say ' freemen, unless
Spressed by a hard .and cruel necessity, will
not, and should -not, work besic'es slaves."
IWhere, sir is their regard for their bretherni
of the same color as themselves at the South,
iknthey will fix upon us what they hold to be
a "hard and cruel necessity I" This senti
ment bears the ear-marks of northern phil.
anthropy, and is a pregnant commentary
upon the immaculate doctrines they profest
"to behold in every man a brother." I kniow
sir, that the equality-loving Free-Soilers eo
the North, " unless pressed by a hard and
cruel necessity," refuse to work beside slaves
IAnd I know that, after seducing them from
their homes of cheerfulness and comfort al
the South, they are left to starve in thi
',streets, while the freedom-loving emigranl
from Europe monopolize every evenue el
thrift and of employment; and I also knowv
that hundreds who are now dragging out
fmiserable existence, in wvant and in crime
would joyfully return to their former owneri
-could they by honest labor but secure the
necessary means. Let Free-Soilers comi
to the South, sir, and we will show then
the white and the black man in a relatiot
of frerndship never dreamed of in their philo
soanhy We will show them slaves,-devotec
LU LsUV sissas1y 5Iau rOsLe, eG . eIJ .
family honor of their masters. Aid we wll
show them,- in every.-gentleman, a manwirho
will pour out 'his money,. and peril.hishife, if
needs .be, to protect his bondsman from
cruelty and injustice. A majority- of our
best men, and many of our ablest men lare
labored side by side with their slaves thron
years of enjoyment, of usefulness, and re-'.
pectability. 'e l
But, sir, the; humanity. of Free-iler"
would exclude the poor negro, who- oes.
his condition to the cupidity of their adee.s
tors, from " the rich lands of this large Ter
ritory," and surrender it, without fear er
ward, to the 'descendants.of, .possibly thi
very Hessians-theminions of King George,.
who warred against our liberties, when ,th
negro, by his labor, fed the Continentalariy
of America. -
Sir, the jealousy of the political powerhof
slavery is not to be covered by so flimsy a*
vail; and let me tell those who are'sincere'
in a morbid sympathy for imaginary suffe
ings of slavery, and who, with incorrect tno.
tives, indulge in schemes of restricting .it,
that a better knowledge of .the workinga of
the institution would tell thein that genuine
philanthropy demands its extension.
The operations of a great systemre
be learned by an observation of the' op'a
tion of smaller system. Ia.every section
where is a scarcity of land "its value. is in
creased. The poor, who might -desire. to
enter it, are unable'to buy; and those who
are there generally tempted, by an extrava.
gance of price, to seed their ;fortunes jlse
where. The men of wealth absorb th6ii.sal[
farms -into large estates, from which they
are frequently absent, and the management.
of which usually intrusted to agents, who
have no interest in them beyond. their an
nual wages* and a regard for their -profee
sional reputation. The character of thiid
reputation is too often deternined by no
other consideration thani the, amount.df the,
crops which are annnally raised. "Large-:
gangs of negroqsi prescongregated upon:
large estates, with no socialitercourse but
with each other.
They are thus. denied . the watchflri .
dence of their master, and the elevating' in?
floences of his association with them..
al to their owner, and proud. of their relaion0
to him, they are jealous of. a substtu.
Wanting in mental resources, - imitatiA biy
nature, and conscious of a natural inferidif
and dependence upoi a superior race, -he*
left to tli Ives, they become the in o
the e6'xu . fti suIFpeHis'vl
in the scale of creation.
But on the other hand, - where lands are
abundant, they are also cheap. The poor
man, when provided with a home, next loois
around for somethiug upon uthich he shall
expend his successive annual gains, and
which will bring the greatest amount of com
fort and convenience to his family and
himself. Should his money- be invested in
a negro, lie introduces it into his family cir
cle. The same hand that prepares dailY
food of the master, prepares that also of the*
slave. They labor in the same field, drink.
from the same spring of water, and worship'
at the same altar. The negro is enlightened
and enobled by the association, and an ex
perienced Southern eye can tell at a glance,
by the shining face, the-more athletic form,
and jaunty air, that his home is upon a small
Sfarm, and that the white man is the com'-.
panion of his daily toil.
Were Free-Soilers permitted to carry out
their plans of restricting slavery to its present
limits, the first effect in the South would be
to expel our poor white population, who could
not resist temptation of high. prices for their
lands; and the second would be still lower to*
degrade the negro, ,and more thoroughly to
I will now proceed to the argument urged
in opposition to this bill, which is drawn from
the assumed immorality, tyranny and expedi
ency of slavery. It may be convenient to at
tack a constitutional right by appeals to the
passions, but so long as we are sustained at
all points by the authority of law, we are not~
in very mnch daniger from sentiment. it may
le that slavery was originally morally wrong;
but we know that it existed before the Chris
tiani era'-that it was sanctioned by ou r Savi
our, w~no enjoined upon servants obedience
to their masters; that itwas to be found in
Greece and in Rome-that it has obtained in
France, England, Spain, H olland, and Bra.
zil, and other modern States, and that-the-re-.
sponsibility Mits introduction in these States
is upon those wvho have gone before us. It
may be that the sovereignty of these States
should have lbeen surrendered to the Gener
al Government, yet it was not done.
I lt may. be that property in slaves should
have been prohibited by the Constitution; yet
the importation of slaves was authorized by
it until the year 1808 ain import dutty of $10
per-head was imposed, as on other-species of
imiforted property ; and constitiutional-pro
vision made whereby this property might be
recovered, notwithstanding "ang law ot re
gulation" to the contrary existing in the State
where it may he fo'und.' It may be that the
eqi rights of the.-States to the common ter
ritory of all should haye been constitutional
ly denied. Yet it is constitutional law. It is~
too late to inquire what'ought to have been
done at the time this Government was estab
lished-our sole- business is to know what
If the appointed dispensers of ordinary
statute law wer~e permitted to question its
policy 'and expediency we would soon be
without law ; and if the disperr of consti
tutional law are permitted to go behind the
Constitution we will soon be plunged into
anarchy and disunimn.
Mr. Chairman, this cant abott the immo-"
rality and horrible tyrrany of slavery may
answer its purpose .among the masses of the'
North, who have been systematicagly. deceiv
ed, and for a purpose, but it is oufit aee
here. If slavery be morally wroug1 theR.
those gentlemen. who .so regard. it abould
have paused before they tookh ahto
~support a Constitution whireJ
-recognizes it as a right.'Tergay