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"WE WILL CLIG TO THE PILLAS OP THE TSKPLE O7 OWE LIEE', AND IF IT KUST PALL, WE WILL PERISH AMIDST TE RUINS." -
SINKINS, DURISOE & Co., Proprietors. EDGEFIELD,. s. C., SEPTEMBER 14, 1859
Mildly Judge ye of Each Other.
Mildly judge ye of each other,
Be to condemnation slow;
The very best have got their failing,
Something good the worst can show.
The brilliant sun bath spots of darkness,
On his radi ,nt front, they say;
And the clock that never goeth,
Speaks correctly twice a day.
Do not mock your neighbor's weakness,
When his random whims you see;
For, perhaps, be something like it,
Every day beholds in thee.
Folly leavens ali'our natures;
Soundest metals hath its daws;
And the rigid stoic scorner
Is no wiser for his saws.
Every mortal has his hobby!
It may foolish seem to you,
But remember, bright or simple,
You have got your hobby, too.
Let a fellow-feeling warm you,
When you criticiso a friend;
Honor virtue in his actions,
In yourself his vices mend.
Think not those whom mortals honor,
Are the best the earth affords;
For no tongue of praise doth blazon
Forth the deeds which God rewards.
There are fish behind in ocean,
Good as ever from it came,
And there are men, unknown, as noble,
As the laurel'd heirs of fame.
Mildly judge, then, of each other.
Be to condemnation slow,
For the wisest have their failings,
Something good the worst can show,
The sun himself bath spots of darkness
On his radiant brow, they .;ay;
And the clock that never goeth.
Speaks correctly twice a day.
THE TOLLING BELL.
A SABBATH MORNING TALI.
Not many months ago, in one of my suto
mer rambles, I found myself, on a beautiful
Sabbath morning, the guest of a worthy and
intelligent family in a qniet country village.
The carly breakfast was over : parents and
children had joined in reading a chapter in
the Bible; Mr. Sedgwiek, the head of the
family, had then offered up a fervent prayer,
at the conclusion of which we all arose from
our knees, when oar ears were greeted by the
clear, deep peals of the ringing church bell.
"So ate !" exclaimed Mrs. Sedgwick, look.
ing at the clock. "Our time piece must be
' That is not the first bell for church," re
plied hor husband, solemnly. " There ha.,
een a death in the village. The bell is going
"Such, then, is the unappy end:- M a
his wife. " Well it will be wrong to mourn
his death. If death was ever a mereifulprovi
dence it is so in this case."
"Is it a person who has been long sick ?
Insteading of answering my question direct
ly, Mr. Sedgewick said:
" There is a very melancholy history connec
ted with that voting man. It is vow s %iine'
the excitement occasionied by this s:r.u.g'
tragedy died away ; but the toiling of thq
this morning moit bring it hack foihl'
every heart. Perhaps you wo%.,
much interested to he e to listen to the nar
I expsdibic my friend gave rue the
ifthe following story, which I relate
with only a slight variation from the~ orginal:
" Martin Lord was once the liower and hiopei
of one of the most respectable, ianhies mn the
Yillage. flis amiable disposition and S uperior
intellect procured .%r him unmversal leve and
" Although Jf a slight figure, and paile fea
tures, which indicated a con4t~ittionl by no
mean~s rol~st, Martin was remarkable for his
uncomien~ beauty ; and, indeed, his fine, no
ble forIead, shaded by locks of soft brown
hairgis large expressive blue eves, straight
see, with the Grecian nostrils, and rather
vauptuous mouth, entitled hinm in some mea
atre to that consideration.
"Martin was a great favorite with the ladie,
old and young ; but lhe never showed any
marked pa~rtiality to any one, until he became
intimate with Isabiella Ashton, the daughter
of our late clergyman, who died of grief about
a~ year ago.
"No two beings coulid be more different.
Isa',ella was the most young and thoughtless
g.r: in the village. She could have little
sympathy with a person of such deep feeling
and intelleet as Martin ; and beautiful as she
was, it sented strange that lhe should have
given his love to her. There is no doubt but
she was a'ttaehed to him ; perhaps she loved
him as well as she was capable of loving any
one ; but in~ this instance, as in all others, her
aiFectins '.ere secondary ta hert love of sar
cusrmn and mischi.:f.
Marti:' and 1sabella had been pointe'd ouit
as lovers byV the villnge go'sips, for several
months ; ht' was nineteen, nna she was of the
sa:ne a:'e when the tragedy occurred, wbhi
the tolling of the bell has recalled to my
"It w.s on an autumn evening, nearly five
years since, that Isabella took advantage of
the absence of her ither, to have a s->etI
gathbering of young people at their house.
Martin, of course was present. Wih (he thirest
vouths andi maidens; and bein~g unider no) re
straint. from the gravity of the clergymn
who was not expected homne till late, the coim
pany enjoyed themselves firly with jest-.
songs, and social games.
'rho hour at which such parties usually
broke oy had ulready passed, and there was~
no relaxation in the gaity of the young people.
when som!e oIne foolishly mentioned the sub
ject of ghosts, smiiethiig of that dlescriptioni
lvii: h..on reterrted as having been seen in
the vicinity of he chlurch yard.
IL a a snyic reort," saidi Martin. "No
body can believe that Ia ghost has really b--n'
seen the~rA; anid I doubt if a porrson here be
lieves at all in the existenee of ghosts."
" Yott do, yoursef- yomu kniowryou do. Mar
lin. altogih you are ashamed to own i,
cried Isabella. But Martin only laughed.
" Come now." continued the thoughtless
girl, 4I -enn prove that you have some id-.a
that sutch things may exist. Go to the ch urch
yard alone in the dark. aLnd then declare, if
youI can, that you have felt w>~ fear ?"
"And what would that prov:?"
" Why, you would be frightened,. though
vou should see nothing. Your fears would
put your belief to the test.
" ow could vou be0 afraid if yoau didl not feel
that there was something to be afraid of ?"
" I do not: think youlr logic is vety good,"
replied Martin, laughing. "Men are oflen
troubled with fear, when their reasons tells
them there is no cause to fear. Bitt I deny
in the first place thnt a journey to the church
yard, even at midnight, would frighten mec in
the least !"
n How bravely you can talk !" said Isabella,
isdalging in her customary tone of sarcasm.
* But nobody hlere believes it-I don't at any
rate. Why. you had'nt courage enough the
otter day t help iill a rabbit ; your mother
told mae so!"
"I never like to cause or impress pain, if it
can be avoided," anawered Martin, blushing.
"Ha I hal ha I what a poor excuse I You
are brave enough, to be sure,- but tender
hearted I Come, now you da e not go to the
church-yard this night, alone. You are not
half so courageous as you would have us be
lieve. Whether you think there are ghosts or
not you are afraid of them."
"'Martin was cxetremely sensitive; but the
sarcasm of nobody except Isabella could have
stung him to the quick. Scornitig the impu
tation of cowardice, he was ready to do al
most any desperate act to prove his courage.
"But," said he, although I have no more
fear of church-vards and ghosts, than I have
of orchards and apple-trees, I ain not going to
walk half a mile, merely to be laughed at?
"Ha! ha! but you stali not escape so!"
laughed Isabella. " Here, before these our
friends,I promise that this ring shall be vours,
she continued, displaying one given by an
old lover, which Martin had desired her to
part with, " provided you go to the church
yard alone, in the darkc, and declare. on your
honor, when you return, that you were not in
the least ufraid."
" Agreed I" said Martin, buttoning his coat,
for the night was chilly.
" And, as an evidence that you go to the
entire distance, you can bring back with oun
the iron bar, which you will find close by the
gate.' said Isabella.
" Thus driven by taunts to the commission
of a folly, Martin took leave of the company,
full of courage and spirit, and set out on his
"It was near a quarter of a mile to the
church-yard, which was approacled by a
lonely, dreary path, seldom trareled except by
" It is impossible to relate precisely what
happened to Martin on that gloomy road. I
judge fron the circumstances which after
wards came to light, and conjecture his ad
venture must have been as I amu about to
"Slight as he was in frame, and tender in
his f..clings, he was not destitute of courage.
I do not think he was frightened by the sigh
ing of the wind and the rustling of the dry
autumnal leaves, as many stronger men might
have been. le marched steadily to the
Church-yard, stopped a moment, perhaps to
gaze sadly, but not f arfully, at the white
tombstones gleaming faintly in the dark and
desolat.- ground, for che stars shone brilliant
ly in the clear cold sky: then shouldering the
iron bar of which Isabella had spoken he set
out to return.
"lie had proceeded about half waiy. when
in the gloomiest part of the road, he saw
a white figure emerge from a clump of
willows and come up towards him. It looked
like a walking corpse, in a winding sheet
which trailed upon the ground. All Martii's
strength of nerve was gone in an instant.
Courage gave place to desperation, his hair
standing erect. amnd his bloor riuning chill
with horror ; still ho stood his ground. The
spectre drew tearer, seeming to grow whiter i
and larzrer as it approached. We c'nnut tell
what frenzy seized up:mi the brain of' the un
virtinate youth at that monment.
rie screams. Dreading hume tragie terwi.'a
rion to the f:ree, they rushed to the spot, on'
t' the numb~er carrying a lintern. 'Thbey ihun'i
'dartin kneeling on a pr9strate ..;are, his
lingers clutching conlvulsively its thr.at,
while he still uttered frantic shrieks for help.
His wild features exhibitei the very extr-:.uL
tv of ter.' ro'. - I
ily1V of the amost -1aL0s otfl
Om(,ntwro f the u One of thenm ih*reed
m d ri hol n o the ibrheat of th I
!IIz mnl il, aher1,1, - 111
st the other t''re awtay the t1is
the ,hi'e. At that rini-ii thle Itear.-r o' I
lamip e.rsme up. Its light fe-l0 on thc blood
stainerl. distor'ed feature of sabhlla! Martin
uttered'one more unearthly- shric'i. and fe.ll life
less upon the corpse. He nev~er spoke agaiia
but live'I-an idiot!
"A f'rightful contu-:ion on Taella's 'em ple
bore cridence that in his frenzy he had struck
the supposed spectre with the iron bar. The
blow was pirobaly the cause of her death al
though sneh a grasp as his hands must have
given hlier throat, might h ave deprived her of
breath. He Rnever knew afterwards what he
done, for never a W-enm of' reasoni itiminatett
the darkness of his soul ; and now the tolline
bell has told us that Heaven in it~s mercy has
finally freed the spirit f'romn it~s shacklcs of
clay, and givcen it lif'e and light in a better
A correspioudent at Sanm F'rancisco sends to
the flnion the folloingir anecdote, as iilustra
tive of the prsenmt position of the .Supremne
C'tr. in that Stare:
r' I suppuse you have heard the st ory of the
Jud~ge, Auetioneer." The membters of' the
Supreme Coort probally have not, so I'wvill
rehearse it for their special benefit. Our hero
was a ,Justicecof the Peace in a one horse town
somec.where out West, and as litiganits were
scarce Rm his district. he combined the duties
of .Judge with tho)se of auctioneer'. Well. on
oeC occasion~, while exercising thme latter funec
tin, a certain wag Rnmed W--, who ati en
ded the s-ale for the expr-ess purpose of having
a little fun, kept hiddin~g on every nicle put
up, and when they were knocked down, the
bidd('r wvas not to hbm tbuldl. Th'is begatn ton
e rather trouiblesome. m d the J udge got
rahier 'riled.' At length, after counsiderbk
wathing, the .Judge dliscovered himt. had
him arrested, atnd fined him for contfmapf of
court. W--remonstrated againsts sa-h pro
-eedings, mntaining~ that he could not be
fined, as the Judge was not on the bench.
The JFudge then mnoumedl th.'.stanmd. toik oil
his spectacles, and afrer two or three dignified
knocks withf the hanoner, to call the atiten
ion of the crowd. he said :" It's nto use : 'm
-Judge; and( ont the- or off the bench, this
re tCourt's uitexyx :n'fthy of' coulpi.
W-- said be agreed wvith the J1udge, ahnd
pid his fine wvillinigly."
The Milwankee Newvs contains an accountt
of a sailor who, anfter five years' e-ruie, rturimn
id to that citv. We let the News tell the bal
atcee o'fthie story :
liHe lef't a wilfe andi two chilndret when lhe
went away. atnd the' fir-st thinmg on his retuarn
was to, so-k ouat his fanmi !v. 1 ltfou.: th.-im
in fte thir'l ward. au-Rl afloer lising~ his wife,
tawi with astonishnR''nt that his c-hildrien. like
sheerp ini the Fast. had doule'1 in five years,
Sin the pliee oft v .., there we-re inow teur.
and one rluite smaill. Hie looked at his wife.
le then lo'oked at his bmabius. TIheunat his
wife. who stood sient Ib v. Back arnd tournIb
fronm one to the onther-,' fnil fiv' ninuiates he
gaz.d, theu birike: ott with: " Wd:/. .Wrny.
the .rw,eoi.nnsu, nI-;IIthu Ip, youc r'ais
A Firi rm-:.--A gemniimuan of' color made
his appear'ance here OnR Wednesday last, pro~
fssig to lbe a runaway servant of Gov'.
Aikemn of Soumth Cairolina, and to be ini hot
haste for Canadla fne received material aid
and parted with thie blessings of his friends
here, who htade him good speed, as they took
an alfee-ionmate leave. It has since beenm as
certained that lie cameRI direct from Keene,
where he had been kicked out of the hotels
fr being ai dr'umnkein nuisance. If lie is a
fugitive, he means to live high while his free
dom lasts. lie went fromi here to Harrisville,
and was " tight" before he got there.-Peters
b1rmuh (II H Transport.
SPEECH OF HON. W. W. BOYCE.
AT EBENEZER, YORK DISTRICT, S. C.
SETFMBER 1, 1859.
FELLOW CmTREVs: I think the South is
threatened with a groat and near approaching
danger-the domiuation of a northern see
tional party. Our paramount policy is, there
fore, to prevent the occurrence of this danger
if possible; and if it cannot be prevented, to
take such steps as that it may occur under
such circumstances as will enabe us most
eflicieutly to assert our independence, the only
ieasure of redress that will then be left us.
II otir words, the immediate danger which
threatens us is the election of a black repub
lican Prsident in 1860. Our paramount
pol cy, to which everything else should be
subordinated, is to prevent such an election if
we can ; and if we cannot, to see that it takes
place under such issues as will ensure the
greatest unanimity of the South in such meas
ures as may be necessary then to be taken.
In the convention which framed the Feder
al Constitution, the -greatest difficuity which
occurred was in arranging the basis of repre
sentation in the two houses of Congress. rhe
large States urged a representation both in
the Hunse of Representatives and in the Sen
ate, based on population; to this the small
States sternly objected, and, on the contrary,
earnestly insisted that the representation in
both Houses should be iased on 'State sov
ereignty. so that each State should have an
equal voice in both Houses. This controversy
threatened the ditruption of the convention,
and was only adjusted by a compromise by
which the House of Representatives wais con
stituted on the basis demanded by the large
States, and the Senate on the basis demanded
by the small States. The ground of this con
troversy was the apprehension, on the part of
the small States, that the large States would
combine together and oppress the small States.
Very few persons had the sagacity to see at
that early day, that the real collision would
be, not be ween the large and the small States,
but between the Northern and Southern
States. Experienc soon demonstrated that
the apprehension of the small States, from the
combination of the large States, was ground
less. But the safeguard which the small
States had required in the organization of the
Senate, though it proved unnecessary for the
purpose for which it was intended, became of
great importance in another point of view
as a bulwark to the South. From the be gin
ning of the government to 1847 the South had
at least an equality in the Senate, so that the
Federal Government could take no step to
which the South was unanimously opposed.
Whatever was done then by the Federal Gov
ernment pr.or to 18-17, to which objection
may be taken, was done with the appro
bat:on of at east a portion of the outh.
Tne exiiteiiee of this check in the Senate was
ot ineleulable advantage ; wliie it gave the
South seenrity, it iecessitated on the part of
the North noderation. it was therefore it
rreat misrjfortmne to the country when the in
crease of te- Slates destroyed the equilibrium
of the South in thu Sonat.
c:i .elations occupied by the North and the
South to each other, it was a veritable revolu
tion. The Government was no longer a
Government of checks and balances; it was
practically a n1l-. demneracy. The North
had .4-.-co unite .o take possession of the
..ove-tnmeit, and the South would be as
t owerlezs in the Government as if all her re
preseni ation had bet-n struck out of existence.
IL is the str- i.g probabiility of the Northerr:
a a.e., combining together in a sectional ir
ranIizationl and thus :aking possesion of the
Government, which has induced tee to believe
,bat tie Ution could not be of long continu
an~ce. We, know that nothing is more eas
fat to 10 rana~de manmkind to usSitme power.
Wh-t her the inlvitationl ha addressed to one 0'
many. In. the ea::e of t he free StaLtes, besides
all ine0 usual intincomeni~ltts to power, a great
social questiona wias presetnt in addition to)
stimulate m bit ion.- WlIst therefore I have
a ppreciatted andi respectedl that conservantive
and -arotcclass, in the free States, who
have' opposed themselves to the march of
sectionalism, I have thought their defeat was
only a questiun of time. The New England
Stares have already become so sectionahtzed
that the Union wouild be impossible, but for
the influence of some of the middle and
north-western States. But these States are
grad :mialy yielding to the sectional impulse,
and cannnot be rel ied upon with certainty for
th.e future. The best. hope of a conservative
indluenace from any portion of the free States,
comies, I think fromi the States on thte Pacific.
For ob~vious and natutral reasons these States
have maintained and are likely to maintain a
co.nservative position in the Utnion. The in
crease of free States on the Pacific is the best
hope for the maintenance of a constitutiottal
Utiion. They are attracted to the South by
the gr-eat interest of frece trade. The cbains
of~ a protective tariff will grate more harshly
upon the shores of the Pacific that it ever has
even upon the shores of the Gulf of Mexico.
The magiiicent commnerce of the.georgecous
Eatst glitters before the eyes of the Americans
of'the Pacific, and they are not likely to har
ness themuselves to the yoke of the New Eng
land naanut'acturers. The conservative in
filences are to be looked for from the Pacitic
.'tates. The danger is that it may not come
nr sufllieat strength to be effectual.
The tendency of the free &ates to a see
tional organtization was not lo g in being
mniifested after the equilibrium of the two
sections had been destro~ved in the Setmate.
Tue tendenrcy was mianifest in the Presidlen
tial election of 185:2. Mr. Fillmore and Mr.
Webhster werec sternly rejected in the whig
noiunaiting c-onventtion bec-ause they had run
couniter to the free-soil sentiment, nal~eni.
St-ott, who was, acceptable to, Mr. Seward, re
ceived the nomtinatiim. By the next Presi
decantial electioni the sectionilism of the North
hadl become irrepiressible. Tihe repeal of the
Mi.:souri restriction fuirnished the pretext, and
the republican party, a purely northern and
sectional party, came very near elcecting their
candidate. The alleged motive of the repub
lican organization wan, to seure freedom to
K~auin, which they inisisted had been dedi
cat ed to freedom by a solemn compromnise,
ad this question hatvi.ig beent dispoased of, it
nmigkh tl supoed tha~t the repu22blicanm organi
zat ion would die out. But this is not the
case. The org-mization is kept up in full
vigor*. TIhis showvs thai this is not an acci
dental ort tempoarary party, biut that it is per
manent~it, noda iiatur.illy sri~ n iot of the
piohticaLl elements in the tree Stntes. 1 eon
sder this the most strikinig indication of the
sectliotnlism of the North. Nor satishied with
success upon rte prine:pal issute tupon which
they placede themselves in the formation of~
their party-the 4reetdom of Kansas-they
penistL in keepinig tip their party orgaiiization.
Nothinzg could more thoroughly demonstrate
the sectionaiism of the North, thtan this fact.
The pretence of Kanasas is abandoned. Mr.
Seward, the great head of the party, holdly
proclaims in his celebrated ltmochester speech
what the New Yorkc11erald, at the time char
acterized as a " brutal atnd bloody pro
graimme.' that the conflict betwveen the North
and South is "irrepressible ;" that the States
"~ mzust be all slave States or all free States."
This programme inaugurates eternal discord
betweatn the two sections, to which there can
be no solution bitt ini the submission of the
Santh ne dintnninn. -
In addition to this programme which resus
on the assumed "irrepressible conflict" be
tween the sections, the republican party have
availed themselves of several pretexts.
They pretend, for instance, that the. South
insist on forcing slavery into all the. territories
by the aid of the Federal Goveinment. Noth
ing can be more false than this allegation;
considered in reference to the South as a
whole, or to the States as political communi
ties. At the last Presidential election every
Southern State, except Maryland, voted for
Mr. 1uchanan. The platform upon which
Buchanan .stood was the delegation by Con
gress of the power it possessed over the sub
ject of slavery to the territorial legislatures,
subject to the constitution, with the declaration
that the people could decide the question for
themselves when they formed a State constitu
tion. The effect of this was that slavery could
not be prohibited until a State constitution
was formed. By supporting Mr. Buchanan,
the South must be supposed necessarily to
have approved of the platform.'. Until the
people of the South repudiate this platform?
which I have no idea they will do, no one is
authorized to say that they demand congres-.
sional legislation to force slavery into the.
Another pretext upon which this republican.
party relies, is that the Southern States are
trying to revive the African slave trade.'
There undoubtedly individuals who advo
cae this measure, but there is no pretence what
ever for saying that a majority of the Southern
people, or a majority of the Southern States,
or, indeed, a single State, desire the revival of
the African slave trade. There is not the
slightest probability that the Southern States
will demand the revival of the Africatislave,
The mere fact of the formation of a purely
sectional party in the Northern States for the
purpose of seizing upon the Government, ii:
cause for the gravest alarm to the South; audi
the degree of this danger is increased in pro
portion as the principles or spirit of that party
is hostile to us. It is therefore an interesting
inquiry for us to ascertain what are the trin
ciples and the spirit of this party. Or.' ii rily
the principles of a party are developed ii their
platform, but this was not the case to the full
extent in the platform laid down by this partyi
in the last Presidential election. The leaders,
of the party readily comprehended that the
extreme abolitionists would follow their lead,4
as it was a movemeit against the -South f.
their purpose, therefore, in their platform was
to carry off as large a portion of the northern
people as had not hitherto gone entirely with
them. Accordingly, we find in this platfornt
that after a genera declaration that ".all men,
are endowed with the inalienable right of
liberty," and a further general declaration of
the power and duty of Congress to prohibit
slavery in the territories, they address themi
.,elves specifically to the case of Kansas, and'
insist on her admission as a free State.
The true principles of this party are to be
found in the declarations of its leaders, muade
when they had no motive to conceal their,
On one occasion Mr. Giddings said:
"I would nut be understood as desirirg a;
servile insurrection, but I say to Southerit
gentlemen th there are hundreds. of tho6ul
sands of hon t and patriotic men who Wil
If blood add massacre should mark .the
struggle for liberty of those who, for ages, have
been oppressed and degraded, my prayers to
the God of heaven shall be, that justice
stern, unyielding justice-may be awarded to
ooth master and slave. If the down-trodden
sons of Africa, in our Southern States, cannot
regain their God-given rights by peaceful
measures, I nevertheless hope they will re
ain them; and if b oud be shed, I should
certainly hope that. it might be the bloed a:
those who stand between theim and freedom,
and not the blood of those who have long
ueen robbed of their wives and children, and
all they hold dear in life."
Mr Wilson, Senator from Massachusetts,
" Let us remember that more than three
millions of bondmieu, groatning tinder name
less woes, demand that we shall cease to re
urove each other, and that we labor fo'r their
I tell you here 'rnighmt that the agitation
of this questio~n of naman slavery will continue
while the foot of a slave presses the soil of
the American republic."
.Mr. Seward, the head and front, the very
emuboditment of the reptublican party-a man
of exquisite capacity, cold, calm, passionless
-has, in measured termns, definied the objects,
aims. hopes and policy of his party. On one
occasior' he said :
"Slavery can and must be abolished. andl
you and I can and must do it. The task is.
as sinmple and easy as its consummuatiotn will
be benieficent anid its rewards glorious. It re
quires to follow only this simple rule of action:
to do e-very where, and oii every occasiotn,
what we can, and not to neglect or refuse to
do what we can at any time, because at that
precisztime, amid on that particular occasion,
we cannot do more. Circumstances deter
On another occasion he said " Slavery will
be overthrown either peacefully and lawfully
under this Constitution, or it will work the
subversion of the Constitution, The change
can now be made wit out violence, and by.
the agency of the ballot-box." I might cite
innuomerable extracts from thme speeches of
the leaders of the Republican party, to show
that their purpose is ultimately to abolish
slavery, but as there.can be no doubt upon
this point, I think it unnecessary. As regards
the spirit which animates this party, their
hatred to the South, no better evidence is
eceassary than: the tne of their press.
tidicuile, hatred, contempt tier the South, and
every thing Southern, flow in one continued
and envenomed current through their co tmns.
When, we kno~w that the premss is thme therumom
eter of public opiniotn ; that :hie mission of the
partisan press is to ignore truthi, nnd pander
to the worst passions, we can readily compllre
hend the hostility of a large portiion of the
'orthern people to the South. The late war
between France and Austria did not develope
such national aversion as is constantly mani
fested by the Republican press to the people
of the South. The fact of this manifest, start
ling. undisguised hostility of the Republican
party to the South, would, if even their prin
ciples were uniobjectioniable, conatitute of
itself a good reason why the South shpuld
refuse to submit to their rule. It has been
well said by onie of the greatest thinkers of
the last century, Mr. Burke, that "I never
knew a writer ou the theory of government so
partial to authi.rity, as not to) allow that the
hostile mind of th'e rulers to their people did
not justify a change of government ; nor can
any reason whatever be given why one pe~ople
should voluntarily yield aniy degree of pre
eminenice to another, but on a sunpposmtion) of
gmat affection and benevolence towards them."
WVhen, thent, we consider the pr-inciples of
this party und their hostility to the South, it
is evident that the success of this party is
fr mught with the most immtinent danger to the
South. If they carry the P'residetntial elee
tioni, a few more accessions to their numbers
in the House and Senate will give them per
fect conitrol of the government in every de
partment. This party will then be the gov.
ernmenmizt --the South will be placed under the
han, provincialized,subordinated to an inferior
condition, bound like a victim to the stake, to
perish by adroit wounds inflicted by skilful
and malignant enemies. The success of this
their rule, will be as eftetual a conquest by
the hostile -North over the Souh as if it were
accomplished by the sword. The vast power
of the. Federal Government would be thrown
into the scale of abolition-.the elemen a of
fanaticism and hostility at the North would
he stimulated into gigantic development-a
profocund discouragement would weigh like
lead upon the bosem of the South-a hated
sense of inferiority' and degradation would
crush the public spirit; traitors would begin
to raise their hideous heads, and the hissings
of these horrible serpents would be heard on
every hand; bad men would 0y to the imperial
capital to get great offices; the good would
despair of their country, and suppose that all
was lost, because nothing was done.
I assume, then, that the great, actual, prac
tical, absorbing, present, .immediate para
mount danger with which we are threatened,
is the domination of a northern sectional par
ty, professing principles which are death to
us, and impelled by passions of the most
malignant nature.. If this be the danger
which threatens us, then by the natural in
stinct of self-preservation, to say. nothing-of
common sense, of statesmnuship, our policy,
or paramount policy, our duty, our necessity,
-1 had almost added our destiny-is to en
deavor to guard against it-to avert it if pos
sible; and if it cannot be averted, to so
manage that it may. happen under such cir.
cumstances as will best enable us to set up
for ourselves. In other words, our policy is:
first, to prevent, if possible, the e ection of a
republican President; second, if this must
occur in spite of all our wise exertions to the
contrary, to cause it to occur under such
issues as will best enable us to set up a
Southern government. The great question,
then, for us is: What is that policy? How
shall we so act .as best to accomplish this
double purpose of preventing the election of a
black republican ? or, " if that takes place, to
go into a revolution." Fortu.nately, the same
line of policy best calculated to accodinish
the first purpose, is exactly the policy most
like to accomplish the second. In other
words, the same policy best calculated to de.
feat the election of a republican President, is
best calculated, in case of such election, to
secure u Southern confederacy. That policy
consists of the greatest possible degree of
moderation in the politic movements of the
South, consistent with principle and honor,
between this time and the Presidential elec
tiou.- It requires no argumeat to show that
this polcy of moderation is the most likely
mode of defeating the republican party in the
Presidential election. The very existence of
this party, which sprung up upon the repeal
of the Missouri restriction, rests upon the
false assumption that the South are pursuing
an aggressive pro-slavery course, and using
the Federal Government for this purpose. Of
.course, therefore, the greater the ultraism of
the South the better for this. party. They
would wish the South to proceed to every
possible extreme of ultraisni. Ultraisn at
the South is the food of this party. Hence
we see how they exaggerate tb-s extent of the
nioveinent at tue South for the revival of the
African slave trade; and, indeed, upun every
subject they syltematically inis-represent pub
I c sentiment at the South. They are anxious
that we should demand the revival of the
African slave trade, and what they call a slave
an~os',at In ii'iusis? upnA' Ari
a axiouis that we 0.1nisituo tergt
to carry and keep slaves in the free States.
In short, they are feverish to see us depart
froi that long course of wise conservatium
which characterized the South. In proportion
as we do this, or they can make F.t appear that
we al e doing so, to that extent .lo they inake
capital. Now I have no desire to give capital
to this party; therefore I wish to .ee the South
take exactly the oppo.iite course to that which
they desire. They desire the South to proceed
to tue wiltei-t ultraism; I desire the Sonth to
pursue the wisest conservatism.
* That the course of moderation I have re
commended, is equally important to the inau
guration of a Southern Confederacy, in case
of the success of the repuolican party in the
next Priesidential election, is namou<~ from
the slhghtest consideration. What was it
prevented the State of South Curolina from
seceding in 1832?I The Convention inrested
with sovereign powers was in ses..ion. Why
did that Convention decline to secede ? The
brief ordinance they adopted explains every
thing. In that ordinance they say that they
had sufficient cause for secession, but declined
to do so on the gr'oundl of expedieucy. Why
was it inexpedient? Ilecause thme public opin
ion of the South was not ripe foar disunion.
Now how will you best ripen t'mat public
opinion by the presidential election ? When
I ask this question I assumo that it is the
fixed policy of the State to secede s soon as
the republican party elect their President.
That is the course I have re~commended ; that
is the course which I now recommend. The
great point then is to ripen public opinion
South for a dissolution in the contingency
referred to-the election of a Re.publican
President. The important question then is,
how can this best be dine ? To this question
I think there can be but 0one answer-Dy pur
suing such a course of political action between
this time and the election, as that the ancees
of the Republican party will produce the
most startling effect South. Now what is
this course of political action ? It isi modera
tioni. It is placing ourselves upon the most
conservative platform possinle. Suppose that
having done this, the Republican party carry
the election; in so doing, they will demon
strate in the strongest manner possible the
hostile sectionalism of ".a North. Thme South
ern people will be sati.-fled that they have
nothing farther to hope from the North, They
will be proportionately oxasperated, and they
will feel that their only hope is in themselves.
At least such will be the natural tendency of
Suppose that the South should pursue a
different line of policy in the election; sup
pose that the South should insist on the re
vival of the Af. ican slave trade, or other
novel and advanced issues ; is it nmot evident
that the effect of the election of a Rtepubli
can in ripening Southern opinion, would be
infinitely weakened ? A great many at the
South would cry out that the success of the
Republican party was owing to the trltraism
of the South ; that the South was resgensible
for the result produced; that it was all owing
to her own folly. Thus would be germinated
wide-cast the seeds of S~authern dissension.
Thus would the South be paralysed. Sup
pose, to illustrate still further my idea, that
the South should put herself on a plat form
requiring the opening of the African slave
trade and Congressional intervention, by a
full and specific code of laws for the protec
tion and regulation of slavery in the territo
ries ; and suppose', on the other band, t lie re
pubican party should construct a platform
simply negativing these two issues, that is to
say, non-revival of the Africant slave trade
and non-mntervention. It is obvious the suc
cess of the republican party under thesie cir
cumstances, instead of profoundly moving
the South, would produce;scarcely a ripple
upon the current of public opinion. In the
last illustration [ have used, it is hardly ne
cessary for mue to say that I have suppos.ed
an improbable state of facts;.it was usedI
merely to explain the argumnet. I think it
is very evident, from what I have said, that
if we desire to ripen public opinion at the
South for Southern independence, in the event
of the election of a republican to the Presi
dency, we must exercise the policy of mod
eration in the moevements preliminary to that
e.ent We mnst use t.. most eoutmm....se
prudence now, that we may be able to profit
by the most desperate holdness then.
Further, the policy of moderation which I
have advised will have this additional good
effect: it will compel the republican party to
affirmative issues. If the South refrain from
presenting new issues, the republican party
will be obliged to do so. Because, being an
aggressive party, a movement party, in obe
dience to the necessity of their existence
they must attack; to stand still is to perish.
If they attack while we remain entrennhed
in our past conservatism, they must attack
the constitution. Their issues, as a matter
of necessity, must be aggressive. In instance,
they must, Kansas being disposed of, demand
the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, the prohibition of the inter-State
slave trade, the repeal of the fugitive slave
law, and the remodelling of the Supreme
Court. In the absence of new issues uoon
our part, they would be compelled to de'iel
ope some one or all of these issues. Some
persons, superficial observers thought that
Mr. geward had committed a blunder in lay
ing down his celebrated programme at Ro
chester last fall, when he pronounced that
there was an "irrepressible conflict. betwien
the free and the slave States -" that they
must " all become free or all slave." This
was no blunder on his part; it. wu the res.ult
of profound reflection, and a logical necessity
flowing from the position of the republican
party. The vital issue upon which that par
ty had been formed, was to secure freedom
to Kansas; that question was practically ds
posed of; the party must die from the suc
cess of its own issue, unless new issues or a
new missiott was assigned to it.. Mr. Sewa:-d
thought it best to give a new mission to the
party in the general terms of " the irrepre i
sible conflict" theory, rather than to develope
specific issues. This mission .was so compri
hersive it might satisfy the most extreme
abolitionists; it was so indefinite that the
most timid republican might not be driven
off. It must be evident to every mind that,
if the republican party are to succeed, the
more aggre.ssive their issues the better for u;.
Indeed, if they would put themselves square
ly on the platform of immediate enancipa
tion, so much the better; their success then,
in obtaining power, would make a Southern
confederacy an instant necessity. It follow;
then that moderation is our present policy,
as compelling our opponents to develope ag.
gressive issues. I think I have sufficiently
explained what I mean by moderation. It it;
nothing but the preparation for the most ef.
fectual resistance. It is not our policy, but
our necessity. It cannot be violated without
entailing disastrous consequences upon the
South. The first tesult of the violation of
this policy of moderation will be the election
of a republican President and the paralysis
of the South from internal'disensions. What
the ultimate consequences may be I shall not
undertake to say, for no one can foresee them.
" I know," to use the language of a celebra
ted Eiglish statesman, when he was protest
ing against Lord North's policy towards the
American colonies, "many have been taught
to think that moderation in a case like this
is a sort of treason, and that arguments for
it are sufficiently answered by railing at sub
inimion." Well, be it so. The voice of rea
sin is too often unheard amid the tumuitif
truth as I understand it. .. ome persons ob
ject to the policy I have recommended, be.
cauwe, they say, if it is adopted by the South
there will be no chance for the election of
an -Lbolitionist to the Presidency, and, there
fore, the Southern Confederacy to arise upon
,uch election of will be postponed. To this
I can only reply that, if it be so, then it is a
misfortune which must be borne with due
There are persons at the South who, justly
incensed by the hostile course of a large por
tion of the Northern people, sustain every
aggravating issue that arises in order to alien
ai0te wo sections, and by forcing power
into the ha s of a sectional party North,
hope to fo~rde the South into revolution; but,
in, my opinion, they take a course calculated
to defeat their own object. For, unfortun
ately for their purpose, while their issues
alienate the North, they also divide tho
South. Thus, while they give power to our
bitterest enemies, they paralyze the power of
the South to resist, by producing fatal dis
sensions. Popular revolntions are not created,
but born. They are not invented, but nece,
sitated. The people generally, from obvious
causes, desire peace and avoid convulsions.
It requires usually the violence of oppression
to startle them from their dreams of peace.
The theory of successfully initiating a popu
lar revolution, '..o benefit by the errors of
the oppresso- to prevent in contrast to
their a--roga'. . agression; tho miost masterly
discretion ; so that the antagonism of the two
causes may be the miost startling, aind thus
incline tbe popular inind to the patrict cause.
Tuus it lia always required the most consum~
mate statesanship to conduct a jsppuar revo
lution. The problem has been to advance
without producing reaction. Excess of zeal,
pro lucing errors and cor.sequent reactions,
have been the hiddleu shoals upon which they
have generally foundered. But foir this inel
ancholy cause France and England would
have been republics to-day. The Jacobins
made the image of liberty repulsive, when
they " beenmeared it with the blomid of human
sacrifice." The Puritans in England, by
their austere fanr.ticism, recalled a licencious
king. In nothing was tbc wisdomn of our an
cestors so manifest as in their wonderful dis
cretion. They entrenched themselves in an
impregnable conservatism. Protesting their
loyalty, they enl asked again aud again that
they might still -e allowed the same privi
leges they had been accustomed to have fr-om
time immemorial. They handled Lord Northi
with consummate tact. They played with
~himo, a vulgar and material polihician, as nmi
ters would with a green scholar. Theyv turned
hiVtupd "ppesins into great instrumen
talities in cosolidating public opinion. When
blinded with insane rage, he despatched his
fleets and armies,. they smiled disdainfully,
for they felt they hiad him ; they used these
ministers of his rage effectually, and in their
great hands they became the moral thunder
bolts with which they rendered their coun
try invincible. Wonderful men! in the sub
lime moderation of their wisdom, they did
not declare independence until battles had
been fought, and Washington led their ar
I do tiot know where wd cah better go to
learn lessons of political wisdom, titan to our
ancestors, who conducted a great revolution
to a successful issue.
As regards the Territorial question, I think
it is at this time a speculative question, be
cause the Territories oSf the United States
open to settlenmenst are impossible to slavery.
Ta o only Territories now left are Nebraska,
Washington, Utah and New Mexico. I omit
Kansas, as site is in an anomalous condition.
and the question is practicably disposed of
ttnjre. As regards Nebraska and Washington
Territories, their remoteness, barrenness and
intense cold remove thems fr-om consideration.
As regards Utah and New Mexico, a vast re
gion of great altitude, composed of barren
mountains and arid plainsm, where production
is impossible except by irrigation, there is
not the slightest probability of the ins oduc
tion of slavery. It is evident that no amount
of legislation can carry it into these Territo
ries. The only territory adapted to slavery
is the country west of Arkansas, guaranitied
by treaty to the Creeks, Cherokees and Chmoc
among these ir teresting tribes It 6n to slave
ry they owe their wonderful advance in civil
ization. We are bound by treaties to leavt
them undisturbed in their own governments,
and not to include them in now Territorial
Governments or States. Perfect non-inter
vention is our policy and duty -as regards
them. Let them alone and slavery strength.
ens among them every day. - In the fulness
of time,.and the ripeness of their civilization,
they may seek admission as a State, and must
come in necessarily as a slave State, if the
South do their duty.
But it may be said this question m:iy be
come of practical importance to the South
by the annexation of new territory. But
this is not so. Because the only Territories
we could annex would be Cuba 'or Mexico.
I put out of view entirely Central America,
for that region is too distant fur annexation.
The time may come whetn it will be subdued
by offihoots from the South, but it will exi..t
as a separate republic. As regards Cuba, it
she comes to us at all, it will be as a slave
community, and this question will have no
bearing upon her. As regards Mexico, Mr.
Calhoun uttered a great truth when he said:
" Mexico is forbidden fruit to us." He refer.
red to the entire United States. The remark
is even more striking, confined to the South
exclusively, because for every -acre of land
adapted to slavery In Mexico, you would ac
quire a hundred suitable only for free terri.
tory. Texas could not divide herself to-mor
row, without great danger of establishing a
free State on her -western border. I ought,
perhaps, to remark that in Utah and New
Mexico the territorial legislature have recog
nized slave property. Yet, in spite of this
affirmative legislation, climate prevents slave
ry, that is, African slaverys-for in Utah the
people are really slaves, and in New Mexico
Under these circumstances, I think I am
authorized to consider this question of slavery
in the territories as purely speculative. True
statesmanship consists in the pursuit of the
practical, for government is a pradtical affair.
As we can gain nothing practical by the most
ardent and successful pursuit of this question,
I think it is wise in us to dispose of it for the
present by leaving it where the Constitution
and the Dred Scott decision now place it.
We have the decision of the Supreme Court
asserting our right to take our slaves into the
territories. We have all the remedies known
to the common law for the protection of this
pro rty in territories. These may be amply
sufficient. If so, then there is no necessity
for further legislation. If these remedies
prove insufficient, then we can insist upon
such further action by the Federal Govern
ment as may be necessary to attain the pur
pose desired. For the present we can safely
leave the question where the constitution and
the decission of the Supreme Court leave it.
This was, as I understand it, precisely the
position taken by Mr. Calhoun, when he said:
" They (the Southern States) are willing tc
leave the whole subiject, where the constitu
tion, and the great and fundatuental principh
of self-government place it." Such too, I i
comprehend it correctly, is the poition takez
by Senator Davis, of Mississippi, on a recen
As regards the-revival of the African slavi
trade, I think it is a most unfortunate issue
Being clearly- inyossite 1 FltirurnonTcan
not see whal good can possibly result fron
its agitation. Besides, the tendency of thii
agitation is to divide and distract the South
when, above all things, we need unity, har
mony and concert ot action at the South.
But if these consi-lerations are not conclu.
sive, I think the objectiona to the revival o
the revival of the African slave trade insa
perable. To go no farther, we now have
4.000,000 of slaves. In twenty-five year
we will hive 8,000,000; in fifty years w<
will have 17.000.000; in sevent'-ive year,
we will have 32,000,000. Surely, in the fic
of such an increase as this, in periods so shor
to a nation, we are under no necessity te
plunge into the ocean of difficulties whicli
will have to be overcome, to add to our slava
population by new importations.
PATIENCE of GoD.--How wondlerful it is
Think what he hears and sees, atid yet thzougi
immnaculately holy. so that sin is infiitel3
,densive to him and infinitely powerful, se
that he can punish it, how be spares ! Taki
the oaths that are uttered. H~e hears then
all, and they soar up in one horrid chorus t<
the skies. Take the cries which wrong and
outrage extort from widows, orp~hans and the
oppressed. Ho hears themt all, and how, as
A bel's slaughted corpse called fromii the
ground, must they pierce his ears and demand
vengeance ! The blood which is unjustly
shed, drawn from the veinis of innocence, hi
sees it all, and it is ' utficient to make rivers
WV hat foul stench reeks up from corrupt cities
dwelling<, and hearts of depraved humanity
A.nd it all :nounts to him. And yet he spare:
--keeps back the struggling thunders. H~ow
amazing His patience ! lie is a God and not
a inan, and therefo.re hii compassion fails not
laA:IHT Eit AND IIEA LTH.-Cheerfuilness i:
the elixir of life. A hearty laugh is more
potenuial for health and virtue than all the
potions of pill-bags and the creeds of all sei
Are you unwell? Dangerously bad? Well
do you expect that health will comes to you,
and take possession of your torbid system, ai
you sit communing with your blue spirits1
if' y~u wish to remain comfortable ani
happy " through life's restless din," you must
cult~vate hopefulness in your sul, Look ori
the pleasant side-not forgetting realities
" fear not, only believe." How plain ani
simple nature portrays I how she laughs it
the fullness of joy. All being on earth, and
in tI: e air, unite in one voice oIf the pure
praise and exbltation to Nature's God. Why
despair? Always with melancholy-laugl
atgoamnething, anything, and nothing; but
latigh. Put a pleasant jyke onl your~ LS)ci.
ate, and allow him to return a similar one
Laughter is a panacea for ills, bodily ant
menta-l. it dissipates gloom, lightens. care
antc drives pain and the blue devils off' ina
hurry ? Try it. Laugh.
A New York mercantile house held an tun
settledi claim of long standing against a lame
duck " out West," and heairiig he was becoun.
ing " well to do," sent their claim on to a
Western lawyer to collect. In due time they
received a reply, which effectually laid auny
hope they might have entertained of receiv
ing their money. It ran in this wise :-" Gents
You will never get any rspondulick out of
Bill Johnson. The undersigned called uporz
him yesterday, and found him with nary tile;
his feer, upon the naked eartth; and not clothet
upon him to wad a gun !"
Tus Oxm~Ius DaivRs's Ms-rKE.-Two
Fifth-Avenue ladies, says the New York Eren
ig Po%t of the 20th alt, were promtenading
that fashionable street one pleasant afternoon,
not long since, when they discovered a female
acquaintance passing the omnibus. Anx
ious to attract her attention, 'whey made
various demonstrations, and fusially begani to
kiss their hands to her in a very energetic
manner. The omnibus driver saw the mo.
tions, and thought they were intended for him,
He hesitated until the kissinag was repeated,
and then, no longer doubtful, returned it with
a will, to the great merriment of the sptatori
and the -evident disgust of the ladies in ques
tion, who went off with a cloud on their brows,
ma iling a momeaa befor.
- ENATOa CUMNER WELL AT kAST.-.R
extract frnn a lettertdaterl at Paris, May;31,
and written by the long-ailing Senator, says:
At last I feel happy in health, which, if
not entirely assured, yet is such as to allow
me to walk naturally, uncensciously, and
without pain, unless when -I stiike into my
old gait, which, you mi remember, was al
ways the fastest of the fastest. I hope T have
not lost this, so that I can not get it-back
again. One must have been for tnree ymars
an invalid to know the happine-s in my new
Ahi! Now let all Abolition Yankeedom
take a long breath, and a strong breath,-and
yell a!l togetber-."Sumner's -Well "'-Cin
cinnatti Enqui er.
Col. David Rbuaoom,.'says the Netos, Gal
veston, is cultivating an article which he-&lls
silk cotton. It is represented as much supe
rior in texture to the sea islaud cotton, as the
sea island is. to tho ordinary growth. The
News says a bale of this cotton snld - in the
Galveston market last year for S100; and
Col. Random expects to get seventeen cents
per pound for his crop this year.
The cultivation of this species of cotton
will be largly extended in Texas the next
season, judging from the demand fortheseed
of the present crop of Mr. Random.
.TuS PaEs1DEITIAL 'LEcTIo.-The Au.
gusta Constitutionalist thus surinises on the
probable result, should the election go into
the House of Representatives:
"But if, contrary to our expectationi, the
people do not elect; and the electiori devolves
upon the Hoiise.of Representatives, we Shall
have little apprehension about the result. In
the House of the next Congress, upon a vote
by States, the Republicans will probably have.
sixteen, the Deuocrat4-fifteen,- and the'South.
ern Opoition one vote, whilst two States
(Maryland an irginia) will be tied. -Eigh.
teen votes will be necessary to el--et a Presi.
dent. There is no possible calition -which
can give this number of votes to the Repub.
lican nominee, and the Demcratic candidate
4.ust be elected, if any election is made.; for
we assume that the struggle -in 'the next
Presidential election will between the Democ
racy and the Republicans, and that there will
be but two candidates before the House."
NEw BILL OF TnE BANK oF HAMnURG.
We were shown, yesterday, a "specimen copy"
of a new twentv dollar'bill about to be -issued
by the Bank of Hamburg, S. C. It is a-hand
some note, and we think it will prove very
difficult to couiterfeit. The note ta red tin.
ted, with a well engraved vignette, represent
ing commerce. justic. liberty, and the coat of
arms of South Caroliua. The denomination
of the hill is repeated a number of times on
its face, which will. render the possibility of
Counterfeiting it still more difficult. It is
signed by J. W. Stokes,.President, and A. W.
The old twenties of this bank having been
very extensively and successfully conterfeited,
they are being called in, and destroyed;- and
hence, the necessity for issuing new bills,
which shall more successfully defy counterfeit
ing. The bills, is handsomely executed, and
will prove quite ornamental, as well as useful
to those who have the good fortune to poss iss
enough of them.-Augusta Constitutionlist.
Lxcn LAw ix Alissrr.---A few nights
ago a negro Loy proceeded to the residen-ce of
a respectable wh ite woman, near Springlield,
Mo., and lreaking in the door, seized her by
the hands with one of his, and with the other
choked her until she was senseless. He -then
accomplished his hellish purpose, and left her
senseless on the floor. When she recovered,
she took her little children and went through
the rain to a neighbot's house, some quarter or
half a mile, and told what had been done.
Of course the neighborhood was ayonsed and
indignant, and turned out, together with many
persons from town, in search of the scoundrel.
He was soon arrested, and the court being in
session, he was immediately indicted. About
the time, however, his trial was to commenre,
a er.-wdl of three or four hundred men assemn
bled nraund the Temperance Hall, where the
boy was being guarded, and flialy obtained
entrance, put a rope rountd his neck. and took
hiat out to the edge of the town and hung
Ova COUNRa, RIIWur oR WaoNG.-A dis
cussion arose in a hotel as to the citizenship
of a gent lenan at the oither ether end of the~
roomi. "lie's an Englishman," said one, " I
know by his heud." "Ile's a S-tha,
sai aothr," Iknow *by his eomplexion."
hi5 beard." The young; ladies thouglit he
looked a little Spaniiu. He're the e,,nversa
ion rested, but soon one of them spoke:-' [
have it,'' said he, "he's. an Aimerican ; he'
yoQ! h'is leg: on the table!"
Joux FaasEa & Co., Cuaatssrox.--The
Icommnercial communtity of Georgia, as well
Ias of South Carolina, and o~her Stater-:he
husitness houses of the Union, and we may
say of Europe, will be gratified to- read the
circular of John Fraser & Co.
The house of John Fraser & Co. was and
jis one of the strong and principal pillars in
the commercial edifice of Charleston ; and
wl.e:a the announcement was made, some
months age, that they had supended, public
and commercial confidence in their solvency
was merely shaken,, lint not lost. That house
las had too many ansl to.o extensive and rc
sponsible business conm:.. t~ns in Georgia
and particularly in Augus .:, rungmig through
years; have been known to be r..T::-Ie in all
furmer times and in all matters ; .d when
the news of the suspension was nwade k .wn
did not believe that it was caused by any wU.t
Iof fidelity and judgment in the heads of the
Hconcern. The confidence which was freely
extended them has beetn fully confirmed by
Itheir full! resumption and honorable conhmer
cial dealing.-Au~guta Constitutionalist.
N.m totxs P-',sx ss roa ARIct-LTUars
daily conversation is about agricunnure, lhon
tieulture, ti e sy~tem of irrigaition practiced
in Lombardy, and in the praises of which he is
very enthusiastic, his plans for improving
the condition nif the agricultural labors, &c.
The sword would seem to be rapidly under
.goinr transformation ; and, after the ovation of
the 15th, when 80t,000 men will pass in review
before his Majesty, it will be changed into a
. ALUE OF Tur. Scewuass..-As the beauty
of the world is set off by a graceful variety, so
it is in the Scriptures. There arc sublime
truths, that the most aspirinug reason of mn
can not overstep ; and there are imire plain
and easy truths, on which the weakest capaci
ty may converse with delight and satisfaction.
No man is offended with his garden for having
a shady thicket in it; no more should we bhoof
iended with the word of God, that among so
many fair and open walks we here and there
mee:t with a thicket that the eye of human
reason cannot look through.-Bishop Hopkins.
Swinc are often troubled with a disease, (so
denominted by veterinarians,) the "kidney
worm." Corn soaked in very strong lye,
made of wood asqhes,is said to be an infalible
remedy. Salt and brimstione, in amnil quanti
ties, is a preventive, and indeed, the only one
known. Comfortable quarters and good
food are of really more importance in the suc
cessful management of these animals than
many are inclined to suppose, and shoculd