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Inkptnknt Jfanulu Conrrail?gtfedtb to f flKtics, lefos, gStoato, fo.
BY JAMES A. HOYT.
ANDERSON C. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 1, 1866.
VOLUME 1.?NUMBER 37.
IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY
AT THEEE DOLLARS PEE ABUTTM,
IN TJ. S. CURRENCY,
OB, $2.00 A YEAR IN SPECIE.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dol?
lar per-square of twelve lines for the first insertion
and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion.
Obituaries and Marriage Notices charged for at
Veto of the Bill to Amend Patrol
. . Laws.
The veto message of Governor Orr -will
be found below, and we give it a place
because it is the first veto message sent
to the General Assembly under the new
. Constitution. Under the Constitution of
1791 the Governor did not possess the
veto power. As tho message was receiv?
ed very late in the day preceding the ad?
journment, it was not finally disposed of
by- the Senate:
State of South Carolina,
Columbia, December 10, 1865.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate:
I cannot approve the bill which origina?
ted in the Senate, entitled "An Act to
amend the Patrol Lawsand the Con?
stitution of this State makes it Obligatori?
en me to return it, with my objections,
"to that House from which it shall have
An Ordinance was ratified by the State
Convention on the 27th of September
last, entitled "An Ordinance to declare in
force the laws heretofore in force in this
State," and the Acts, official, public and
private, done, and appointments and elec?
tions made, under authority of the same."
The second section declares all laws, &c,
of this State in force which were of force
on tho 19th of December, 1865. Th?
third section declares that all laws passed
t?uee that date are offeree until repealed.
&.C.: Provided, however. That all laws,
resolutions, orders or rules embraced
within terms of this and the preceding
flection, which recognize the existence of
?htvery, and regulate the relations of
master and slave, and define and enforce
the rights and duties growing thereout,
or qreate and punish offences against such
rights, or against the public policy of the
State in reference to slavery, have become
of no further or future force or effect by
reason of the extinction of slavery."
~ - The Acts of 1S39 is entitled "An Act to
reduce all Acts and clauses of Acts in re?
lation to the patrol of this State into one
Act, and to alter and amend the same,"
and was intended solely to secure objec?
tion and subordination of the negro race.
Every section in the bill wa6 intended to
sustain "the public policy of the State in
reference to slavery," and the Conven?
tion b}T solemn Ordinance, has declared
that laws for that purpose "have become
of no-further or future force " It is not,
therefore, alt the^provisions of the Act of
1839, and amendments thereto, as effectu?
ally repealed as the Act of '1740, or any
other law recognizing or regulating slave
ry? It an Ordiuance of a Convention
can repeal a law, there would seem to be
little doubt that every enactment in this
State Iis to a patrol had been effectually
swept from the statute book. The first
section of the bill under consideration, in
repealing tho eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth
and fifteenth sections of the Ac* of 1S8?,
assumes that all the other sections of the
Act are Rtill in force.
Tho Constitution of the State recog?
nizes the uuivcrsal freedom of the African
race, and prohibits their rc-enslavemcnt.
The Ordinance of the Convention ex?
pressly repeals all laws regulating the in?
stitution, and this assumption of the bill
is entirely inconsistent with both. Is not
the provision in the fifth section of the
Act, which authorizes the patrol to take
up all slaves found without tho limits of
their owner's plantation, and give them
moderate whipping, and in the sixtTi sec?
tion authorizing and requiring the patrol
to enter into any disorderly house, vessel
or boat, suspected of harboring, trafficking
or dealing with negroes, whethor the
samo bo occupied by whito persons, free
negroes, mulattoes, mestizoes or slaves;
and to correct all slaves found there, and
to report-the free negroes to a magistrate,
and to retain the products of traffic till
inquired into, just as inconsistent with the
freedom of the negro as the sections pro?
posed to be repealed by this bill ?
I am entirely satisfied that the whole
Act. for the reasons stated, is no longer
law in South Carolina, and I am willing
to raise a question by now repealing
some sections and allowing others to re?
I object to the second section of tho
bill, because it undertakes, amongst other
thingR to interfere with the private rights
and business of the citizen, when the pub?
lic safety docs not require such interposi?
The citizen, resident or sojourncr, who
hires fifteen or more laborers, whether
white or colored, is most competent to
determine what supervision his laborers
may require. If his laborers become
troublesome to his neighbors by tumultu?
ous or disorderly conduct, they may be
indicted and punished. If the}' rob and
plundeiythe law will avenge the outrage
on the individual and on society.
Now that freedom has been accorded
to the African race in our midst, duty and
policy alike admonish us to give him all
the concomitants of what he regards so
great a boon. Emancipation has changed
our relations to him most essentially. So
long as he was a slave, though his moral
training was not neglected, it was our
policy to prohioit him fron learning to
read and write. Now it is our policy to
enlighten and elevate him, for it makes
him more trustworthy, and reduce crime
and pauperism in our midst.
In every slaveholding country the
owners have endeavored, by stringent
legislation and a rigorous police, to guard
against tho dangers of revolt and insur?
rection?insurrection to secure freedom;
this was the reason why tho legislation
in the South required the presence of a
whito man on every farm or plantation
where there were ten or more slaves, that
a vigilant watch may be kept over them
and their movements. The necessity has
ceased, and the law should be ignored.
A well-digested law, organizing a proper
police force to aid the magistracy in sup?
pressing lawlessness, and in enforcing law
and order in tho community, might prove
a safeguard to society, but the operations of
the bill, under consideration, in my judg?
ment, would be most pernicious.
JAMES L. ORlt.
A correspondent of the New York
World, writing from Columbus, communi?
cates the following good news from Ohio :
The situation in Ohio is becoming in?
teresting. Our Republican friends are to?
day in a minority of forty thousand in
the State, and a close observer of public
sentiment maintains that a square vote
on negT'o suffrage would lose them the
State by seventy thousand.
Their sagacious men confess that the
fanatical freaks of Bingham, Schcnck.
Ashly, et dt., are making the party com?
mit "State suicide." As for the Radical
Congresmen, they are in the condition
of the ram that butted the maul?nothing
left but the tail?and yon will never hear
of their return to Congress again.
Their new Governor (Cox) condemns
this whole negro agitation, and says it is
to be deplored that his party havo no
statesman in the House to give Icgisla
tion a wholesome direction. Tho only
hope that discreet men have is that the
President will save the country by hi*
veto. A vigorous exercise of his power
I in arresting rash legislation, and in turn?
ing out of office the men who, under exe?
cutive and department appointments, arc !
thwarting President Johnson's policy,
will save his administration until the peo?
ple can get at the destructives through
tho ballot-box, when there will be such
an overhauling and shaking of abolition
dry bones as has not been witnessed since
Gyres turned the Euphrates out of, and
himself into Babylon.
President Johnson on the 19th, sent to
tho Senate his veto of the amendatory
frcedmen's bureau bill. The President
takes the ground that it is unconstitu?
tional, and that tho appointment ot agents
in every count}* where freedmen and re?
fugees exist would impose too much pa?
tronage in the hands of the Executive,
and would enable him to use it for tho at?
tainment of political ends, if he was so
disposed. He expresses the earnest hope
that a question so important to the coun?
try will not become a law, unless upon
the deliberate consideration of the people,
and that it should receive the sanction of
an enlightened public judgment.
Tkutii Fitly Spoken.?"Tf," said Gov?
ernor Raymond of New York, in his re?
cent speech in tho Federal House of Rep
rescntatives, "wc cannot treat our South?
ern people as members of this Union
without degrading terms or doing aught
to humiliate and destroy thoir pride and
self-respect, then wc may make up our
minds that we arc not equal to the crisis
on which wc arc fallen. Wc shall fail in
restoring peace, harmony and prosperity
to the Union, but the nation will not
porish. Others, will take our places who
better appreciate tho nature of the work
that devolves upon us, and who will ac?
complish tho end we fail to reach, or even
1 to comprehend."
From the New Tori; Netct,
Drifting Towards Centralization.
Whatever may be the theoretic excel?
lence of our system of government it has
one defect in common with every other
government institnted upon earth. It
must of necessity be administered by hu?
man agency,, and however perfect tho de?
sign, the frailty of this practical agency
calls for perpetual vigilance to protect its
j salient principles against abuse. Power
is, in its nature, encroaching; its un
[ winking eye marks with keen penetration
wherever its adversary is vulnerable;
and no slumber of repose is permitted to
arrest the march of its malignant ambi?
tion. Machiavel very truly remarks
"that a nation to maintain itself free hath
need every day of more than Argus like
vigilance in those who would preserve it
free;" and certainly no free government,
nor the Dlcssings of liberty can be pre?
served by any people, but by a frequent
recurrence to fundamental principles.?
Unfortunately, just at this period, through
the agencies of a corrupt power, built up
through the instrumentalities of the most
frightful civil war the world has ever
known, an unprincipled faction have ob?
tained control of this Government, and
its object appears to be to overthrow and
trample in the dust all tho fences and
guards erected by our fathers to protect
us against usurpation. Tho Constitution
intended by them as an instrument of de?
fined and limited powers, has been treat?
ed by this faction, literally, for the lust
four 3'cars, as if it was an obsolete idea,
a dead letter, whenever it appears to clash
with the new-fangled fanatical ideas of
what they understand by human progress
and human liberty. "Liberty, fraternity
and equality," were the watchwords of
that band of assassins who deluged Franco
in blood at the close of the last century,
enabled them to override the Constitu?
tion of the kingdom and, finally, kindled
a conflagration in which they themselves
were fortunately consumed. It is this
same war cry under which the blood?
thirsty factionists at Washington. led by
Sumncr in the Senate and Stevens in the
House, have rallied for the overthrow of
our Constitution, the complete extinction
of the natural division between races and
the establishment of a central despotism.
"This proud sovereignty of States must
be humbled," was the treasonable utter?
ance of one of tho Massachusetts Senators
during tho exciting session of 18G3. He
comprehended thoroughly that here was
tho vital point at which the blows must
be aimed, and himself and co-conspirators
have been thrusting their daggers at it
ever since. The effort is being made by
the leaders of the Republican faction, and
t he prominent journals of the Republican
press, to educate the public mind to the
idea that the war has declared that we
are one nation, and destroj-ed what they
are pleased to call "the heresy of State
Rights." In such a condition of things,
it is well, from time to time, to recur to
fundamental principles, that the people
may not lose sight of tho origin and scope
of the Government their fathers founded.
The people of each State in relation to
their State government were intended to
be considered in a separate, federal or po?
litical capacity, as citizens of the particu?
lar State of which they arc members; and
in relation to the General Government,
they were to be considered in an aggro
gate, or national capacity, as citizens of
the United States. Tho rights ami in- j
terosts of the people in one capacity were
not intended to bo opposed to their rights
and interests in tho other capacity, but
to be in perfect harmony. What is ne?
cessary for their security in one capacity
is necessary in the other. But the safety
of tho people in both capacities depends
on the preservation of each government
within its proper limits. But now things
have gone so far that without a blush,
measures are forced through both houses
that ignore altogether the distinction in
these rights. The reserved powers of the
States, which the framcrs of tho Consti?
tution thought had been so zealously
guarded, are treated as nullities, and the
States themselves, as though they were
mere municipalities, deriving all their
power and curtailed of all their privileges
by the central head. If the plans of these
Radicals should triumph, and meet no
check from tho present Executive, then
there is an entire annihilation of the fed?
erative character of the Government, and
a rapid march toward centralization. The
General Government, during the war,
used its military power in doubtful States
to regulate the elections, to overawe vo?
ters, to protect and aid illegal voting. It,
now, that the war is over, through the
agencies of these infamous measures of
the Radicals, proposes to interfere with
the civil government of theso States, to
regulate and control their elective fran?
chise, to substitute military tribunals as
com ts of the last resort, appeals to the
bayonet for writs of error. Thus., step by
step are innovations being made upon es?
tablished principles of our Government.
It is not only the Southern States who
were lately in rebellion, that are in peril.
"We, of the Northern States, are equally
interested with them in opposing these
strides toward centralization in our Gov?
ernment. The patriotic men, everywhere
throughout this country, are looking with
an agony of suspenso upon the forthcom?
ing action of tho President. From his
well known declarations in reference to
the true Constitutional rights of the
States, they look to him with hope and
confidence. He must not fail them, in
this their extremity. If he should, then
wo foresee, instead of peaco and good
government in tho future, civil dissen?
sion, anarch}* and ruin. Then, in the
words cf Madison in the Federalist: "The
States themselves must study how to
furnish security against these bold inva?
sions of the public liberty by national au?
A "Washington correspondent of the
Rochester Democrat, tells the following:
I want to tell you a joke upon one of
the best men in the House. The Hon.
Samuel Hooper of Massachusetts, is well
known for his ample fortune, cultivation
and large benevolence. He is ono of the
most punctilious and careful gentlemen
of the oJd school, who honor this genera?
tion by their fastidious politeness. There
is another Hooper in the House. This is
the delegate from Utah, a very quiet,
well bred gentleman. It often happens
that papers, letters and telegrams in?
tended for the latter to go to the former.
This is especially true when the initials
aro omitted. Mr. Hooper is greatly an
noyod by these mistakes. It is very an?
noying to his nice sense of courtesy to
open another man's missive, even unin?
tentionally. A day or two since a dis?
patch was handed to him, addressed Mr.
Hooper, House of Representatives.?
Opening it, he was observed to refold it
hastily and look about the House with a
most perplexing air. Jolly Mr. Jenckcs
of Rhode Island occupied the next seat.
Turning to him, Mr. Hooper asked, in a
vexed tone, as he unconsciously again un?
folded tho dispatch, "What shall I do,
Jenckcs? Here I have been opening
another man's dispatch." Tho Rhode
Islander read, as he leaned over, tho fol
owing, bearing date : "Salt Lake City?
Mr. Hooper: One of your wives have just
been delivered of a son." Imagine tho
amusement the story creates as it goes
circulating over the House. Tho Mor?
mon must be doubly vexed at tho mis?
take, and the unmistakable fastening upon
him of that which is a crime at statute
law. In the meanwhile, our courteous
friend from Massachusetts -receives many
a sly joke about "one of his wives."
Northern Men in the South.?A cor?
respondent of the Boston Post, writing
from the South, says :
"I foci safe in saying that if the truth
in regard to the condition of the South
ern States, socially and financially, was
fully comprehended hy'Xorthcrn capital
its, the South would be amply supplied
with all needed capital to develop her
wonderful resources?resources beyond
anything in the North, or even tho South
dreamed of before tho war." He says
tltat when about to start on his tour,
many friends attempted to dissuade him
from his purpose, urging that it was per?
sonally dangerous for a Northern man, at
tho present time, to travel in the South.
"Yet," says he, "I have travelled quite
extensively in the South, conversed free?
ly with all classes of Southern people,
with quite as great a sense of personal
safety and comfort as you can possibly
feel in walking from your sanctum to
your house in Boston. Indeed, I feel
called upon to bear my testimony to tho
hearty cordiality and uniform kindness
with which I was everywhere received
Such is no doubt the experience, if not
the confession, of all Northern men who
come South and behave themselves.
Masonry.?It numbers tc-day, within
its secret pale, more adult males than all
the religious organizations on the face of
the earth. It is as wide-spread as hu?
manity, as universal as human language.
"The Jew, before the altar on the sacred
mount, the Pasee, in his. adoration of the
sun?the Mussnlmau, bowing to the East
in prayer?tho Greek, before the shrine
of his divinity?the Christian, in devout
faith at tho foot of tho Cross, all alike
know and understand its mystic lan?
guage." Kings, princes, and potentates
of tho earth have beheld with awe its
hieroglyphic light, and have been proud
to wear its mystic emblems. It is more
powerful than kingdoms, principalities and
powers, and in ages to como will be a
blossing and a protection to unnumbered
Sketch of "Bill Arp."
The Millcdgcville correspondent of the
Augusta Constitutionalist has been draw?
ing pen-and-ink portraits of distinguished
members of the Georgia Legislature,, and
among them gives tho following
hon. cnAKLEs n. smith.
Senator from the Rome District, is the
observed of all observers. His seat is to
the right of the President, about midway
the side wall of the Chamber, and direct?
ly under the full-length portrait of "Old
Hickory" Jackson. He is the first Sena
tor the strangor asks to seo on entering
the gallery, and especially so, if the afore?
said stranger bo of the gentler sex. A
casual spectator, at first glance, would
hardly single out a small, trim, yet grave
and dignified person, the crown of whose
head is unadorned with capillary orna?
ments, to be the veritable and inimitable
?'Bill Arp" of continental celebrity. His
stature is Napoleonic very slightly exag?
gerated, and his port is Chesterfieldian,
sans the stilts. But for his laughing blue
eyes, lull of lurking humor and quiet mis?
chief, and beaming with intelligence and
bonhommie, one would set him down for
another of Carlyle's "Earnest Men." I
have not seen him on his legs in the Sen?
ate, and am, therefore, unprepared to
form any opinion of his ability as a par?
liamentary speaker. It ho should speak
there as well as he talks surrounded by
familiars?for he talks as well as he
writes?his mental and physical confor?
mation is a rare and happy one. He is
chairman of the Committee on Finance,
and is winning an enviable reputation in
that difficult branch of legislative science.
This is his first term of service as a legis?
lator, and should the meridian be as
bright as the orient promises, Iiis career
will be one of usefulness and fame. He
is a lawyer by profession, and, I have
been told, ranks among tho foremost of
the Choi'okee bar. 'Tis strange he should
have chosen such a litigious vocation in
view of his natural and recently avowed
"harmonizing" proclivities and disposi?
tions. En passant, he comes honestly and
hereditarily by those "harmonizing" ele?
ments of character and temper, if Combe
be authority. His father was a native of
Boston aid his mother a native ol"
Charleston?the blood of Massachusetts
and of South Carolina commingling in his
veins ! "Who else can say as much ? and
oughtn't he to do his "dxirnest to harmon?
ize" the antagonistic sections ? This
crude sketch would be inexcusably im?
perfect were I to omit mention of Major
Smitli^s attractive companionable dispo
sitions. Frank, cordial, generous, no
body finds a warmer welcome in any cir?
cle; and abounding in anecdote and sto?
ry tclliug, no one can recall a single
biting or bitter remark that fell from his
hps. His heart is as tender as pity it?
self, and his modesty is equal to his mer?
A Curious Relic.?Our attention w.ts
arrested yesterday, by a medal or coin ol
the ancient' and happy days of gentle
peace. It was quietly resting in a show
case somewhere on Middle street?we
have forgotten the exact locality. The
courteous owner permitted a full, and
thorough examination of tho relic, and
its peculiarities are indcllibly impressed |
upon our memory. It is of solid silver. \
circular in form, and about an inch in di?
ameter. The thickness is about that of a
piece of leather. Upon one side is a bird
surrounded with something like sunrays
and underneath tho bird are the quaint
words, in some forgotten language?irquar
dol." On the other side a beautiful young
woman represented in a sitting posture,
with a stick in one hand. Upon the up?
per end of the stick there hangs what ap?
peal's to be a night-cap and upon a scroll
connected somehow with the box or scat
she occupies appears the name, "L. I.
Bcrty." That is supposed to be the name
of the lady herself, and doubtless the
medal or coin formerly belonged to her.
Wc asked the gentleman who was so for?
tunate as to possess it, what ho supposed
its instrinsic value to be, and wore as?
tonished to hear that in former years they
could be bought at S3 per dozen, or 25
cents apiece.?JSTcicbern Times.
Jonah not a Tobacco Chewer.?A
preacher, whoso text led him to speak of
the prophet Jonah, remarked incident?
"I am of opinion that Jonah was an old
man, neither smoking nor chewing, from
the fact that tho fish retained him so long
in his stomach. If the fish had swallowed
the house we aro worshipping in, he
would, no doubt, have worked himself to
A witty fellow slipped down on an icy
pavement. "While sitting, he muttered, "I
have no desire to seo the town burned
down, but I sincerely wish the strocts
wero laid in nahes."
Titles of Confederate Officers?
The Army Still Exists.
Tlic Mobile Advertiser discusses the
question whether or not tho officers of
the Confederate army shonld continue te
be called by their respective titles?such
as General, Colonel, Major, Captain, &c.
It argues for their rotention, for sundry
reasons, and, among others, that it is ac?
cording to law. It says on this point:
As a question of etiquette and nsago,
tho immortal principle of the old lady
that "kissed the cow" must be the guide.
It would scarcely bo worth discussion,
but that it involves a question of princi
cle, or of fact, which is apt t9 bo forgot?
ten. This is the fact that the Confede?
rate army still exists. ?
Our readers need not bo startled. We
are not talking treason, nor anything like
it. We are sustained by the highest mil?
itary authority in the United States. The
Confederate States have perished, it it
true. They live only in history, but tho
Confederate army still exists* it exists
as an army of paroled prieoners, and ev?
ery member of it is a paroled soldier. So,
too, of the Confederate navy.
This is not a mere theory of my own.
It is the theory of the government nnd
of the military authorities. Trials of pa?
roled prisoners, as such, have been held
quite recently before military courts. In
one instance, in a neighboring depart?
ment, the prisoner was sentenced todeath,
and the President has commuted his sen?
tence to ten years imprisonment, as an?
nounced in general orders.
Each man, from the general to the pri?
vate, was paroled with his appropriate
rank?recognized and recorded as such.
Ii the officers should commit an of?
fence, in violation of his parole, it would
no doubt be justly considered as aggrava?
ted by his rank, and he would be held re?
These principles will apply indefinitely, '
at the very least until military law ceases
to prevail. The rank of C onfederate of?
ficers is, therefore, not a mere matter of
courtesy, or of sentiment, but of actual
existence. If Robert E. Lee or John
Smith thinks proper to. write himself
;Gen. R. E. Lee. C. S. A.," or "Captain
John Smith, C. S. ST.," it is no indication
of a rebellious or treasonable spirit, but
may be quite the contrary. It may only *
evince a becoming senso of the rcsponiu
biiitics of a paroled prisoner of war.
Our view of the subject is fully sustain?
ed by the practico of courteous gentla
mcn in the Federal service.
A very learned and compassionate
judge, in Texas, on passing sentence on
John Jones, who had been convicted of
murder, concluded his remarks as follows:
The fact is, Jones, that the court did
not intend t^ order you to be executed
before next spring, but the weather is
very cold; our jail, unfortunately, is in a
very bad condition; much of the glass in
the windows is broken; the chimneys
are in such a dilapidated state that no fire
can bo made to render your apartmenU
comfortable; besides, owing to tho great
number of prisoners, not more than one
blanket can be allowed to each ; to tleop
sound and comfortable, therefore, is out
of the question. In consideration of
these circumstances, and wishing to Jos?
sen your sufferings as much as possible,
the court, in the exercise of it? humano
compassion, hereby orders you to be exe?
cuted to-morrow morning, as soon after
breakfast as may be convenient to the
sheriff and agreeable to yon.
A Washington correspondent of the
Boston Commercial says:
I met 3*csterday, upon the avenue, the
venerable Colonel W. W. Seaton, so wide?
ly known to the country as tl e junior
partner of Gales <fc Seaton, of the JSd
tional Intelligencer. Mr. Seaton, though
so advanced in years, retains his faculties
to a remarkable degree. He is, however,
a sufferer from two causes : One that is
past remedy, arising from a cancor on the
face, and which is slowly, but. surely,
progressing; the other from poverty. ^Lt
seems a strange fact that a man who has
been so long before the public, who has
performed so vast an amount of jmblic
work, and who was one of the ^oprie
tors of the National Intelligencer 0>r moro
than fifty years, should now be loft in
poverty and want; yet so it is.
Imparting pleasure is like putting mon?
ey out at interest; it benefits both tho
lender and borrower at onco. No one
can be really and truly happy unless oth?
ers sympathise and share that happiness.
Ned Shutter thus explained his reason
for preferring to wear his stocking with
holes te having them darned: "A holo,"
said he, " may be the accident of a day,
and will pass upon the best gentleman;
but a darn is premeditated poverty."