OCR Interpretation

The Newberry herald. (Newberry, S.C.) 1865-1884, March 07, 1866, Image 1

Image and text provided by University of South Carolina; Columbia, SC

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84026909/1866-03-07/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

- -- *
- - -- * -.
- --- ---: - . t-e
-- - -
aRS$ 0FOR SIX eb f to t I ~ O ? oyet) - EDI-rs 1R. UI. GRERKELk a
-M Newberry 0. H.,
ayment required invariably in advance.)
Advertisementainserted at $1, 50 per square, for
rtk insertion, $1 for each subsequent insertion.
arf age notices, Funeral invitations, Obituaries,
ad Communications of personal interest charged
Ia AdveMisaients.
Sweet Hope.
the smiling and thxe weeping,
-sball be soon;
yond the waking and the sleepi,
Saand the sowing and the reaping,
I shall-be soon. -
ove;.esfiand home
Ve~t hope!
*-i-tarry not but come !
S-Dey-nd the blooming and the f&ing,
I shall be soon.
Beyon-d the shining and the shading,
Beyond te.hoping- and the dreading,
I shan be soon.
Aegnqdtbe rising and ihe settinz,
-a1sWal be soon;
- 4t'e soothing and the fretting,
*remembering and forgetting,
Ishall be soon.
Beyona de glthering and-the strowing.
~ 4shalbesoon i
Beyond the eoing and the fowing,
B,od he coming and the going,
-I shall be soon.
an d th-parting and the meeting,
I shal be soon;
Beyond the farewell and the greeting,
eart Jizing now, and now high beatiug,
IshAt be soon.
Beyond ths.friet chain and the fever,
:hatl be soon;
OledThe rok-waste and the river,
egend .he ever and,.the-never,
I eballbe soo~.
to of the Treedmen's Burean Bill.
6keSaate of te ited Statee:
h ae examired with care the bill which
eriginxted in the Senate, and has been :ed
-by the two 'oases of Congress, to amend an
'Act titled "An Act to establish a Bureau
for ttr"liefJof Freedmen and Refugees," and
for oter purposes. .aving, with mch re
gret, -cme to the conclusion that it would
not be consstent .~th'the:pr' lic welfire to
ge my apir6Va t. the -measure, I return the
1bill to jhSeitte with my objectious to its
!migbtcal1to mind, in adrance of 'these
objectiohs, that there is- no immediate necessi
ty for the propo&ed meaSure. The Act to es
tablish a Bureau r.r the relief of freedmen and
retagee'wbich was approved in the month
iirch1st, has - not yet expired. It was
*. thqugh't stringent and extensive eno,gh for
- - the purposes in view iu time of war. Before it
ceases to haveO effect, further4x perience may
ilRist to ghide'us to a wise conclusion as to
tils policy tnbe adopted iin time of peace.
* -shareu..itb Congress- the strongest desirt~
toecure-to the freedmen the full enjoyments
of their freedom and their property, and their
entire inidependence and eqnahity in ma3king
egretsfor their labor; bar the bill before
~iercontamnsprovisions wbhin my opinion,
a yeroot warranted by the Constitution, and
xeniot.well suited to accomplish the end in
fiew.-- -
The bill proposes1to estalish, by authority
fCongress, military-jurisdiction over all parts
of the United States containing refugees and
uirn d. It would by its-very nature, ap
py with. most force to those parts of the Uni
ted Statesin.which the freedmen most abound;
and itexpressly 'extends the existing tempo
- ary jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bvreau,
with greatly - enlarged power-s, over those
- -6tates, "in which tbe ordinary course of judi
eial preoeedings has been interrupted by the.
t'ebeHlion." Trhe source from which this mili
ry.uriidictionl is to emnaote is none other
an'rh csident of the United- States, act
-~tiirougd 3the' War Department and the
Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau. The
agentoit carr:y out this- miliftrij risdiction
--ape~to be selected either . from~ -he army ,or
fibei ife the county i to be divided
- iito ditits and sub-distiicts,.and the numn
berofsiardagentsto be employed may be
ual tha~ numbrof Counties or Parishes
ie,I the United-States where freedmen and
~efge~ ae o be found; --
the subjects over which this military juris
dictidn is to extend in every part of the United
States,~ include protection to "all employees,
agents and officers of this Bureau in the exer
tise of the duties imposed" upon them by the
bill. In eleven Blites it is further to extend
tbver all.cases affecting freedmen and refugees
discriminated against "by local law, custom
nr prejudice." In those eleven States the bill
Esbjecta any white person who may be charged
*11t depriving a freedman of "any civil rights
idr immunities belonging to white persons,"
to imprisonment oif fine, or both-witbout,
however, defining the "cisvil rights and immu
iies" which are thus to be secured to the
eedmian by military law. This mnilitar~y ju
ftiction also extends to all questions that
Anayarise- respecting contracts. The. agent
wrho is thus to exercise the oftice of a military
judge may be a stranger, entirely ignorant- of
-tbwkas of the place, and exposed to the er
)ra ofjudgmnent to- which all nmen are liable.
exerciseeof power, over which there is no
Ia supervision, by so vast a number of
hnts as is contempl'ated by the bH1l, must,
by the very nature of mDan, be -attended by
acts of caprice, injustice and passion.
The trials having their orngin under this
1hill are to take place without the intervention
Of ajury, and without any fixed rules of raw
or evidence. The rules on which offences- areI
to be "beard and determined" by the numer
ous a-ents, are such rules anid regulations asi
the Peident, through the War Department,
shall preseribe. -No previous presentment is
iequired, nor any indictment charging the
eommnission of a crime against the laws; but
dejaI mu-et nromed on ch-rme and snecifi
cations. The punishment will be-not what
the law declares-but such as a court martial
may think preper; and from' these arbitrary
tribunals, there lies no appeal, no writ -cf er
ror to any of the courts in which the Consti
tution of the United States vests exclusively
the jpdicia' power of the country.
While the territory and the classes of actions
and offences that are made subject to this
measure are so extensive, the bill itself, should
it become a law, wiil have no limitation in
point of time, b.ut will form a part of the per
manent legislation of the country. I cannot
reconcile a system of military jurisdicticn *of
this kind with the words of the Constitution,
which declares that "no person shall be held
to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous
crime unless on a presentment or indictment
of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the
land and naval forces, or in the militia, when
in actual service in time of war or public dan
ger ;" and that "in all criminal prosecutions,
the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy.
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the
State or District wherein the crime shall have
been committed." The safeguards which the
experience and wisdom of ages taught our
fathers to establish as securities for the pro
tection of the innocent, the punishment of the
guilty, and the equal administration of justice,
are to be set aside, and, for the sake of a more
vigorous interposition in behalf ofjustice, we
are to take the risk of the many acts of injus
tice that would necessarily follow from an al
most countless number of agents, established
in every Parish or County in nearly a third
of the States of the Union, over whose deci
sions there is to be no supervision or control
by the Federal Com ts. The power that would
be thus placed in the hands of the President
is such, as in time of peace, certainly ought
never to be entrusted to any one man.
If it be asked whether the creation of such
a tribunal within a State is warranted as a
measure of war, the question immediately
presents itself, whether we are still engaged
in war, Let us not unnecessarily disturb the
commerce and credit and industry of the coun
try,'by declaring to the American people and
to the world that the United States are still in
a condition of civil war. At present, there is
no part of our country in which the authority
of che United States is disputed. Offences
that may be committed by individuals should
not work a forfeiture of the rights of whole.,
communities. The country has returned, or
is returning, to a state of peace and industry, I
and the rebellion is, in fact, at an end. . The
measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsfsteniit
with the actual condition of the country as it
is at variance with the Constitution of the;i
United States.
If, passing from general cousideration!, we
examine the bill in detail, it is open to weighty
objections. f
In time of war, it is eminently proper that
we should provide for those who are passimg
suddenly from a condition of bondage to a
state of freedom. But this bill proposes to
make the Freedmen's Bureau, established by
the Act of 1865, as one of many great and ex
troordinary military measures to suppyess a
formiJb1z rebellion, a permanent branch of
the public administration, with its powers
greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose,
and I do not understand it to be alleged, that
the Act of March,1865,haus proved deficier t for
the purpose for which it passed, although at ~
that time, and for a considerable period there
after, the Government of thme United States
remained unacknowledged in most of the C
States whose it habmants had begn involved ~
in the rebellion. The institution of slavery,
for the military destruction of which thet
Freedmen's Bureau was called into existence ~
as an auxiliary, has been already effectually it
and finally abrogated throughout the wholet
country by an amendment of the Constitution a
of the United States, and practically its eradi-t
cation has received theassent and concurrence
of miost of those States in which it at any time ~
had an existence. I am not, therefore, cable 1
to discern, in the condition of the country, 0
anything, to justify an apprehension that 9
the powers~ and agencies of the Freed
men's Bureau, which were effective for the e
protection of freedmen* an.d refugees during
the actual continuance of hostilities and of s
African ser:vtude, will now, in a time of peace P
and after the abolition of slarery, prove .in- t
adequate to the same proper ends. If I am a
correct in these views, there can be no ne
cessity for the enlargement of the powers of it
the Bureau, for which provision is made in n
the bill. tiU
The third section of the bill authorizes a e
general and unlimited grant of suppoft to the a'
destitute and suffering refugees and freedmen, 'P
teir wives and children. Succeeding sections el
make provision for the rent or purchase of t
landed estates for freedmen, t' nd for the erec- -
ion, for their benefit, of suitable buildings t(
[or asylums and schools-the expense to be "
efrayed from the treasury of the whole peo- c4
pe. The Congress of the United States has. u
never heret"fore thought itself empowered to c~
stablish asylums beyond the limits of the
District of Columbia, except for the benefit of ti
ur disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never el
Counded schools for any class f r ourown peo- S
ale-not even for the orphans~ of these who ai
ave fallen in the defence of the Union, but ir
as left the care of educatlor. to the munch It
more competent and efficient control of the Si
tates, of communities, of private associations 1em
rnd of ir.dividuals. It has never deemed it- n<
elf authorized to expend the public money of
or the rent or purchase of homes for the nm
thousands, not to say millions, of the white ol
race, who are honestly toiling, from day to tl
lay, for their subsistengp. A system for the I
support of indigent persons in the United sc
tates was never contemplated by the authors C
>f the Constitution; nor can any good reason tU
be advanced why, as a permanent establish- re
nent, it should be founded for one class or cc
olorof our people more than another. Pend-iw
ng the war,: many refugees and freedmen re- fr
~eived support of thme Government, but.it was Iaf
lever intended that they should henceforth be re
ed, clothed, educated and sheltered by the di
Taited States. The idea on which the slaves*t
mere assisted to freedom was, that, on becom- ne
ng free, they would be a self-susta ning popu- o
ation, Any legislation' that shall imply that re
ey are not expected to attain a self-sustain- k
ng condition, must have a tendency injurious
dike to their character and the.ir prospects. ~li1
The appointment of an agent for every C
ounty and Parish will create an immense cc
)atronage ; and the expense of the numerous o
)fiesandthi.cl1k~ to-1i be happmninted by ed
the President, will be great in the begimng,
with a tendency steadily to increase. Theip
propriations asked by the Freedmen's BurQU,
as now established, for the year 1S66, amont
to $11,745,000. It may be safely estinaed
that the cost to be incurred under the peid
ing bill will require double that arnourt
more than the entire sum expended in ;ny
one year under the administratio-n of the ec
ond Adams. If the presence of zg-f in we
ry Parish and County is to be considered as
a war measure, opposition, or even resistaice,
might be provoked; so that, to give effect to
that jurisdiction, troops would have to be:ta
tioned within reach of every one of them, md,
thus a large standing force be rondered ne;es
sary. Large appropriations would, therefre,
be required to sustain and enforce miliary
jurisdiction in every County or Parish tom
the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The coidi
tion of our fiscal affairs is encouraging;- )ut,
in order to sustain the prLsent measure of
public confidence, it is necessary that we p-ac
tice not merely customary economy, but, as
far as possible, severe retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already stated,
the fifth section of the.bill-. proposes to lake
away land from its former owners wit;out
any legal proceedings being first had, cortra
ry to that provision of the Constitution which
:eclares that no person shall "be deprivei of
li e, liberty or property, without due prccess
>f law." It does not appear that a part of thL
land to which this seetion refer.jnay not be
>wned by minors or personsofunsound mind,
>r by those who have been faithful to all their
>bligations as citizens -of the United States,
if any portion of-the land is held by such
>ersons, it is not competent for any authority
o deprive them of it. If, on the other hand,
t be found that the property is liable to con
iscation, even then it cannot be apiropriated
o public purposes until, by due process of
aw, it shall have been declared forfeited to
be Government.
There is still further objection to the bill,
n grounds seriously affecting the class of
)ersons to whom it is designed to bring relief.
t will tend to keep the mind of the freedman
n a state of uncertain expectation and rest
essness, while to those among whom he lives
t will be a source of constant and vague ap
Undtubtedly the freedman should be pro
ected, but he should be protected by the civil
mthorities, especially by the exercis'. of all
he constitutional powers of the courts of the
Jnited States and ofthe_Sates. His condi
ion is- ni>so exposed as may at first be tda
gined. lie is in a portion of the country
vhe -e his labor cannot well be spared. Con
etiLion for his services from planters, from
hose who aro constructing or repairiig rail
oad.s, and from capitalists in his icinage or
rom other States, will enable him to command
Imost his own terms. He also possesses a
erfect right to change his place of abode, and
r, therefore, he does not find in one commou
ity or State a mode of life suited to his de
ires, or proper remuneration for his labor, he
an move to another, where that labor is more
steemed and better. rewarded. In troth,
owever, each State induced by its own wants
id interests, will do what is necessary and
roper to retain within its borders all ihe la
icr that is needed for the development of its
esources. The laws that regulate supply and
emand will maintain their force, and the
:ages of the laborer will be regulated thereby,
bhere is no- danger that the exceeding great
emand for labor will not operate in favor of
Neither is sufmcient consideration given to
he ability of the freedmen to protect and tk
are of-themselves. It is no more than justice
a them to believe that, as they hanve received
heir freedom- with moderation and forbear;
nce, so they w ill distinguish themselves by
beir industry and thrift, and soon show the
orld that in a cor.dition of frecedom they
re self dustaining, capable of selecting their
wn employment and their own place of abode,
f insisting for themselves on a proper remnune
tion, and of establishing and maintaining
beir on'n asylums and schools. It is earn-i
stly hoped that instead of wasting away, thej
-ill bya.heir own efforts establish for them -
alves a condition of respectability and pros
erity. It is certain that they can attain to
>at condition only through theirown. merits
rid exertions.
In this connection, the query presents itself,
-hether the system proposed by this bill will
ot, .when put in to complete operation, prac
cally transfer-the entire care, support and
>ntrol of 4,000,000 of emnancipa ted slaves to
rents, overseers or task-masters, who,- ap
ainted at Washington, are to be located in
rery County and garish throughout the
nited States contaiag freedmen and refa
~es -Such a system. would inevitably tend
a conce:.tration of power'in the Fxecutife,
hich would enable him, if -s:> disposed; to
mtrol the action of this numerobs class, and
se them for the attainment of his own politi
L ends.
I cannot but add another grave objection to
is bill. The Constitution imperatively de
ares, in connection with taxation, that each
~ate shall have at least one representative,
d fixes the rule for the number to which,
future times, each State shall be entitled.
also provides that the Senate of the FInited
~ates shall be composed of two Senators from i
eh State, anid adds, with peculiar force, that,
> State, without its consent,shall be depi-ived
its equal suffrage in the Senate. The origi
i act was necessarily passed in the absencet
the States chiefly to be affected, because
eir people were contumaciously engaged in i
e rebellion. Now, the case is changed, and
me, at least, of those States, are attendingi
ngress by loyal representatives,.- soliciting ec
e allowance of the Constitutional right of If
presentation. At the-time,- however, of the c
nsideration and the passing of this bigthere
as no Senator or Representative in Congress f
m the eleven States which are to be mainly s
rected by its provisions. The very fact that a
ports were and.are made against the good c
sposition of the people of that portion of
e country, is an additional reason why they s
ed and should have Representatives of their -t
rn in Congress to explain their condition,
ply to accusations, and assist, by their local
ioledge, in the perfecting of measures im- a
ediately affecting themselves. While the t
arty of deliberation would then be free, and a
mgress would have full power to decide ac- d
rding to its judgment, there could be no
jection urged that the States most interest
hadi not bon nermittd to be heard. i
The principleis firmly fixed in the minds
of the Ame i6an people that there. should be
no taxation without representation. 4Great
burdens have now to be borne by all thecoun
try, and we may best demand tlhat they shall
be borne without'murmur when they are vo
ted by a majority of the representatives of the
people. -I would not interfere with the un
questionable right of Congress to judge, each
House for itself, "of the elections, returns and
qualifications of its own members." But that
authoriiy cannot be constructed as excluding
the right to shut out, in time of peace, any
State from the representation to which it
is entitled by the Constitution. At present,
all the people of eleven States are excluded
those who were most faithful duting the war
not less than the others. The State of Ten
essee, for instance, whose authorities engaged
in rebellion, was restored to all her constitu
tional relations to the Union by the patrio
tism and energy of injured and betrayed peo
ple. R#fore the war was brought to termina
tion, they had placed themselves in relations
with the General Government, had established
a State Government of their own, and, as they
were not included in thp emancipation procla
mation, they, by their own act, had amended
their.Constitution so as to abolish slavery
within the limits of their State. I know no
reason why the State of Tennessee, for exam
ple, shuuld not fully enjoy "all her constitution
al relations to the United States,"
The President of the United States stands
towards the coutry-in a somewhat different
attitude from that of any member of Congress.
Each member of Congress is chosen from a
single District or State; the President is cho
sen by the people of all the States. As elev
en States are not at this tjme represented in ei
ther branch of Congress,if would seem to be his
duty on all proper occasions to present their
just claims to Congress, There always will be
differences of opinion in the community,and in
dividuals may be guilty'of transgressions of
the law; but these do not constitute valid ob
jections against the right of a State. to repre
sentation. I would in no wise interfere with
the discretion of Congress with the regard to
the qualifications of members, but I hold it my
duty to recommend to you, in the interest of
peace and in the interest of Union, the ad
mission of every State to its share in public
legislation, -when, however insphordinate,. in.
surgent, or rebellious its people may have
been, it presents itself not only in an attitude
of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of
representatives, whose loyalty cannot be ques
tonea uider any ezisting constitutional or
legid test.
It is plain that an indeffinite or permanent
exclusion of any part of the country -from rep
resentation must be attended by a spirit of
disquiht and complaint. It is unwise.and
danger-ous to pursue a course of measures
which will unite a very farge section . of the
country against another large section of the
country, however much the latter may pre
ponderate. The course of emigration, the de
velopments of industry and busiuess, and na
tural causes, will raise up at the South men as
devoted to the Union as those of any other part
of the land. But if they are excluOed from
Congress-if, in a permanent statute, they are
declared to be not in full constitutional rela
tions to the country, they may think they
bare cause to becomrne a unit in fuelling and
sentiment against the Government. Under
the pollitical education of the American peo
pie, the idea is- inherent and ineradicable that
the content of the majority of the whole peo
ple.is necessary to secure a. willing acquies
cence ini legislation.
The hill under consideration refers to cer
tain of the States as though they had not "been
fully restored in all their Constitutional rela
tions to the United States." If.they have not,
let us at ouce act together to secure that de
sirale end at the earliest possible moment. I
is hardly necessary for me to inform Congress
that, in rmy own judgment,- most of those
States, so far at least as depends upon
their own ~action, have already been fully
rstored, and are to be deemed as entitted to
enjoy their Constitutional rights as members
of the Union. Reasoning from the Constitu
tion itself, and from.the actual situation.of the
country, I feel not only entitled, - but bound,
to assumnethat, with the. Federal Courts re
stored, and those- of the several States in. the
fll exercise of their functions, the rights and
interest of all classes of the people will, with
the aid of the military in cases of resistance .
to the law, be essen tially protected against un
~onstitutiornial infrigement and violation.
Shio.uld this expectation unhappily fail
a-hich I do not anticipate-then -the Execu
ive is already fully armed with the powers
:onferred by the Act of Marclh, 1869, estab
ishing.the Freedmen's Bureau, and hereafter,~
s heretofore, he can employ the land and na
~al forces of the country-to suppress insurrec
ion or to ovetseme obst,ructions to the laws.
In accordance with the Constitution, I re
urn the bill* to the Senate,. in tIle earnest
ope that a measure involving questions and
nterests so important to the country will not
ecomne a law unless, upon deliberate conside-f
ation by the people, it sball receive the sanc
ion of an enlightened publicjudgment.
WAsIUNCTON, February 19), 1860O.
A very learned and compassionate Judge
n Texat, on p'assing sentence on John Jones,T
rho had been convicted of murder, concluded I
is remark~s as fol!ows: "The fact is, Jones,
hat the Court did not intend to order you
o be executed before next spring, but the
eather is very cold, our jail, unfortunately, a
s in a very bad,condition ; much of the glass S
n the windows are broken; the chimneys are
a such a dilapidated condition that no fire P
an be made to render your apartments corn
>rtable; besides, owing to the great number n
f prisoners, not more than one blankcet can
e allowed to each, to sleep sound and~ corn- t
>rtable. In consideration of these circum.
tances, and wishing to lessen your sufferingst
s much as possible, the Court in the exer- a
ise of its humane compassion, hereby orders
ou to be executed to-morrow morning, as d
oon after breakfast as may be convenient to
be Sheriff and agreeable to you.
A Colorado Elditor,-who calls that territory.
Paradige, invites ,the -women to emigrate
lere. Hie perhaps -forgets the consequenced
f womran's introduction into the first Parsd
What is the worst kind of fair for a man to
.veo n? 9Warfare,.
Letter from Mrs. DavIs.
A most noble enterprise says.-th&Columbus
Georgia,) Daily Sun and Times, has been in-..
tugurated in New Orleans having for its ob- 1
ect the relief of the family of the Hon. Jeffer
5o- Davis. We understand that Mrs. Dr.
Nott, of Mobile, will likely be the head of an
yrganization for Alabama, and that co-workers
n the good cause will be appointed in all the 1
:ounties of the State. Thefamily of Jefferson
Davis should never suffer as long as there-is a
dollar in the South. 'We find in the New Or
leans True Delta, the following tender and
womanly letter from Mrs. Davis:
MILL VIEW, GA., Dec. 4, 1855.
T. B. Clark, Esq., Secretary and Agent Ladies
Southern Aid Association:
MY bEAR SIR :-I am in receipt of your
very kind letter in the name "of the Ladies'
Southern Aid Association," having. "for .its
object the purpose-of placing" me "and fami
ly, in circumstances somewhat commensurate
with their estimate of" me and mine, and beg
ging that I will, at my earliest convenience
designate a place to which the means so col
lected may be conveyed so that they may
"safely and satisfactorily" reach- me.
From our desolated and impover-ished
friends, I scarcely expected such an expression
of material sympathy, though my powers of.
gratitude have almost been daily taxed, to
thank those who have, with so. much -heart.
eloquence, plead with the President for- him
who, though unsuccessful, has given you all
he could-his best energies-and whose only
lhope of future happiness lies in. the sweet
trust, olten expressed, that he has not lost'
your confidence and love. -Ignorant of all his
own--p66ple have.done for him in his -painful
captivity, his devotion isunabated. "The un
fortunate have"always been deserted and - be-'
trayed, but did ever man have less to complain
of when he had lost the power to serve'?. The
multitude are silent; why should they speak
save to Him who hears best the words ,most
secretly uttered ? My own heart tells me that
sympathy exists-that th.prayers from the
family hearth,are not hushed.- Be loving and,
confiding still to -those from whom-Ihave re
ceived much more than I deserve,far '"ore .f
ficial honors -than I ever deserved. Those for
whom I suffer are not unworthy of the devo
tion of all which I had-to give. ThiF- is - the
mnessage of love which is sent through prison
gates to our own people, I say our people, be
cause both of us have been bronght up with
you, one of us was born in Mississippi,. the
other came to her in infancy. These are my
own people, and it isa privilege- of which no
change of circumstances can deprive me. To
the accepted prayers of our widows. and or:
phans, our suffering and heroic women, our
brave and true men, our innocent. little chil
dren ; I look for the restoration to . my little
children of their agonized but Christian father.
If -a merciful Providence so ordain it, we hope.
to live and die among you, mutualy consoling
and bearing each other's burdens. . I1 - pray
God we may not be driven forth from the
home of our childhood- "for h.w can we sing
our own song in a strange land ?" We-would
not have our dear friends betrayed, by their'
sympathy into offering for our-use, too muah
from 'their-own "basket: and store." -I and
mine have, so.far, been miraculously cared for>
and shielded from want. ~We seem ever en
vironed by the love which is reflected7 upon
us from that which - lighted my husband in
his dungeon-softened his prison walls with
sunny pictures of loving eyes and outstretohed
arms. -
Grief and gratitude seem to .imposc upon
me silence. I would, but cannot say-say more.
[ will enclose within this the names and di
rections'of gentlemen. to whom the con tribu-'
ions-of which you speak may be enclosed.
And instead -of the eloquefit voice -which so
aften has poured forth his loved to dhis dear
people, now mute, I offer a wife's and mother's
mnd a country woman's-gratitude to you and
hose you. represent. --
I have the honor to be, very gratefully and
incerely yours. - - -
--The Public Whipping -Case. -
The sentences of Judge Aldrieh,.pased~ oui
he 14th instantla oir,o. Arrnradaind Fos.
er, prisoners!found guilty of. lareeny, the
ormer to receive thirty-nine lashes at inter
als of every two months, and the' latter. five
ashes-each at the end of a month, have' been
nnulled by the.rmilitary arithorities says the
harleston Courier, -on~ the ground: that they
e in violation of Getn.:Sickles' orders, issue~d
nte-1st. of January, -Paragraitr-XVIIl:of
rich says-"No corporal -ponishument shall
se inflicted on-any persbn other thara 'niy'
Lor,f &c, and that by parent or guardian; -
rested a false impression, we give below"'flie,j
tatement of Judge Aldrich, -in relation to his
terview with the Brevet Brigadier-Generafl
ommanding the city:
On the evenineof .Thursday; the 15ib of
'ebruary, 1 callesd on Mr. Didgie, the Deputy F
heriff, who is a friend. He asked me what
he military authornties wanted with me. I ~
eplied 1 did not know, as I had not heard
bat they wished to see me. He then informed j
2e that about 10 or 11 o'clock, a .soldier had
led at his office-the Sheriff's-inquiring
>r the Judge ; that be replied the'Judge had R
ljourned the Court. Aboitt 2 o'clock, the
ime day, the soldier returned, and made the c
ime inquiry. Mr. Dingle made the same re-.
y, and asked him what he wanted with the G
udge; to which he answered that Gen. Ben
ett wished to see him at his office. Mr. S<
ingle asked him ifhe had no paper for the -
udge. Hie said no. He was then directed m
>the Judge's lodgings, and, upon inquiry di
mere, was iuformed that the Judge was not
;home, (the 16th.) The man returned, andb
as shown into the Judge's room, and pro:-d
aced the following note:i
HEAnQ'RS Paov'T MAasnA'sOmvCE,
CHIARLESTON, S. C., Feb. 1@, 1866.
Rot. A. P. Aldrich, Charlestont, S. C.
The Brevet Brigadier-General Commanding,
rects-me to -present his complhments, and n
~sires to see . you at his office immediately.
Very respectfully, FRANK GElSE,
t Lieut. 54th N. Y. V. V., Provost Marshal. i
To this no the Juden rcplicd a fullows: -hb
- epruary 1%66Q~ j
stpt.'I have juast reO i; yo ; n
ng me that the Brevet Brigadier-Oij
nan'ding de!-i es to see me at his ifice
liately. I respectfully inform y'nO6u'"
tad anv business with the Gener,4: .*onI
>romptly call upon him for its transa ojt
3ut a- I am'not aware of an'y,.aUer1 eg W
>ublic or private which demands my prsetqee -
beg leave respectfully to 6ecline answeM -
rour summons, If the General hasa 7s*
)ess-with ne, it will 've. me.Age plegn ,j
;Q receive him at my place-of residenc
n the city-Mrs. Gidiere's; Bio"d
lespectfully, your obedient seivant
A.- A, -
To Lieut. GEIs.. -
The next-.orning Lient :Geise caled&i
ue and was shown to my.room.. IIe me
ne that he had received y,renjAy to Sn(te
Lnd was directed by Ge. Bennet[ toL
ne in person; present hisonTirn .
-espectfully ask me-to see. hin.FtisA o
)u1Aic busines of th6 na t- filc
iot fully informed. I asMle hi
ime the General had app9tat tA'- :
Ele replied imoc_diate. T an eied ,
ready to go with you. Arrivirig .t ea
juarters, the King house; I dpresenedo'
3en. BenneU who recived.MO -'olty -
then said b.e bed.,seen- my Ireply'to Lieif
Gei3 , and considered it disr'eyectfuf. -
L am sorry you so consider it, for LTkI6M
it to be entirely respectful.- .'saidf A
it- rather curt, I answered,tint the o,"eb-t
a Judge of the Superior Coart idAStf i4
lina had-always been com'ide oe6i'
dignity,that:tosb who had 'pcrd'ie=
,aintained is station 'and 'th f s ot
.li'ed to deart from tieai'. -,
if I bad beeui Ch3arleston o yd itif -
fairs and he 'ad requeistel mi t -6nt W
Ace, I wupld bave had.an he
io, But asTsailfereg idy'trodi
[thou'ght or'ethir g.s diie~toti
3f the office,. and that be right
ddresed me under W own
Frmed.me-f his brsinei
did not recognize 'tie 1ith1y
States Govern Ient'rir the state ~f -
irnd w~as forced.to do.so. 'YEfn~a ~ . -
be reyreseeiet oveiaie1, 5f
it would e give hi eli N'f& ilI
ie yet-be tbought myeply gh'
been l(ss curt.'
1e7then drew my attdnti" o e -
the'daily newspapers- iet e
by thein the Court:ofSessionP6sa1q -
i f theiepor4 was' correctl ii,4ai
this qnestiois becau'ie dh're
male eat bkV nder and e
I pW that the sewiter e
ported. ". enswerel, 'aTtpV
down my Provost-Marshal toi
ords. lie tbeD said vaif directedAj: Cea -
Sickles' to 'equest ydtrto revoketaeM"%M
as they arie iTf violtionof hsdd-e
sist-nf with' the' advance -.ofcivil
the humatitf' of the-age. 4-pied
had never--gen Ge.-Scke'enr, b
handed-re but that I w6uld no y
baw;-thatthe only 4 -'a~y
Judge,-was tnrease.4NSthe~ -
[a*prbid -W
the ','
dut tee;an*ike
of oui"Uourts in Law, Equity -r6
and a Gonsfof Bfrica Hesea
Chi Justice was in the eily;1m 'ai
any difference inthe:vakWof--Judet
plied no;-'that-tbe Otfi JtretiCer '
Court off ppeals. and-iir t1ie Court of aNz
tht the' Court 'of A ppeals was a.gipra$
Court, a-nd thai the Court ft&rdi:s va-ede- - -
posed of alttheJudg&s, andi that'.est Jjo
as the same authority and dignitgenas-t*--~
Dhief Justies. I thea. said -fo himnr#*fsi
butone Ma nvii th-ed ptag~ caoM -
ioided, inf4bat is by ip.11igt teos
,o to. exe'rcise the pow4? o'#nidfi4e4
led, itwasakiso'teAyoidedii oori%d
:h pi-isoneRs oa(ofW4h d -
le tben saIu,Igde.'t
evoke th nteees ,
ickles, anidtogia e ,
riew (.~'
e jiiH fer -thwu plrose o'earyingr'ba '
nee it&teitin bt wasiefadpMe
ion oT th pretorieIs apn eIi~onr-4t
NIoM.-- th 4nralCn%iL Ii
sythe.14thwains c'S~6q~ig
ree eleeted omeo o0r Jy ee.8
Companion A. G. Ma4key,.Dri
nM..E..Gnd HighFPdest.
Companiofn B. Rush Oampbell, of Latirer s -X.
.Deputy Grand High Priest.
Comnanion Rev. T. S. A.rthur,.e-f Geevile,
..E.-. Grand King.
Gompanion M. I?i Bartlett, of Charleston 'R.-.
..Grand Scribe.
Companion Rev. M. A. Sawyer, of B!ackville
ost Rev. Grand Chaplain.
Companion.C. F. Jack son, of Columbia,' R.-.
.- rand Treasurer.
Companion Ebenezer Thayve,- of'htleston,
.-.. Grand Secretary.
Companion C. S. Faust,: or Bamlurg; E.-.t.rand
iptaiai of the Hlost.
Companion H. JM. Mfu!.er, of Chariestort E..
rand-Royal.Arch Captirin.
Copanion Thos, Ata'r qChareston, Qrai
mtmnel.- --
Companon RN. SBurns, df Charlestoti, Chair
arof the Co~mmittce on Ydieigh'Correspon
The next Annual Grluid Convention:wilI be~
Iden, Deo V6ete4 in'Charleston,'on thg Tnei
y' after the' second Monday in Febrnary, 18S1.
'he dharleston Weekly 1cor, aks the
lowing ntn ovf Bisho ai:
Bshop DIyvis is perfectl'y' biTh4 aiid1ri
nd i tion gives peculiar seriosnees andsolem
ty to fhe prirmance of hisEpiscopal 'mn
;rations. Hi 'health seem. fee)e but his
tellect burns glIth increasP'd iigit and heat,
ilst the depth and earnesL:-ss of his spir
ral insitruc,tion and examnple make .him a
: e;' t the churh ovm. w.hib- he rescMas.'

xml | txt