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"We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple of our Liberties, and if it must fall, we wiil Perish amidst the Ruins."
W. F. DURISOE & SON, Proprietors. EDGEFIELED, S. C., MAY 30, 185L.- ~* 2.
XEOS EPISCOPOS, Editor.
INVIRER NO. 2, AND "PRESBYTER."
TH1ERE is so little that is objectionable in
the first of these articles, that we hardly
think it worth while to advert to it. There
are indeed a few things in it that are very
decidedly so, and some of them ralier whim
sical; as, for instance, the repetition of the
tissertion that the absence of a succession
necessarily drives on to infidelity ; and that
the ministry is risible, while the church is
znvisible, &c. But leaving out a few such
notions as these, we don't know but the es
say may be jtonsidered on the whole, as quite
orthodox ; though, at times, rather foggy.
We therefore will await for some further de
monstration, and in the meantime say a few
things for the benefit of our respectful cor
respomident, " PU ESnYTER."
First, then, we return him our thanks for
hi. assurance of a proper appreciation of the
motive which pi ompted us to a discussion of
the subject. This is more credit than edi.
tors always get for honesty of purpose, and
ought, therefore, to be noted. We are also
much gratified that he proposes to bring the
matter wholly to the test of " the scriptures,"
and abide the issue; for we especially rely
upion these in (It termining the matters of
doubtful disputation," pertaining to doc
trie discipline and general practice. We
ther-fore hope he will abide by this commit
tal, as it may save much trouble if the dis.
cussion is continued.
These things premised, we proceed to say
that we are at a complete loss to imagine
how lie supposes us to hold the positioa that
every man, wonian and child who saw our
Lord and heard his voice, and even that
could work a miracle, was an Apostle. By
what rule of interpretation could he come to
such a conclusion I Certainly we did not so
write, and all his argument on this point
does not, in our judgment, twist our remarks
into a resemblance to such a sentiment. We
.have seen no one else who thinks so, and
therefore hope that in this pa'ticular, "PRES
BYTER" will have no " successors," as lie
-seems to have no cotemporaties. What we
-said was simply, that to be an Apostle, one
4nust have these qualifications; not that every
,one who had them was an Apostle. Why
to be an Episcopalian min:ster, we suppose
one must be confirmed by the Bishop, but
.every one confirmed hy the Dihop is not a
-preacher. To be a deacon in a Baptist
cbureh imi.plies a previotu i.n 'n in wa
ter of this oflicer, but h: 'o :nis have
.been immersed that were mr d
But does " PRasuvYT-u." r :mv Of his
fraternity seriously dispute that these things,
i. e. having had personal acquaintance with
Christ in some way, and the possession of
these letters pateni from heaven, the power
.of performing supernatural works, were ne
cessary to the recognition of a man as an
Apostle. Then do iec conifess to a piece of
information niot before in our possession,
that any Protestant, living or dead, (except
.a few temporarily misguided persons like
those mentioned it, our article that called
"PRESBYTER" and " lsavatsR" to the res
cue,) did hold such a position. We knewv
that they contended for a chain of coninection
between their own church amid thiat at Jeru
salem, but we did niot know that any Pro
testant sect claimed to be in possession of
Apostles. Strange, that they don't call them
so. "A postle" certainly is quite as dignified
as " bishop."
But as it seems that " PREsBYTERI," at last ,
dlenies the necessity of any extraordinary
qualifications for the apostleship, wve perhaps
cannot do him a better piece of service than
to presenit for his consideration a few passa
ges from "thne Blook," for which he profess
es, and we have no doubt sincerely, so much
~eve ren ce.
When by the betrayal of his Master, Judas
fell from his position, it was necessary that
,some one should occupy his place, and we
find that the Church at Jerusalem proceeded~
to thne installation of aniother soon after our
Lord's ascension. What then said Peter on
this occasion ?-" Of these men wchich haae
compiJanfied weith us, all the time that the L'ord
Jesus went in and out ainong us, beginning
with the baptismi of John unto that same
day that lie was taken up from us, must one
be ordained to be a tness wcith us of his
resurrection." " And they gave forth their
lots, and the lot fell upon M~atthias; and lie
w'as numbered with the eleven Apostles."
Acts, 1 ch. Now, there is some disagree
ment among theologians, as to whether this
act of appointing Matthias to the apostle
ship w~as in accordance with the divine will,
and there are, in our judgment, just grounds
for a doubt on the subject. But leaving this
out of the question, the transaction goes to
shiow that in the opinion of the Apostles
themselves, it was an indispensable qualii
cation for the office of the A postleship, that
the appointee should have had a p'ersonal ac
quaintance with Christ.
Take another example, thne fullest and
inoi rstriking that can be found in the Newv
Testament, that of Saul of Tarsus. Why,
we ask, the miraculous circumstances at
tending his conversion ? Were they simply
to efect his conversion ? Then it is certain
ly very remarkable, that of the many mil
lions who have come to the knowledge of
the truth, and who have lived and died in the
faith, that not another one, since the ascen
sion, has seen the Saviour or heard his voice,
that they have one and all done so simply
through the belief of the testimony of the
Apostles, and Evangelists, and other wit
nesses to the truth. True it is, that at Pen
tecost, and at the house of Cornelius, the
truth was miraculously confirmei, and that
for a special purpose, by the descent of the
Holy Spirit. But on neither of these occa
sions did any one see, or hear the voice of
Christ. True it is, that on many occasions
during the ministry of the primitive disci
ples, there occurred miraculous things, to
give credit to their mission, and to put to si
lence the wicked opposition of Jews and
Gentiles, and to confirm the faith of the dis
ciples. But never did, and never has Christ
appeared or spoken to any one on earth, in
conversion, since the day that "a cloud re
ceived him out of sight," except to Saul of
Tarsus, and that to make him, what he ever
after called himself, " Paul an Apostle of
-' But what saith the Scripture."-Acts,
23d ch., 14 to 15th vs. When Annanias
came to Saul in obedience to God's direc
tion, he said, " The God of our fathers hath
chosen thee that thou shouldst know his
will, and and see that Just One, and shouldst
hear the voice of his mouth. For thou shalt
be his witness unto all men of what thou
has seen and heard."
Again, in his defence before Agrippa, Paul
represents Christ as saying to him-Acts
26 ch. vs. 16, 17-" for I have appeared un
to theefor this purpose, to make thee amin
ister and a witness both of these things which
thou hast seen, and of those things in the
which I will appear unto thee, delivering
thee from the people and from the Gentiles,
unto whom now I send thee." Mark the ex
pression, a minister and a nitness, not a
Christian, but to enable him, like the other
Apostles, to bear personal testimony to the
things which he s1oke.
This man Paul also, in writing to the
Church of Corinth, 12 ch. 2d Cor., v 12th,
ays, " Truly the signs of an Apostle were
wrought among you in all patience, in signs
and won(lers and mighty dee-ds."
Turn ngin to Gal. Ist chap. After an
nouncin-g himself as ''ai a A postle, not n ii me,
neither by man, but by .lesos Chrit, d
God the Father who raindd him fimm te
dead," Paul proceeds to say in the 1161 and
12th vs. "But I certify you brethren that the
gospel which was preached of me is not
after man. For I neither received it of man,
neither was I taught it but by recelation of
Jesus Chris!." This certainly goes to show
tht his~ commission as an A postle was not
fronm the Church, but directly from heaven.
That the Apostles also had the power of
bestowing upon the disciples the gift of
tongues and of working miracles, that by the
laying on of their hands, the H oly Ghost wvas
was given, is evident from the 8th and 9th
chapters of Acets.
Now, in the 8th chapter we find that Phil
ip, an Evangelist, when he preached at Sa
maria, performed wonders before the people,
but he could niot bestow that powver on any
others. Hence, when the Apostles at Jeru
salem heard of the great things at Samaria,
how that the people received the wvord of
God, "they sent unto them Peter and Johni,
who, wvhen they were come dowvn, prayed
for thenm that they might receive the Holy
Ghost." Then laid they their hands on them
and they received the Holy Ghost.
In the 19th chapter, Paul fnding certaitn
disciples at Ephesus, 6th v.-" And when
Paul had laid his hands upon them, the Holy
Ghost came on them; and they spake with
tongues and prophesied." Thus we see that
the apostleship wvas the channel through
which God bestowved this blessed gift upon
the believers. Have diocesan Bishops, or
other ministers, ever given any such evidence
of their succession to these mitnisters pleni
potetiary' of heaven?
But why pile up evidetnce in a case so
plaitn ? Verily atny one tmust " see through
a glass darkly" that imagines lhe discovers
any official resemblance between the Bish
ops of our day and land, and the Christ
called and commissioned ambassadors, that
went forth from the capital of Judah's an.
We have a fewv words to say in regard to
the Blackstone illustration, atnd then we have
a proposal to make by way of conclusion.
Without noticing the whole quotation, let us
coe at once to " the river." This famous
stream that runs by " London town" is al
ways the same, though the particles that
make it are continually changing. WVell,
let it he so, and we think it decidedly unfor
tunate for " PEESBYTER's" argument that it
is so. Now every one of these particles which
are continually "succeeding" each other are
i all respects similar. As a lawyer friend
remarked to us the other day, "their consti
at one moment water, the next milk, again
molasses, &c. &c. They are water all the
while, possessing all the properties of water.
They will quench thirst, drown a man, cleanse
from filth, float a vessel and drive machinery.
An unhappy comparison, it strikes us, for the
heterogeneous " succession," which sectari
ans have tried so hard to establish.
Now for the proposal. We have publish
ed three articles from correspondents on this
question and have written two replies, unless
this be regarded as two in one, then we have
written three, which puts us all even. We
now pro'pose a cessation of.hostilities. Our
reasons for this are, that what we have writ
ten already has been done contrary to the
advice of friends, and those, too, who bad a
right, by virtue of the relation we sustain to
one of the churches in this village, to advise
us. For our own part we- have no objec.
tion to an occasional breaking up of the dull
monotony, a listless indifference, which the
regular order of things will often bring about. 1
In fact we rather like it. But friends think
differently about these things, and we don't
wish to be contrary.
It is thought in the present state of reli.
gious feeling amongst us, that a discussion
of this character is calculated to divert the
minds of people from the consideration of
more important matters. We have on hand
a communication from an esteemed friend,
advocating our side of the question, and
which it was our intention to publish this
week, but which we have to suppress under
What we have written has been, not as a
sectarian, but as an exponent of what we
honestly think is taught in the Bible. The
church with which we are connected has not
had her claims to succession advocated. We
believe in no succession, except to the doc
trine and practice of the New Testament.
Christ is there manifested in his word. The
Apostles are there in what they wrote under
the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. He the.'
who believes and acts according to wha:
there set forth, will be saved. The chu.
that thus acts is in the regular line of si
cession, if her visible organization only beg
HON. A. H. STEPHENS' LETTER.
1;os. ALEXANDER H. STEPHErs.-Dear 8b
A runor prevails in this section, to a consider
ble extent, that you will deline to serve us it
the next Cotrres:, :md the chief reason asign.
ed is. that i; i stppo'sed a large number of your
political frieniis have gone into the secret order
calied Kniow Nothings. Many of your friends
desire to know if this rumor be true. It is
cons.-idered ain important period in our national
affairs, mnd your retiring at this time would be
felt as a loss by those who have relied on you
through so many trying scenes.
What are your opinions and views of this
new party, called Know Nothings? Knowing
your willingness to give your opinions on all
matters of public concern. I am induced to
make the inquiry, and request permission to
publish your reply. Yours, truly,
TiOS. V. THiOMAS.
.CRAwFOnlDyILLE, G:I., oth May, 1855.
Dear Sir:--Your letter of thme 5ih inst., wats
received some days ago, and should have been
answered earlier, but for may absenc e from~
home. The rumor you mention, in relation to
my candidacy for re.election to Congress, is
true. 1 have stated, and repeated on various
occasions, that I was not, and did not expect to
be, a candidate-the .samne I now say to you.
The reason of this declaration on my part, was
the hiet, that large numbers of our old political
friends seemed to be entering into new combi.
nattionis with- cw oljecis, purposes and principles .
of which I was not infortmed, nnd never could
be, :neording to the rules of their action anmd
the opinions I entertain. H-ence my conclusion
that they had no further use for me as their
Representative; for I presn med they knew
enough, of mue to be assured if they had amny
secret aims or objects to accomplish that they
never could get my consent, even if they desir
ed it, to become a dumb instrument to execute
such a purpose. I certainly never did, a.d
never shall, go before the people as a candidate
for their stiffrages with miy principles in my
pocket. It has been the pride of niy life, here
tofore, not only to nmake known fully and freely
my sentiments upon all qluestionis of public
policy, but in vindieation of those sentiments
thus avowed, to meet any antagonists arrayed
against them, in open :and manly strife-" fnee
to face and foe to foe." Ft-om this rule of
action, by which I have tip to this time been
overned, I shall never depart. But you ask
"me what are my opinions and views of this new
party called Know Nothings, with a regnest, that
you be permitted to ptnblishi theta. My opinions
and views thus solicited, shall be given most
cheerfully, and as fully and clearly as my time,
under the pressure of businmess, witl allow.
You can do with them as you please-publish
them or not as you like. They are the views
of a private citizen. I am at piresent, to all in
tents anid purposes whatsoever, literally one of
the people. I hold no office nor seek any, and
as one of the people I shall speak to you and
them on this, and on all occasions, wiLt tat!
frankness anod independence whtich it becomes
a freeman to bear towards his fellows. And in
giving my views of "Know Nothingism," I
ought, perhaps, to premise by saying, and say
ing most truly, that I really "know nothimi"
about the principles, aims or objects of the par..
~ty I am abotut to speak of-they are all kept
secret-they are held in the dark-being com
municated and made known only to the intitiated
and not to these unitil after having lieeni duly
pledged and sworn. This, to me, is a very
great objection to the whole organization. All
political principles, which are sought. to be car
ried out in Legislation by aoy body or set of
men in a republic, in my opinion, ought to beo
openly avowed and publicly proclaitmed. Truth!
never shuns the light or shrinks fromt invest iga
tion-or at least it ought nerer to don it. H-iding
places, or secret coverts, are natural resorts for
error. It is, therefore, a circ.umistanlce quite
suficient to excite suspicion against the truth to
see it pursuing such a course. And in republics,
where free discussion anid full investigation byv
a virtuous and intelligent, people is followed,
there never can be amny just grounds to fear any
danger oven fromt the greatest errors, either in
religion or politics. All questions therefore,
ought to be made-known, clearly understood,
fully discussed, andunderstandingly acted upon.
Indeed, I do not' 4eve that a Repulliean Gov
ernment can last ng, where this is not the
case. In my opifl t, no man is fit to represent
a free people wh561hi any private or secret ob
jects, or aims, that-lie does not openly avow, or
who is not ready a a willing, at all times, when
required or asked candidly and truthfully, to
proclaim to the assembled multitude not only
his principles, but his views and sentiments up
on all questions that may come before him in
his representative 'capacity. It was on this
basis that Represenlitive Government, was foun
ded, and on this alqpe can it be maintained in
purity and safety. .And if any secret party shall
ever be so far succeisful in this cot.ntry as to
bring the Governmeot in all its departments and
functions under th. baneful influence of its
control and power, liplitical ruin will inevitably
ensue. No truth inpolitics can be more easily
and firmly established, either by reason or from
history, upon principle or authority, than this.
These are my opiniors, candidly expressed.
I know that mahy good and true men in
Georgia differ with ine in this particuar-thou
sands of them, I donbt not, have joined this
secret order with good intentions. Some of
them have told meso, and I do not question
their motives. Andthousands more will, per
haps, do it. with the A4me intentions and motiven.
Should it be a short4ived affair, no harm will,
or may come of it.'But let it succeed-let it
carry all the elections, State and Federal-let
the natural and inevitable laws of its own or
ganism be once fullf developed-and the coun
try will go by the board. It will go as France
did. The first Jacobinr Club was organized in
Paris on the 6th Nov. 1789, under the alluring
name or "the Friends of the Constitution,"
quite as specious as'thp? we now hear of " Amer
icans shall rule Aierica." Many of the best
men and truest pattioli in Paris joined it-and
thousands of the same sort of men joined the
afliliated clubs aft wrds-little dreaming of
the deadly fangs of that viper they were nurtur
ing in their bosoms. :Many of these very men
after wards went toie Guillotine, by orders
passed secretly in these very clubs-membars
of the National Assembly and Convention, all
of them, or most of them, were members of
the clubs, for they io: not otherwise be elect
ed. Arid after the qustion was settled in the
clubs, the members next day went to tie nomi
nal Halls of Legislation nothing but trembling
atomatons, to register the edicts o: the " Or
der," though it were to behead a Monarch, or
to cause the blood'bf !he best of their own
number to flow benetti the stroke of the axe.
Is history of no use? -Or do our people vainly
iniagine that Amerieahs would not do as the
French did under like, circumstances? "Is thy
mJIUUle ugen, 61e teinpie ol a got oi tihe Sllriie
of a saint, afforded a refuge from despotic fury
ir pnpular rage. But French Jacobing-, wheth
er native or adopted treated with equal scorn,
the sentiments of religion and the feelings of'
umaiitv-and all that man had gathered from
his experience upon earth, and the revelations
e hoped had been made him from the sky, to
bless and adorn his moral existence, and elevate
his soul with immortal a.<piralions, were spurned
is imposture by these fell destroyers. They
would have depraved man from his humanity, as
they attempted to decree God out of his ini.
verse. Not contented with France as a subject
for their ruthless experiments-Europe itself
being too narrow for their exploits, they send
their propagandists to the new world, with de
igns about as charitable as those with which
Stan entered Eden."
Th'lis is but a faint pidture of some of the
senes enacted by that self same party, which
was at first formed by those who styled them
selves -"the Friends of the Constitution." And
where did these "secret Councis" we now hear
of come from? Not from France, it is true
but from that land of ismfs, where the people
would have gone into anarchy long ago, if it
had not been for the conservative influence of,
the more stable minded men of the South?
And what scenes have we lately witnessed in
the Massachusetts Legislature, where this new
political .organism has more fully developed
itself than anywhere else. What are its nirst
rits there? Unider the name of " The Ameri
can Party," they have armed themselves against
the Constitution of our common country, which
they were sworn to support-with every memn
er of the Legislatuire, I believe, sav.e cighit
beloning to "ithe order," they have by an over
whelming majority vote deposed Judge Loging,!
for nothing but the discharge of his oflicial duty,
in issuing a warrant as U. States Commissioner,
to cause the arrest of the fugitive Slave Burns.
n reviewing this most unheard of outrage upon
the Constitution, the "National Intelligencer,"
t Washington, says it "shudders for the Judi
ciary.' And if they go on as they have begun,
well may the country "shudder," not only for
the Judiciary, but for everything else we hold
most sacred. " If these things be done in the
green tree, whrat may you expect in the dry."
"But i have beon anticipating somewhat. I
was on the prelimninary questions; that is, the
secrecy which lies at the foundation of the par
ty-that atmosphcere of darkness in which "it
lives, moves and has its being," and without
which probably could not exist. I do not, how
ever, intend to stop with that. I will go further
and give now, my opiniions upon those questions
which are said to be within the range of its
secret objects and aims. T he principles as pub
lished (or those principles which are attributed
to the~ order, though no body as an organized
party avow them,) have, as I understand them,
two'leading ideas, and two only. These are
7irosc~iptionl by an exclusion from office of
Catolies, as a class, and a proscription of all
persons of foreign birth, as a class; the latter
to be accoimplishied not only by exclusion from
office of all foreigners who are citizens by natu
ralization, but to be more effectually carried out
by an abrogation of the naturalization law for
tre future, or such an amendment as would be
virtually tantamount to it. These, we are told,
are the great ostensible objects of all this ma
chinery-these oaths, pledges, secret signs,
equivocations, denials, and what not. And
what I have to ay of them, is, that if these
indeed and in trtuth be the principles thus at
tempted to be carried out, then I am opposed to
bot of them, openly and unqualiliedly.
I am opposed to them "in a double aspect,"
both as a basis of party organization and upon
their merits as questitons of publie policy. As
the basis of party organization, they are found
ed upon the very orronesous principle of looking
iot Go how the country shall be governed, but
who shall hold the offices-not to whether we
shall have wise anid wholesome laws, but who
shal "rule us," though they mn:ty bring ruin
with their rule. Upon this principle, Trumbull,
Illinois, can be as good a "Know Nothing" as
any man in the "Macon Council," though he
may vote, as he doubtless, will, to repeal the
Fugitive Slave law, and against the adulission
of any slave State in the Union; while Shields
who has ever stood by the Constitution, must
be rejected by Southern men because he was
not born in the iountry? Upon this principle
a Boston Atheist, who denies the inspiration of
the Bible, because it sanctions slavery, is to be
sustained by Georgia " Know Nothings" in pre
ference to me, barely because I will not " bow
the knee to Baal," tiis false political god they
have set up. The only basis of party organi
zation is an agreement amongst those who enter
into it upon the paramount question of the day.
And no party can last long without bringing
disaster and ruin in its train, founded upon any
other principle. The old National Whig Party
tried the experiment when there were radical
differences of opinion on such questions, and
went to pieces. The National Democrtic Party
are now trying a similir experiment, and are
experiencing a simile fate. This is what is
the matter with it. .., vital functions are de
ranged-hence that disease which now afflicts
it is worse than the dry rot. And what we of
the South now should do is, not to go into any
"Know Nothing" mummery or mischief, as it
may be, but to stand firmly by those men of the
North who are true to the Constitution and the
Union, without regard either to their birth-place
or religion. The question we should consider
is not who "shall rule America," but who will
vote for such measures as will best promote the
interest of America, and with. that the interests
But to pass to the other view of these prin
ciples-that is, the consideration of them as
questions of public policy. With me, they both
stand in no better light in this aspect than they
do in the other; thefirst asumes temporal juris
diction in "forum conscientia:"-to which I am
quite as much opposed as 1 am to the spiritual
powers controling the temporal. One is as bad
s the other-both bad. I am utterly opposed
to mingling religion with politics in any way
whatever; and especially am 1 opposed to mak
ing it a test of qualification for civil office.
Religion is a matter between a man and his
Creator, with which governments should have
noting to do. In this country the Constitution
guarantees to every citizen the right to enter
tain whatever creed he pleases, or no creed at
all, if lie is so inclined; and no other man has a
right to pry into his conscience to inquire what
he believes or what he does not believe. As a
citizen and as a member of society, lie is to be
judged by his acts and not by his creed. A
Catholic, therefore, in our country, and in all
countries ought, as all other citizens, to be per
mitted to stand or fall in public favor and esti
. 4diridual merits. "livery
wiuil UI.~I~J *. -..
thrce thousand New England clergymen who
ent the anti-Nebraska memorial to the Senate
last year not one was a Catholic as..! have been I
informed and believe. Why then should we
Southern inen join the Puritans of the North to
proscribe from otlice the Catholics on acconut of
their religion? Let them and their religion be,
as bad as they can be, or as their accusers say
they are, they cannot be worse than these same
puritanical :.ccusors, who started this persecu
tion against them say that ?c are. They say
that we are going to perdition for the enormous
sin of holding slaves. The Pope with all his
followers cannot I suppose even in their jndg
ment be going to a worse place for hotlding
what they consider the monstrous absurdity of
the "immaculate conception." And for my
own part I would about as soon risk miy chaince
for Heaven with him, and his crowd too, as with
these self righteous hypocrites who deal out
fire and brimstone so liberally upon our heads.
At any rate I have no hesilaney in declaring
that 'should much rather risk my civil rights
with the American Catholics, whom they are
attempting to drive from office than with them.
But sir, I am opposed to this proscription upon
principle. If it is once beguna there is no telling
where it will end. WVhen faction once tastes
the blood of a victim it, seldom eases its rava
ges amongst the fold so long as a single remain
ing one, he the number at first ever so great, is
left surviving. It was to guard against any
such consequences as would certainly ensue in
this country if this effort at proscription of this
class of religionists should be successful that
wise provision to which 1 have alluded was put
in the fundamental law of the Union. And to
maintain it intact in letter and spirit with stead
fastness at this time I hold to be a most suleman
And now, as to the other idea-the proscrip
tioni of foreigners-and more particularly that
view of it which looks to the denial of citizen
ship to all those who may hereafter seek a home
in this country and choose to cast their lots and
destines with us. This is a favorite idea with
many whio have not thought of its effects, or
reflected much upon its consequences. The
abrogation of the naturalization laws would not
stop immigration, nor would the extension of
the term of probation to the period of twenty
one years do it. This current of migration
from East to West, this Exodus of the excess
of population from the Old to the New World,.
which commenced with the settlement of this
continent by Europeans, would still go on.
And what would be the effect, even under the
most modified form of the proposed measure
that is of an extension of the period from five
to twenty-one years, before citizenship should
be granted? At the end of the first twenty
one years from the commencement of the oper
ation of the law, we should have several millions
of people in our midst-men of our own race
-occupying the unenviable position of being a
" degraded easte" in society, a species of serfs
without the just franchise of a freeman or the
needful protection due to a slave. This woiuld
be at war with all my ideas of American Re.
publicanism as I have been taught them and
gloried in them from youth up. If there be
dagr now to our institutions, (as some seem
to imaine, but which I am far from feeling or'
believig,) from foreigners as a class, would
not the danger be greatly enhanced by the pro
posed remedy ? Now, it is trus they are made
to bear their proper share of the burthens of
the Government, but are also permitted, after a
residence of five years, and taking an oath to!
support the Constitution, to enjoy their jnst
participation in the privileges, honors and im
munities, which it secures. Would they be less
likely to be attached to the Giovernment and
its principles under the operation of the present
system than they would be under the proposed
one which would treat them as not much better;
than outcasts and outlaws? All writers of
note, from the earliest to the latest, who have
treated upon the elements and component parts,
or members of communities and States, have
p:inte tis out ns a source of real dangter
that is having a large number of the same race
not only aliens by birik, but aliens in heart and
feeling in the bosom of society.
Such was, to a great extent, the condition of the
[elots in Greece-men of the same race placed
in an inferior position, and forming within them.
selves a degraded class. I wish to see no such
state of things in this country. With us at the
south, it is true we have a " degraded caste,"
but it is of a race fitted by nature for their su
bordinate position. The negro, with us, fills that
place in society and under our system of civili
tation for which he was designed by nature. No
training can fit him for either social or political
equality with his superiors; at least history fur
aishes us with no instance of the kind; nor does
he negro with us feel any degradation in his
osition, because it is his natural place. But
uch would not be the case with men of the
same race and coming from the same State with
>urselves. And what appears not a little strange
ind singular to me in considering this last move.
nent, is, that if it did not originate with, yet it is
iow so generally and zealously favored by so
nany of those men at the North who have ex
)ended so much of their misguided philanthropy
n behalf of our slaves. They have been endeavor
ng for years to elevate the African to an equali
:y, socially and politically, with the white man.
And now, they are moving heaven and earth to
legrade the.ichite man to a condition lower than
hat held by the negro in the South. The Mas
iaehusetts "Know Nothing" Legislature passed
bill lately to amend their Constitution, so as
o exclude from the polls in that State, hereafter,
ill naturalized citizens, from whatever nation
hey may come; and yet they will allow a run
zcay negro slare from the South the same right
o vote that they give to their own native born
ons! They thus exhibit the strange Paradox
>f warring against their own race-their own
jlood-even their own " kith and kin," it may
>e, while they are vainly and fanatically endeav.
>ring to rererse the order of nature, by making
he black man equal to the white. Shall we
second them in any such movement 1-Shall we
ven countenance themt so far as to bear the
mame name-to say nothing of the same pledges,
)assvy ords, signs and symbols ? Shall we :.ffili.
ite and unite ourselves under the same banner,
vith men whose acts show them to be governed
)y such principles, and to be bent upon such a
urpose? This is a question for southern men
o consider. Others may do it if they choose,
nt, I tell you, I never shall; that you may set
lown as a " fixed fact"-one of the fixedest of
,he fixed. I am not at all astonished at the
-pid spread or this new sentiment at the North,
>r rather new way ot giving embodiment and
ife to an old sentiment, long cherished by a
:rge class of the nothern people, nstwithstan
ng the paradox. It is tra "Know Nothing
smn" ,-- - ratand its origin,
it upon capital
sprang froi the
out man-y capi
wh old . the-.
ir own, seized
.4ir old, long
- gerly as they
on they have
- *. -, .acle between
hem and their purpose, had become the willing,
hough unconscious instruments of carrying
hat purpose out, which from the beginning, was
desire to have a rolingless population to do
heir work, and perform all the labor, both in
:ity, town and country, which capital may re
uire. And as certainly as such a law shall be
)assed, so far from it-s checking imigration, there
vill be whole cargoes of people from other
sountries brought over, and literally bought sp
i foreign ports-to be brought over in Ameri
an ships to supply the market for labor through
sut all the free States of the Union. The Afri
an Slave Trade, if re-opened, would not exhibit
. worse spectacle in traflicing in human flesh, I
han those most deluded men of the North who
started this thing, and who are now aid-ng to
ecopllish the end, may find they have but
indled a flame to consume themselves. The
vhole suab Iralum of northern society will sooni
e tilling up with a class whso can work, and
who, thouah while, cannot vote. T1his is what!
he wouki-be Lords of that section have been
vaning for a long lime. It is a scheme with
many of them tn get schile slares instead of
laci ones. No American laborer, or man seek
ng employmeint there, who has a role, need to
~xpect to be retained long when his pla:cc can
e more cheaply filled by aforeigrner, .who has
'one. This will be the practical working on
he proposed reformations. This is the phsiloso.
>hy of the thing. It is a blow at the ballot box.
It is an insidious attack upon general suffrage.
[n a line with this policy, the "Know Nothing"
Sovrnor of Connecticut has already recoin
nended the passage of a law denying the right1
>f voing to all who cannot read andi write. And
ence, the great effort which are now being
nade throughout the North, to influence the
lections, not only these, hut in spending their
noney in the publication of books and tracts,
vritten by "no body knows who," aind scatter
d broadcast throughout the southesrn States,.
o influence elections here by appealing to the
orst passions and strongest prejudices of our
ature, not omitting those even which bad and
vicked men can evoke under the sacred but
prostituted name of religion.
Unfortunately for the country, many evils
hich all good men regret and deplore, exits at
sis time, which have a direct tendency wvonder
rally to aid and move forward tlsis ill omnened
:rusade. These relate to the appointment of so
nany foreigners-wholly unfit not onsly to min
r othecs at home, but to represent our counitry,
as Ministers a'broad. And to the greal frands
nd gross abuses which at present attend the
administrations ot our naturalization laws-these
ire evils felt by the .whsole coumitry, and thsey
ught to be corrected. Not by a proscription of
I foreigners, withiout regard to individual me
-its. But in the first place. by so amending the
,aturaliztion laws, as effectually to check and
3revent thesefrauds and abuses. And in the
second place by holding to strict accountability'
mt the polls in our elections, all those, public
fnctionries, who either with partizan views or
from whatever motive, thus improperly confer
flice, whether high or low, upon undeserving
oreigners, to the exclusion of native born citi
ens, better quaiified to fill them. Another evil
sow felt, and which ought to be remedied, is
he flooding, it is said, of some of the cities with
sauprs and criminals from other countries
fhese ought all to be unconditionally excluded
id prohibited from coming amnongst us-there,
s no reason why we should be the feeders of
ther nations paupers, or either the keepers or!
'xecuioners of theirfelons-these evils can and
ught to be remedied without resorting to an
.ndiscriminate onslaught upon all who by indus-j
ry, enterprise and merit may ehoose to -better
.heir condition In abandoning the respective
lynasticss of the old world in which they may
ave chanced to have been born, and by uniting
heir energies with ours may feel a pride in ad
mning the prosperity, development and progressI
fa common country not much less dear to
them than to us. Against those who thus wor
ahlycnic,. who q,,it the misruled Emsiires of
their " father land," whose hearts have been fir
ed with the love of our ideas, and our institu
tions even in distant climes, I. would not close
the door of admission. Bbt to- allt such as our
fathers did at first, so I would continue most
freely and generously to extend a welcome hand .
We have from such nothing.to fear. When ht%
battle or in the walks of civil life did any such'
ever prove traitor or recreant to -the fing or cause
of his country ? On what occasion have any'
such ever proven untrue or dibloyal to the Con
I will not say that no foreigner has- ever been
untrue to the Constitution; but as a class they'
iertainly have not proven themselves so to be.
[ndeed, I know of but one class of people iii
the United States at this time that I look upon
as dangerous to the country. That class are'
eitheir foreigners or Catholics-they are those
ative born traitors at the North, who are dis.
loyal to the Constitution of that country whicr.
gave them birth, and under whose beneficent in
stitutions they have been- reared- and nurtu.re4
Vany of them are "Kn6w Nothings." This
-lass of men at the North, of which the Massa
ahusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut
Know Nothing" Legislature-are but samplis,
[ consider as our worst enemies. And to put
them down, I will join, as politiaal allies now
ind forever, all true patriots at the North and
South, whether native or adopted, Jews or Gen
What our Georgia friends, whether Whigs o
Democrats, who have gone into this new order,
are really after, or what they intend to do, I can-.
not imagine. Those of them whom I know
have assured me that their object is reform, both
in our State and Federal Administration-to
put better and truer men in the places of those'
who now wield authority-that they have no
ympathies as party men or otherwise with that
lass I speak of at the North-that they are for
ustaining the Union platform of our State of
1850, anI that the mask of secrecy will soon be
removed when ll will be made public. If these
be their objects, and also to check the frauds
and correct the abuses in the existing naturaliza
ion laws, which I have mentioned, without the
indiscriminate proscription of any class of citi
zens on account of their birth place or religion
then they will have my co-operation, as I have
told them, in every proper and legitimate way,
to effect such a refdrmation. Not as a secretly
initiated co-worker in the dark for any pumpos,.
but as an open and bold advocate of truth in
the light of day. But will they do'as they say?
Will they throw ofi the ma.k-? That is the
question. Is it possible that they will continue
in political fellowship with their " worthy breth
ren" of Massachusetts, Connecticut. New Hamp
shire, and the entire North I Every one of
whom elected to the next Congress is- our dead
ly foe! Do they intend to continue -their alliihce
with these oper eonmies to our institutions and
the Constitutio --.
-the very prin
like true Chris
onfined to any
s not of the on
he head and t -
2nward and ou,.amu, s si nam soul are those
Trand ideas of government which characterise
cur institutions and distinguish us from all other
people; and there is no two features it our sys
tem which so signally distinguish un from all
ther nations, asfree toleration of religion and'
the doctrine of expatriztio)n-thec right of a
man to throw a hii all..giance ti any anl every
mther State, IPince, or Potent:te whatsoever,
ni by n wurali:;ion to be incorpra!'vd as citi
r.en: nto our body politie.
Etb these princviples are speciaiiTy provided
or and hi rml!v e-bished in our Conslt itu ion..
But these Atieric:n ideas which were proclin
Ad in 1789 by our 1 sires of o(," are by their
sons" at this day deridel :ml scmfl'-d at. We
re now told that " naturalization" is a " hum
bug," and that is an "inpos-ibility." So did
ur fathers think. This " humbug" and' "im
possibility" they planted in the, Constitution;
and a vindicntion of the same prineiple was one
of the eauses of our second war of independence.-.
England held that "natturalization" was an im-.
possiblo thing. She claimed the alleg~Ianco of
subjects born within her realm, notwithstanding
they had become citizens of this Repubfle- by..
our' Constitutiotn and lawvs. She not only elihn
id their allegince, but she claimed the right ?o
scarch our ships upon the high seas, and take
from them all such who mnight be found in them.
It was in pursuit of this d'octrine of hers-of
the ri ght of search for our " naturalized" citizens
-that the Chesapeake was fired into, whieh was'
the immediate cause of the war of l8*1:2. Let.
no man then, barely because he wan born in-.
America, presume t'o be imbued with reaI and
true " Americanism" who either ignores the di-.
ret and positive obligations of the Constitution,.
or ignores this, one of its most striking charac-"
teristics. As well might any unbelieving sin-.
nr claim to be one of the faithful-one of the
elect even-barely because he was born some..
where within thi limits of Christendom. And.a
just as well might the Jacobins, who " decreed.
God o'ut of his Universe," have dubbed thteir"
club a " Christian Associution." becnuse they
were born on Christian soil. The genuine dis
iples of " true Americanism," like the genuino.
followers of the Cross, are those whose heats
are sarmed and fired-purified, elevated and'
ennobled-by those principles, doctrines, and
precepts which characterize their respective
systems. It is for this reason that a Kamsehat
kan, a Briton, a Jew, or a Hindoo, can be as.
good a Christian as any one born o-n " Calvary~a
brow," or where the " Sermon on the Mount"~
was preached ! And for the same~.eason an
Irishman, a Frenchman, a German, or Rurssian, -
an be as thoroughly " American" as if he had-'
been orn within the ssalls of old Independence
Hll! itself. Which was the "true American?~"
Arnold or Hamilton ? The on'c was a natire -
the other wvas e.; adopted soni. But to return.'
What do out' Georgin t'riends ititend to do ? Is
i not time that they hatd shown their hand t"
Do they intend to abandon the Georgia platform5
ad go over " horse, foot and dragoons," into a
political alliance with Trumnll,-Dutrkee, WVilsonm
&. Co ? Is this the course marked out for them
selves by any of the gallant old Whigs of thie
7th and 8th Congressional Districts ? I trust
not, I hope not. But if they do not intend thus
to commit themselves, is it not time to pause
and reflect? Is it not time to take a reckoning
and see whither thief ate drifling? When "the
blind lead the blind" where Is the hope of safe
tv? have been cited to the resolution which,
i is said, the late Know Nothing Convention
passed in Maeon. This, it seems. is the only -
hing that the 600 delegates could bring fort4
ater a two days "labor"-and of it we may well"
say " Montes parturient et ridiculus mnus nay-~
itur"-" The mountains have been in labor and,.
ydieus mouse is born." It simply affirmas,
most s'y and submissively, what no anar
South of Msn atid Dixon's line. for .the Jauj
thirty-five yea'r' would have ventured to dety,,.
without justly subjecting himself to thecharge
of inciuim-that is, tht "Congress haa no .
onstitutional p'ower to intesvedie by excluding a
new State applying'for admiission-'into the-Ut
ion., uo thgonnd that the Constitution .of,