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VY ll. A. THOMPSON & CO.] N x PICKENS C. H., 8. C., SATURDAY, MARCH 24, 18?C.
[VOL. I-NO. 2T.
Strive-Wait-P ray.
Strive-yet I do not promise,
Tlio prize you dream of to-day, t
Will not fade when you think to grasp if,
And melt in your hand away.
But. ftn?thor and a holier treasure,
You would now perchance disdain,
Will come when your toil is over,
And pay you for all your pain.
"Wait-yet I do not tell you,
Tho hour you long for now,
Will not come with us radiance vanquished,
And a shadow upon its brow.
But far through the mi sty Tu ure,
With a crown of starry light,
Au hour of joy you knew not.
Is winging her si.eut Hight.
' 'i
PrayT-though the gift you ask for '
May never comfort your ^?ars,
May never repay your pleading,
Yet pray with hopeful tears.
An answer not. that you long for.
But diviner, will come one day,
Your eyes are too dim to sec it
Yet Strive, and Wait, and Pray.
MISCELLANY.
Secretary Seward's Speech.
At a meeting held in New York to endorse
the President's Veto Message, Secretary SK
WARD made thc following speech :
Mr. Seward said, after a few words of intro
duction : "What shall I speak of or about ?
The call of your meeting specifies thc subject ;
but first let me say I am not hero as an alarm
ist. I atu not here to say that the nation is in
peril or dauger-in peril if you adopt the opin
ions, iu peril if you reject them, in peril if
you adopt the. views of tho apparent er -peal
majority of Congress, or if you reject them ;
it is not in peril any way, nor do 1 think the
cause of liberty and freedom, thc cause of prog
ress, melioration or civilization, thc cause of
national aggrandizement, present or future,
material or moral, is in any danger of being
Jong arrested whether you adopt one set of po
litical, forms or anoth?r. The Union-that is
to say thc nation-has been rescued from all
it? perils. The nobjc ship has passed from
the tempests and billows into the verge of a
SH?C harbor, and is now securely riding in the
ancient mooring without a breaker, spar or a
leak; starboard or larboard, fore or aft. There
?re some small reefs yet to pass as she ap
proaches those mooringa One pilot says that
ah* may safely enter directly through them.
The others?ys that she must back, and lower
ing sail take time to go around them. That
is all thc difference of opinion between the pi
lots. I should not,prac tico my habit?a! char
ity if .1. did not admit that I think-both sincere
and honest. 'But thc vessel will go in safely
<?ncway or the other. Thc worst that will
happen will he.that by taking thc Wrong in
stead of the right passage and avoiding the
wrong one, the vessel may roll a little and
?onie honest, capable and -even deserving poli
ticians and statesmen, President or Congress
men, may get washed overboard* I should
be Sorry for..thisvbut if it cannot be helped it
can be borne. ;
If lam one of the unfortunates let no friend
bc concerned on that account. As honest, as
good, as capable politicians* statesmen, Con
gressmen and Presidents will make their ap
pearance hereafter, fastor than needed, to com
mand the ship, as well and as wisely as any
that have heretofore stalked their hour upon
deck in thc alternations of calm and tempest
that always attend navigation. Nevertheless,
although I do not think that wo are in a crisis,
th? question to-day is worthy of deliberate ex
amination and consideration. The subject bo
??ore us is a diff?rence of opinion that reveals
itself but too clearly between the President
?nd Congress. Tho President, as we all see,
is a man of decided convictions Thc legisla
tive lenders aro trying not to coincide with
him in opinion. They have appealed to us,
"outsiders as wc are, to pronounce between
them.
The speaker thon went on to prove that
there was actually no difference of importance
between the. Prosidcnt and Congress, however
much it might seem otherwise. Ile said both
have, got,tho Union restored as originally
planned. It should be without slavery, seces
sion or compromiso. Not with freedmen and
refugees abandoned to suffering and perseou*
tiens, but with freedmen cmployod in thc pro.
duction of self-sustaining industry-with ref
ugees under tho protection of law and order.
Tho President aces that it has come out right
nt last, and ho accepts the situation. Congress
on the other hand, hesitates, delays, debate
and agonizes, not because they have not indi
vidually had their will? It has not conic ou
right because they have not individually hat
their own way in bringing it lo that hnppi
termination. .1 apprehend no serious difiicul
ty from tho convictio i that there never was
and never can be, any successful process foi
the reconstruction oe the Union and harmon]
among the. States except the one with wilier
the President has avowed himself satisfied.
Grant it, that thc rebellion is dispersed, endec
and exhausted, dead, even at the root, thou ii
follows necessarily that the States, sooner 01
later, must be organized by loyal men, in ac
cordanee with the change in our fundamenta
law, and resume their places in Cohgress. Al
the rebel States but Texas have done just thai
thing, and Texas is doing thc same as fast af
possible. Thc President is in harmony wi tl:
all thc States that w.ero in rebellion, and thc
Executive and Judicial departments are rap
idly resuming their functions. Loyal Repre
sentatives, more or less, from these States arc
now standing at the doors of Congress, and
have been standing there for three months,
asking to be admitted to scats, which the dis
loyal representatives had previously left. In
the meanwhile Congress passes law after law,
imposes burdens after burdens and .duty.after
duty, upon the States, which, against their
earnest desire, are left unrepresented. I feel
sure that the loyal men Tro ni the now loyal
States will sooner or later be admitted into
this Congress or the next. When this is done
the process of restoration will he complete, for
that is all that remains to be done.
Tho speaker thought that Territorial gov
ernments for seceded States were perfectly
impracticable. This was also rejected by Mr.
Lincoln. Say what you will, the Stales arc
already organized in perfect harmony without
amended national constitution, and are in earn
est co-operation with the Federal ( Jovernmcnt.
It is impossible to reduce the States to a ter
ritorial condition. Congress has had a Recon
struction Committee compo!?nd of fifteen mem
bers, who have stopped the wheels of Legisla
tion three months to enable them to submit a
plan different from tlnyt which is now on thc
eve of n happy consummation-and what have
they (riven us? One proposed amendment to
thc Constitution is to compel the excluded
States to eqUoljxfsutTrngo upon tho penalty of
abridgement of representation. This was no
plan of reconstruction, but an-.obstruction.
Thc resolution which plissed the House on
Tuesday last directly declares that loyal repre
sentatives shall not bo admitted from loyal
States until Congress shall pass a law fer that
purpose ; which law cannot be enacted with
out the President's approval, and which can
not hr consistently given in view of thc opin
I ions he is known to entertain. The r?solu
j lion, then, is not a |>lan for reconstruction, but
j indefinite postponement and dela}'. When
! the rebellion began wo determined to humble
j the rebels. Wo have humbled them and
j Brought them back with humiliation and re
pentance, suing for restoration. The popular
I voice was that all members of a family, how
j ever prodigal they had bren, they would be
j received at the Roa rd. These charts at ob
j structiou, then, are as much impracticable as
. I think they are vicious. No State can keep
? itself out of the Union, or l?cep itself in Ter
I ritorial condition, under the Union. Thc
j States which arc in the Union cannot bc taken
j or kept out of its limits. States that are in
tho Union cannu/ keep any Stares that arc out
side from coming in. Congress is habitually
inclined to this experiment. It hesitated about
Michigan and Missouri; reeled and staggered
over Texas and California, and convulsed thc
nation about Kansas, yet they aro all in tho
Union,-all happy, all loyal. How many com
mittees of conference did we have ? ,How many
joint resolutions denying that Congress ever
I would consent to the admission of such un
? welcome intruders? How many crompromi
? ses securing guaranties for free loni and for
! slavery were broken and'scattered when one
! after thc other of these States came in as if by
j a headlong thrust, and hurled by the Almigh
: ty Providence, who has determined the peojilo
J of this continent shall not be many discordant
? nations, but. one united nation ? A joint com
j niittee of fifteen in 1840 succeeded in oxolir
I diug California for eight months until tho
j majority of the nation should compromise and
silence forever tho debate upon slavery; that
j compromiso was, by \ts terms, to be perpetual.
Thc compromis? of .1.850 lingered 'just four
yours and thcn^ perished, giving p%aco to tl
now happily consummated adjustment of tl
slavery question by the complete abroga tie
of that institution.
When I left Congress in 18G1, comm ?tte
and conventions domundod stipulations th
tho fetters bo put on New Mexico, Ncvet
and Colorado. You can noyer keep States 01
of this Union. Present distrusts of futui
States, or of bxistiug States, have no substai
tial grouuds ; they arc begotten of miscrab
fears and factions. If ever this thing of kee]
iug-out States by joint resolution of Congre
could havo a chance of permanent success th
time has passed away. No State has ever bei
hindered in coming into thc Union except c
questious of African bondage, which has no
gone to the dogs, and surely perished. JS
State will ever, hereafter bc hindered in con
ing into the Union on tho ground of slaver
A territory wants to be a State because it is
pleasant and great thing to possess privileg<
of a State. I would not keep a State in a te
ritorial condition any longer than compeli?*
in thc beginning, practically, every State lm
slavery. We abolished it in some States witl
out disorder, and when slavery raised itself i
opposition to the government we destroyed
altogether. We have done all this in numc
ous oases without imperial government or 'pn
consular, or territorial system, but by equi
States presided over by a federal or restricto
government. They aro getting thc whole eas
of tho Airican in thc West Indies just as w
are. Thc conflict of opinion between th
President and Congress in reference to th
Freedmen's Bureau is in* its consequence
comping ti voly unimportant and would excit
little' interest if it stood alone. Both agre
that this Bureau was created for the transitio
period between war and peace, and sh oui
cease at the qnd of that period. The Pres
dent thinks that period nearly passed, and th
original provision sufficient, while Congre*
thinks thc original provision needs enlarging
I agree with the President in the hope th?
the extraordinary provision which tho bi
ma leos will not be necessary?; but that th
whole question may be simplified by simpl
reference to tho existing law. . The law c
March 3, 18G$, which created the Freedmen'
Bureau, provides it shall continue in fore
during the war of the, rebellion and one fu
year thereafter/ When does that year expire
In thc President's judgment, as 1 understan
tho matter, the war of the rebellion has beci
coming, and is still comiog, to an end, but i
uoUyet fully closed.
lt is on this ground that ho maintains HI
army, continues thc suspension of the writ o
habras corpus, and exercises martial law, whet
these things are found. necessary, io rebe
States. The existence of the rebellion wa
legally announced by lixccutivc proelamatioi
iu 18C1. '
Thc end of the rebellion ought to bc ant
may be expected to be, announced by tho com
potent declaration of the President and Con
gress, or of both. For all practical purpose;
the rebellion Will, in law, como to an end i
thc President or Congress, one or both, official
ly announce its termiuation. Now suppose
this announcement to bc made by thc Presi
dent and by Congress, or by either of then
to-morrow, in that case thc Freedmen's Bu
reou is continued by virtue of the limitatiot
proscribed in thc Act of March 8, 1865-ont
year after such proclamation has booti mado
Thus the Freedmen's Bureau would continue
by the original limitation until tho 22d day ol
February, 1867, a very proper day on whicl
to bring it to an,end.
If Congress should find it necessary to pro
long its existence, it can at once take ?the nee
essary steps, for it will at tlmt date have been
in session nearly three months. Ought the
Presideutof the United States to be denounced
in thc house of his enemies, much moro,
ought he to be denounced in thc houso of hie
friends for rofusing, in tho absence of any
necessity, to occupy or retain and to exercise
powers greater than those which were ever ex
ercised by any imperial magistrate in thc
world ? Judge ye. *
I trust this t'?lit of declining imperial pow
ers, too hastily tendered hy n too confiding
Congress, may bc forgiven by a generous poo
pie. It will bo a sad hevur for the Republic
when tho refusal of unnecessary powers abel
patronage by thc President shall be heid ie he
a crime.* Wlion it shall bc so considered the
time will have arrived for setting iip at tbe
Whito House Ute imperial thron? and ?ur
rounding tho Executive with imperial legions.
Postmaster General Dennison, Henry J.
Raymond, P. 13 Cutting, D. S.,Dickinson and
George Opdyke also addressed the meeting,
which dispersed at a late hour.
HEADQUARTERS, ) '
DEPARTMEMT oy So?T?i CAROLINA*, '
Charleston, S. C., March 4, 1806. )
General Orders AroK 7.
I.' In order that the loyal people of. this
State may be relieved from aM unnecessary re
! strain ts incident to thc existence of Martial
Law, the administration of civil affairs in tho
. several Districts, Parishes and Municipalities,
respectively, will be remitted by Commanding
j Oilicers of Military Districts to thc civil officer?
J therein, duly qualified to perform sifch dutrep.
j No person shall be deemed eligible to hold
I olliec unless he shall have taken the Amnesty
Oath last prescribed, and, if he belong to ei
ther of the classes excepted from amnesty,
shall have received Executive pardon. ' Civil
Officers will in all cases respect and obey the
Proclamations of the President, the Laws of
Congress and all orders relating to the govern
ment of this Department, issued by competent
Military authority.
H. To aid the local functionaries in resu
ming their proper duties, it is ordered that
hereafter, Without authority from these Head
quarters, no military tax, assessment or charge
of 4ny kind whatsoever, sholl be levied upon
citizens, except fines aud penalties imposed
by the Provost Courts or other competent mil
itary tribunals, for offences whereof the party
shall have been duly convicted ; and with tho
further, exception of thc ground rents at tho
Post of Hilton I^ead, that being a Military
Reservation.
III. No prosecution or snit shall bc enter
; taincd in thc Courts of South Carolina against
officers or soldiers of the armies of the United
States, or persons in any wise'thereto belong
ing, subject to military authority, charged with
acts done in their military capacity, or pursu
ant to orders from proper military authority ;
nor against loyal citizens, or persons charged
with acts done against the rebel forces, directly
or indirectly, during the rebellion; and all
persons, their agents or servants, charged ?'ith
the occupation of Abandoned Lands and ten
I omen tn, or the possession or custody of any
i kind of property whatever, in cases where such
I occupation, use or possession waa authorized
j by the President, or by any of the civil or mil
itary Departments of the Government, shall
be protecttU from any recoveries, penalties or
damages that may have been, or may be im
posed, or adjudged therefor, in said Courts,.
IV. Superior and Circuit Provost Courts
will Continue in operation as heretofore, and
shall have, as against any and all Civil Courts,
exclusive jurisdiction in all cases where Freed
men and other persons of color are directly or
indirectly concerned, until such persons shall
be admitted to the State Conrtras parties atid
witnesses with the same rights and remedies
accorded t? all other persons. It shall never
theless be competent for a State Court to hear
and determine a cause or proceeding wherein
j persons of color are parties to the record, when
i they shall file a written stipulation to submit
? the cause or proceeding to a State Court.
! By com. of Maj. Gen. D. E. SICKLES. ;
j W. L. M. BuitOEll, A. A. General.
! MURDEH.-On Thursday morning last, some
negroes in a field in Lexington District, and
not far from the Court House, hearing au un
! usual noise, together with the report of a pis- .
1 toi, repaired to the spot, and there discovered f
j a dead body, whioh was afterwards identified
! by Mr. JoMio Hair, of Frog Level, then on hi?
i way to Columbia, ns that of Captain Chcsley
Herbert, of this District, u most cstimablo
christian gentleman. The body was vory inuoh
, mutilated, apparently from blows inflicted
j with a club, while a ball fired nt the back of
? the head had. passed out near the upper lip.
j lt appears that on Sunday night, tho 4th,
! Captain H. had a horso stolen from him by n
j negro.. On Monday he started in pursuit, and .
I overtook ?lie thief on Tuesday. On Thursday
. morning while on his way back with tho uo
; gro, ho wa? most foully murdorc^d by hi itt.
' Thc negro has been arrested and Bellt to Co
! luinbia for tri ul.-Nwhern/ Jfcrald, l4M.
!. ..-w -. '., *
j MEN are like bugles-thc mbro brass they
j contain the further y?u cnn hoar them. Wo
I men aro like' tulips-*-the moro modest and re*
tired they appear th? V>ett*r-you like thorn.
