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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence.
ANDERSON, S. Q, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1868.
BY HOYT & WALTEES,
TWO BOLLABS AND A HALF PEE AITOUH,
IK" UNITED 8TATES CCBRENCT.
BATES OF ADVERTISING.
Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dol?
lar persquare of twelve lines for the first insertion
and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion.
Liberal deductions made to those who advertise by
For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars
Debate on the Homestead Clause.
. The most interesting debate that has
yet taken place in the .Reconstruction
Convention occurred upon that section of
the Constitution providing for a home
fttead law. "We make the following ex?
tracts from the proceedings of the twenty -
ninth and thirtieth days, reported for the
Charleston Courier :
Section 35th, exempting from expedition
or other finalproeoss of any Court issued
for the collection of debt, a homestead in
the country ot one hundred acres and
dwelling and appurtenances thereon, or a
homestead in a city, town or village, not
exceeding S2,UUU, gave rise to a lively and
Mr. T. J. Robertson moved to amend
by adding that no homestead shall bo ex?
empted from levy and sale for any just
debt existing prior to tho adoption of this
Mr. .Robertson said .he was willing and
would insist upon a homestead law for the
future, but was opposed to any retrospec?
tive law, or anything going back and giv?
ing to the men who brought about the
war, and staked their all on secession,
$2,5??" worth of property, at tho expense
ot the loyal men of the country. Lie had
made Ids property by colored men, and
tre*^ranted to know it he was to give
$2,5Uo\wortb of property to disloyal men
who had forced others in the Confederate
army, and give the colored man nothing?
Jr...would be class legislation. He. was.
however, in favor of every man retaining
a homestead after he pays for it.
R. C Delargc advocated the section as
it was, even if it was retrospective in its
operations. He differed from the mem?
ber from Richland (Mr. Robertson.) It
was not intended for an}' special class,
nor was it the desire of tho Convention
to make it a class measure. He desired
to see all classes of people relieved by the
Act. and hoped the amendment would be
Mr. Craig favored the adoption of the
section so far as it was retrospective in
its action, without-coming in conflict with
the jaws of tne land.
L. S. Langley offered an amendment
excepting the wages of laborers from the
Mr. C. C. Bowen favored the passage of
the section as it was, the creditor having
a.lien upon the homestead fbritspurcha.se
heilig finally scoured by the mortgage,
which i* always taken in business trans
.actions-of this character.
F. L. Cardoza advocated the section as
liaving a tendency to establish a more
permanent settled character in our people,
who heretofore, in the absence ot such a
provision, in the Constitution, had been
too much distinguished for their migrato?
'.V.J. Whipper also spoke in favor of
1hc adoption of the section, and against
the amendment offered by T. K. Saspor
tas. to reduce tho exemption to Sl.UUO.
With regard, he said, to the retrospective
portion of the section it was so intended
by the Committee who framed the sec?
tion. He denied that there was any dsns
legislation, but the very fact that the col?
ored race having now an equal chance in
the race ol life, and of becoming owners
of land, made tho protection of such a
provision in the Constitution all the more
necessary.- There are vety man}* colored
people in the State already owning prop?
erty who desire this protection
J. J. Wright also warmly advocated
the passage of the section.
Mr. Rutland favored the passage of the
Homestead Law so far as it was to oper?
ate in-tho future, giving to every one fair
notice that the homestead hereafter is to
be preserved against all debts. But he
opposed all retr< spective action, and
thought regard should be had for the in?
terests of the poor creditors as well as the
poor debtors. It was also uncoustitu
tional to pass a retrospective law or any
law impairing the obligations of cpnti'KCt?.
Mr. \). P. Leslio made p. warm appeal
in behalf of t'.i? r.rloplton of the section as
it s:ooi, Rutland on constitutional law
to the contrary notwithstanding. He
spoke for the people of Barn well District.
They ask, be said, "no other favors of the
(Convention than to give them time to
pay their debts. Give them, he said, such
#u amount of property as will enable
them to start to make a crop to pay their
debtors. It was their constant fear and
trembling J?st ih<e <ep#ditor should seize
upon everything that kepf. them from im?
proving their places and raising a crop.
He would, perhaps, be as large a loser b\*
the passage ot this as any one in JJarn
wcll District. He held a note of S2,25i<
against another, but he. wanted to see the
man's homestead ?e- ured to him and an
opportunity afforded him of paying that
Mr. Leslie continued in a strain of evi?
dently deep feeling, Raying he wanted to
see this Constitution ratified. He wanted
to see the white men and tho black men
in Barn well District all going to the polls
to ratify this Constitution. If this pro?
vision for a homestead was adopted, he
would assure the member from bairfield
(Mr. Rutland) and the member from
Richland (Mr. Robertson) that if at that
time, on the day "of election, they were
traveling that road, unless they expe?
dited their movements they would be
run over hy the people going to ratify the
Constitution. The people would come
from everv direction. The people of
South Carolina have never had a Consti?
tution that took care of the grand masses.
If (he said) we assure the peoplo we are
looking after their rights and interests
the roads on all sides will bo filled, and
when the votes are counted on the last
night of the election every friend who
has at heart the Constitution will hare
the pleasure of knowing it is ratified be?
yond all kind of donbt. and will have the
consolation of knowing we have done our
duty. Iam speaking lor my people; I
lovo my people.
[Here Mr. Leslie became so overcome
by bis feelings as to burst into tears, and
was compelled to sit down, which lie did
amidst intense silence, ovidontly eliciting
the warmest sympathies of the members
of the Convention.]
Mr. Whittomore followed, but was in?
terrupted by the hour of half past two
having arrived, when the President an?
nounced the Convention adjourned.
The President announced the unfinished
business to be tho consideration of tho
35th section of the second article of tho
Constitution, reported by the Legislative
Committee (in reference to homesteads.)
Mr. B. F. Whittcmore obtained the
floor, He wanted the Convention to un?
derstand that in no way did ho oppose a
homestead law which, in its provisions,
was' prospective only. It would be in?
consistent, after the position he had taUen
upon this floor, to retrace his steps unless
he could be convinced that morally he
had a right to step between the creditor
and the debtor, and to divorce them from
their claims and liabilities. lie had no
doubt in his mind but that precedents
sufficient could or would be brought for?
ward upon which the action of this Con?
vention might be based in passing an or?
dinance retrospective in its character.
Yesterday an appeal was made by the
member from Burn well, (Mr. Leslie) and
a very effective olie, as it would appear
from the graphic description of the ever
ready pencils at that table, (the repoi
ters,) and for which they had given him
sufficient credit. He not only appealed
to the best sympathies of their hearts,
but hedepicted the condition and position
of the-people in the State with such feel?
ing that it would warrant every person
to look kindly on this subject, and neither
himself oi-any other member of the Con?
vention would give him credit for any?
thing else than the most heartfelt sym?
pathy with all in distress,
But whilst they sympathised with the
oppressed on account of their burdens,
liabilities, debts and all that makes life
miserable?whilst they looked kindly to?
wards the debtor- should they divorce
dim from all existing claims,or was it not
their duly to look in compassion also
;ipon the creditor. Did it follow that
.?reditors. were always rich and debtors
ilways poor, or ?shoufd they legislate for
or debtors only. There might be as
many poor creditors as debtors, and,
therefore, if tho sympathies of their heart
iverc to bo called out, they should be ex?
ercised towards all. If they weic to ap?
portion out the burdens among the peo?
ple, they should make a proper appor?
tionment and a proper division, so that
they might fall equally upon debtors and
creditors. Many a poor family were per?
haps then depending upon the claims they
have as creditors.
The speaker, alluding to the picture
drawn by t lie member from Barn well
(Mr. Leslie,) ol a vessel stranded on the
shore, and the people thrown into the
water, almost in the condition in which
they came into the world, with nothing
saved from the wreck, and the relentless
creditors meeting them on the shore de?
manding what belonged to him, said it
was not the true picture of the people of
the State. They might admit the ship?
wreck of the Stute, but in the ense of the
vessel tho people had no volition of their
own. They could not control the winds
Whatever the claims of the poople of
the State in their present condition, upon
their sympathies, that condition had been
brought about, to a great extent, by their
awn volition, their own act. They had
no one to bhime but. themselves. They
went into the war with the understand?
ing if they did not succ^d whatsoever
property they hrid would be swept away
from Lbcin. They might pity them, but
when they came to pass upon the right
of a debtor to pny a creditor, they had to
look at the morality of the question as
well as the legal points involved, whether
the}' had a moral right to step between
first, second or third parties and wrest}
from the one to give to the other.
But there was a difference between a
homostead and a retrospective law. If
the}' paBscd an Act to protect the home?
steads of citizens in tho future, after the
adoption of tho Constitution, it could do
no harm to any individual. If, after the
passage of a law like that, a man obtains
assistance with the knowledge of the
world that so much property called home?
steads is exempt, then no one is deceived
in losing money.
lie alluded yesterday to the assistance
rendered by Northern capitalists. He
admitted it was furnished with the expec?
tation of receiving compensation. But
he was yet to find men so disinterested
in the loaning of funds, as not to require
some compensation for them. But he
claimed that when these gentlemen came
forward, forgetting the bitterness of the
past, and were willing to assist their
brethren in distress, it was wrong tor the
Convention to say they should not col?
lect their debts.
The speaker then proceeded to show i
how a man might, under the proposed !
law, cover up a plantation of ten thou?
sand acres by building little log cabins on
different parts and dividing it among his j
children or relatives. This was another
reason why they should be careful how
they extend that privilege. He under?
stood that about 1850 a law was enacted
in tho State providing homesteads. It did
not work well, and at a subsequent ses?
sion of the Legislature tho law was ro
W. J. Whipper said there seemed to bo
some doubt as to what was the intention
of the Committee in the drafting of the
35th section rolative to homestead*. As
a member of* tbat Committee he wo
nay h?3 object was to protect tbe boi
stead against everything possible to j"
tect it against. The member from Ri
land (Mr. Robertson) had sttid it wo
proteet it against mortgages and jin
ments. Ile wished thc view was om
and hoped the Courts, if they could c<
sistcntly, would so bold, but be knew tl
would not. It was his desire to prot
the homestead against any claims oxc<
where tbe rights have been already vest
such as judgments already entered una
judgments." The opposition claim tl
?bis was wronging thc creditor, and t
member who had just sat down, h
worked about three-quarters of an he
to show they were working injustice
the creditor" It was not the intention
the advocates of the measure or its f
mers, it was not their desire lo intcrft
at all with the collection of debts. T
section docs not prohibit men from c
leeting their debts. It was only askt
and intended to protect tho poor un ft
t?nate debtor. The question is not whet
er Le shall pay or not. lt was desir
they should pay. The)' did not propo
to repudiate debts, but to place the nnf<
lunate debtor in a position that he ct
pay his debts.
Take the case of a man owning a tho
sand or ten thousand acres of land, wil
a comparatively small indebtedness. 1
force the sale of that land for indebte
noss, may sweep from him his last loot
it. If he owes an)- great amount, he ma
bc left still in debt. It was lor thc?
reasons they ashed this provision, that
man may be lett the means ot subsistenc
the means to recover and to obtain moue
to pay his debt.
The member from Darlington (M
Wbittcmore) had spoken of ad vanees <
money made within the last two or tint
years. Ile desired that every dollar i
it should bc paid. What were the ci;
ea matan ces under which the money wu
advanced ? Was it done with any ex pei
talion, any idea, or any desire to swee
away from a man owning land every foe
he possessed ? Not at all. lt was don
with an expectation that tailed, and the;
are as unfortunate as the mar. that boi
rowed the money. The hitler has pail
all he can, and wc propose to allow hin
the privilege, if he possesses the land, o
reducing it down in payment ol his debt
to one hundred acres. We do not des ir
the creditor shall have tho privilege o
taking the last hundred acres of land am
turning Ibo debtor's family upolu the colt
charities of the world. Il they had am
humanity in this matter they would ni a ki
the exception by protecting the last rem
nant ol' land, leaving the debtor hope foi
the tullir?, hopo that he may be aldo l<
obtain provisions to feed his little ones
and not bo cast upon tho world will
nothing on earth to help him. If the)
cared anything for the prosperity of tin
Stale, they should do this. The ?peakel
contended that to sell thc land would
only allow parties, foreigners lo the State
to come in ?nd render it poorer than it is.
In icferenee to a man covering up ton
thousand acres of land by dividing it in
the manner alluded to by the member, in
the first place he would have to have a
pretty numerous family. In the second
?date and at the same timo ho would say
the gentleman had mistaken hi.s vocation
by wearing the clerical coat and robbed
the legal profession of a valuable assis
tant, if he could show whereby thc)'could
clo anything nf the kind. Ile appealed
to every legal gentleman on the floor,
oven to the gentleman from Fairfield,
whether or not anything of the kind can
The gentleman said that the piclM.ro
drawn by the member fruin liam well, ol
persons distressed by shipwreck, was not
analogous., fur thc reason that they had no
conlrol over the winds that brought on
the distress, and that the cause of the dis?
tress upon the people of this Stale is the
result of their own action.
This was very far from heir.g the case.
There arc comparatively few ot the peo?
ple of this State responsible for the pre?
sent condition of affairs. Is it states?
manship, is it wise, is it just, is it mag?
nanimous in ns here now to allow the
State to perish, to dwindle and struggle
through years for the want td'confidence,
simply because the people may have erred
at some time? Tho facts aro that the
masses are not responsible for these acts.
W. J. McKinlay followed, and opoo-td
tho retrospective feature of the section.
B. F. Randolph was the next speaker,
and supported the passing of thc section,
r.s one of thc most efficient means ot re?
lief which tho Convention could afford for
tho people of South Carolina.
Mr. Co ri ey was the next speaker, and
supported tho section, although, he said,
it would strike at his own interest.
Mr. F. J. Moses, Jr., followed in sup?
port of tho measure, as an act of justice
to tho poor people of th? State. Tho State
of South Carolina heretofore, he said, had
been ruled by t'.ie rich for tho rich, while
thc rights of the poor man, personally, as
well a? his rights of estate, had been
trampled upon by tho aristocratic ele?
ment. As much reverence as he had for
the Constitution of the United States, il
it was necessary in order to carry this
measure, with tho knowledge that Con?
gress would confirm their action, ho was
Willing to gt) outside the Constitution of
the United States.
He wa? followed by Mr. Rutland, who
opposed tho passage of thc soetion, on thc
ground of its unconstitutionality, and
that tho Courts would not recognize it is
R. B. Elliott, at the conclusion of Mr.
Rutland's remarks, moved tho previous
question, which was sustained.
Tho various amendments ? ere thon put.
and with the exception of a verbal amend
j mont, offered by R. B. Elliott, wero all
1 los*. 1
The main question was then put, upon
which Mr. Dill called for the ayes and
navs, which was sustained.
Mr. B. P. Whittemore asked leave to
explain his vote, which was granted.
Mr. Whittemore said he voted "no''
because the section is proclaimed to be
retrospective, and because I cannot sup?
port any. project that would commit a
violation of the Constitution of my coun?
try, but I am in favor of a just Home?
W. F. McKinlay said he would have
voted no, but he understood that it would
be left for the courts to decide whether
the law was retrospective or not. He
therefore voted aye.
C. M. Wilder said he wanted it under?
stood he did not oppose a homestead, lie
believed it to be the means of identifying
tho people with the State. But howas
opposed to any homestead or stay law
that would rob one portion of the people
to satisfy tho other. He therefore would
The President announced the result of
of tho votes?Ayes 102. Nays 4. Tho
hays were Joseph D. Jenks, Y. J. P. Ow?
ens, B. F. Whittemore, Chas. M. Wilder.
Absent?F. Arnim, L. Boozer, i). H.
Chamberlain, John A. Chesnut, B. J.
Donaldson, R. Humbird, J. K. Gibson,
Samuel Johnson, George Jackson, Dr. J.
C. Ncnale, William Perry, II. L. Shrews
berry, Francis F. Wilder, George Lee,
The 35th Section then passed lo its
third reading, und the President an?
nounced the Convention adjoin tied.
South Carolina Reconstruction.
The Convention now sitting in Charles?
ton for the purpose of reconstructing the
State of South Carolina according to the
Radical programme is, in every sense, ar.
outrage on propriety. Aside from the
manner in which the delegates were
chosen, and the negro ascendancy which
exists in the body, the whole thing is a
shameful arid costly farce, which deserves
thi severest rebuke and reprobation. For
example, Dr. Mackcy, the Collector of the
Port, is the President of the Convention.
Apart from the indelicacy of a pnblic of?
ficer occupying such a position at all, we
should like to know whether he is piiid
six thousand dollars a year for neglecting
the duties ol his office and devoting him?
self to this political business. The people
are taxed to pay large salaries like his,
and receive no return whatever.
We notice, as figuring among the dele?
gates lo this Convention, E. W. M.
Mackcy, a son cf the Collector, and one
of the assessors of the internal revenue.
So, not satisfied with being well paid by
the Government lor doing nothing, he
gets elected upon a sham residence from
a country district, and draws pay from
the Convention. Dr. Mackcy a family
seems to find Radicalism a good pigeon
Then there is another person from the
Charleston Custom house? one J. Wood?
ruff, an inspector <?f customs?who offi?
ciates as reporter to the body, ami who
was formerly one of the most notorious
rebels in that community. lie, too, has
large pay from both offices.
If the Federal officers at Charleston
have nothing to do, as would appear by
such facts as these, we hope their places
ma)' be abolished. The attention ot the
pretended reformers in Congress is now
culled to this glaring abuse. It would
also ho well for the Secretury of the
Treasnry to examine tho serious chnrires
which have been publicly made against
Dr. Mackcy, the Collector in question,
and U? "rdcr an inquiry into his appoint
ments, which arc controlled by the influ?
ence of a secret sociely. The fact is un?
doubted that several of the most offensive
rebels, who held positions under Col well
before the war, have been reapnointed by
the present incumbent, notwithstanding
his convenient "loyalty," which is noth?
ing else than a means of pensioning him?
self and family on the Government. No
one ever heard of him as a Union man
before or during tho war, but after peace
was proclaimed and ollices were to be
given, then he was very loud in shouting
his own praise, and successful in humbug
?ring others in accepting them.?Rational
A "Black Lecorapto?."
The py.vlced convention of Lecompton
was the beginning of the political tricke?
ry that, was intended to defeat the popu?
lar will; and the scheme devised in that
convention to bring Kansas as a State
under a constitution which had not been
submitted to the people for ratification
was intended to be its consummation
Congress refused to admit Kansas with
the Lecompton constitution, because the
people of Kansas had been denied the op?
portunity to pass upon it. The entire Re?
publican voto in Congress at that time
was cast against the admission for that
roason. Tho whole liepublicun party at
that time stood arrayed against it on the
The document wont back to Kansas,
and was submitted, after a fashion, to the
popular voto. By dint of stuffing ballot
boxes with the names ol pretended voters
taken from a Cincinnati director)', the re?
sult was declared to be in its favor. But
Congress and tho Republican party again
refused to admit Kansas with the Le?
compton constitution, on the ground that,
tho election had been carried by unfair
means, and that, in truth, tho popular
voico in Kansas was against that consti?
It is important that tho history of that
political contest should be remembered at
this juncture. It is important that all
men who havo acted, from conscientious
motives, with tho dominant political par
ty, should revive their recollection of the
attitude which their party then assumed,
i For the Lcoomption question is about
i to be revived. It was Drought before tl?
United States Se?ale on Wednesday b
Mr. Sherman, ol Obi??, in a bill io recoj
nizc the validity ol the blaek-and tu
t h i ?i ir, called a constitution, in Alabann
lt is not pretended, as the ?* border rii
flans " pretended in the case of Kansai
that the black-and-tan thing called a coi
Btitutioh has received the popular a|
proval in Alabama, It is not prelcndei
even, that it has been approved by a rh:
joi itv of the so-called " lojul '' inhabitant
of Alabama. It is known an?! concede?
that it has not been. It is known am
conceded that an enormous majority c
? the people of Alabama are against it
j and that a majority ol the regisiere?
voters are, upon every presumption ?j
logic ami law. against it. Senator Sin I
man's bill is predicated only on the ut
sumption that the thing called a constitu?
tion "has been ratified by u majority ?>l th?
qualified persons voting on tin-question.
The very language employed by the Sen
ator is a declaration that it has not heel
" ratified at all." It l.a< been roted fi:
only ny a majority of the minority of li?
groes that voted at all; which, as Con
gress and the Radical party held in tb
case of Lecompton. was no ratification
The bill ol Senator Sherman is a prop?
sition that the party which opposed au?
defeated the "Lecompton infamy" sha!
now adopt that infam}* in its pol?tica
creed, that the thing called u constitution
concocted by a packed convention ol' ig
nora nco and brutality at Montgomery
and repudiated ny a majority of --loyal 1
inhabitants, and hy more than throe
fourths of all tho inhabitants of Alabama
shall be recognized as valid; and tba
Alabama sh.ill be admitted under it bs
the party which was brought forth, ant
nourished, and elevated to strength .ant
power upon thc very violence of its ??ut
cries against the perp?tr?t?0(1 of a like in
famy, attempted by a faction of desperate
politicians twelve years agol
Human records furnish no more re?
markable instance nf history repealing it?
self. Bu' it ina}* be, in the inscrutable
plan of Providence, proper that the dy?
nasty of Jacobinism in America should
tall by the same crime which gave it rise;
that the politicians who vaulted t<> power
upon the cry ol popular freedom anil righi
should sink into historical i n iii in v for
themselves perpetrating the identical
crimes they pretended to denounce and
abhor ? C/? ica jo Tim es.
The Complete Letter-Writer.
The habit of a soldier is obedience;
General tirant disobeys. The meru of a
soldier is his valour: General tirant
proves himself a craver]. Thc honour ol
a soldier is his faithfulness ; General Grant
practices a triple treachery.
The President places this man in a posi
tion which he is to hold against an adver
snry, and tit which end his orders are ol
the strictest nature, lie makes au uneondi
tiona] surrender ol it to that adversary be?
fore it is even demanded. If a privat??
disregarded in so flagrant a manner the
order of a superior, he would bc shot upon
his own collin. In General G'lint's letter
to the Picsident, bearing date upon the
30th ol January, and a part of the corres?
pondence arising from his desertion of his
post., he gives notice that ho is going to
fight it out upon this line. A true soldier
is subordinate ; he is insubordinate.?
A true soldier is respect fid ; General
Grant is insolent. Were the Pi csident
actuated by one atom of personal or parti?
san feeling, or willing in any way to coin
plicate on his own part the present state of
affairs, this inferior of his in the command
ot the armies of the nil td States would
be at this moment under arrest in his own
General Grant had but one thing to do ?
obey orders. Not he, but his superior,
held the responsibility. lind he obeyed,
Mr. Stanton must have carried his claims to
the courts; the constitution.-! lit y of the Ten?
ure of Ofh'ce bill would have been decided ;
the country would have been # relieved of
a tremendous imbroglio and an imminent
danger of revolution. Hrre, to a mau that
hued his country and forgot himself, ?as
a priceless occasion ; circumstances, oppor?
tunities, urged him forward towards the
gap ; General Grant was no Curtius; he
v. as a coward.
In General Grant's lotter of the 3rd of
February, he has the impertinence to an?
swer the President that he entered tho
Cabinet morely to counteract a great prill
ciple on which the government has been
conducted from its foundation, and which
allows the President advisers adhering to
his declared policy, lie entered the Cabi?
net, then, by a treachery : he abandoned
his iilaco in it by more perfidious treachery
yet: it is only by corresponding tieachery
that those letters were to be found in Mr.
Stanton's hands at all. The Re| ublican
party are loud in their outcry against
traitors; will they promote a spy to the
highest place in their power? Manipulated
by tricksters and politicians, self-stripped
of all title to veracity, General Grant ap?
pears neither a soldier not a man : he has
pricked the bubble of his own reputation ;
he goes before the people nothing but au
Ile who does nor know how to obey
does not know how to rule, is a time hon?
oured maxim; and, as it has already been
said m an able literary journal he whore- I
fuses to yield his power tn the hand that
confers it, may one day refuse to yield it
to the people thenwives Hut tor this,
we might well wi-h that General Grant
should in due time be president himself, j
simply that he might cease to he General.
But with the sapper?* and minors of Chase
beneath him ; with Butler, who, whatever
else mav be said of bim, never forgot a
friend nor forgave a fne,on his roar: with
his own hands weaving his shroud in such
,i tissue of brow beating falsehood ami
abashed infamy na his correspou?onc? un- ?
The Intelligencer Job Office.
Having recently made considerable additions to
this department, we are prepared to execute
In the neatest style and on the most reasonable
terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters. Cards,
Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every
style of work usually done in a country Printing
BSy* In all cases, the money will be required
upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied
i with the cash, will receive prompt attention.
folds?what hupe have we of being rd
, lieved of the life long incubus?
From such an opponent in the field An
? drew Johnson ha* nothing to fear. An
j drew Johnson, who, tlainiing that our lib
j erties are secured to us, only by the con?
stitution, while petty men" go" down on
petty issues, declares its mighty principles
rJone, looms lik?- a ;Jant as he Mauds with
j his back to the wall, sinfflehanded, against
? a horde, beatiigofi anarchy and monarchy,
and with his courage conquering success.
\Wasti. Cor, A\ Y. World,
A Serious Falling Out.
Probably the last two persons in the
world a man would expect to hear of as
! quarrelling are the [Ion. Charles Sumnef
and a ?vspectable coloured man from Bos?
ton. If I were asked to name any where
in this bleak world of ours "two souls with
but a single thought,*' 1 should name iu
the first place the Hon. Charles, and in'he
second place the respectable coloured
i gentleman from almost anywhere, but es?
pecially from Brston, But .Scripture atid
poetry warn us of the instability ol human
friendship, and though histoiy gives us a
few exceptions in favor of men lovely and
pleasant in life, and not divided in death,
I regtet to say that Mr. Sumner and the
respectable coloured gentleman from Bos?
ton cannot be included among them. Till
j within a week they might; now they
cannot. How it came that the umbilical
cord which bound the Hon. Charles to the
respectable coloured gentleman from ai.y
where, but especially from Bo>ton, was
broken, never again to be united, it is the
object ol this paragraph to relate: The
office of chief journal clerk of the Senate
was vacated a couple of weeks since, by a
power which disregards the Tenure of
Office act, and makes removals without
'the advice and consent of the Senate."
It has lonir been one of the written laws
of that great body to allow Senators, in
regular rotation, the privilege of naming
candidates for clerical vacancies under the
Secretary. This time it was Mr. Sumner a
turn to i ame the individual who should fill
the gap which death had created. There
was joy among the respectable coloured
gentlemen of Boston diffused among sever?
al for awhile, but finally concentrating into
intense and ecstatic rapture upon one, who
w as assured by Mr. Sunnier that he should
he chief journal clerk of the Senate.
"News of the intended select ion reached
the capital very soon. Senators remonstfa
ted w ith the Honourable Charles, whose re?
spectable coloured gentleman was, to their
eyes, nothing but a nigger. And a nigger
must not be chief journal clerk of the Sen?
ate! The backbone of the Honourable
Charles stood stiffly up fur the respectable
coloured gentleman awhile and the respec?
table coloured gentleman came all the way
from Boston to Washington in full expec?
tation of being installed in the promised
office. Senatorial remonstrances increased
in vehemence, and multiplied in number,
until it was solemnly asseverated that no
'?nigger' should be clerk of the Senate,
a:ul Forney, with all bis ?'fierce devotion"
to the coloured loyalists, had to yield to a
ic.piest under no circumstancs to appoint
Mr. Stunner's respectable coloured gentle?
man Iroin Boston to the vacant clerkship,
i ere wa a dilemma. The respectable
coloured gentleman from Boston was here,
with Stunner's written promise in his
pocket, and yet he couldn't get the place
because he wa* a ?-nigger.'"
Mr. Sumner finally yielded to the press?
ure and named a white man for the p'ace.
The respectable coloured gentleman went
home to Boston, perhaps a wiser, certainly
not a happier man, swearing vengeance
against the Hon. Charles for not making
more of a tight in his behalf, and more than
doubting the sincerity of that great man's
attachment to him personally, and to his
race collectively. Ilviicefortli no more
forever will that respectable coloured gen?
tleman from Boston sound the praises of
Stunner as the champion of equal rights.
Gone is his ad niration for t'^e Hon.
Charles, whose sempiternal orations on
universal brotherhood will fall upon his
chagrined and disappointed ear as tinkling
cymbals, full of sound ant' fury, signifying
nothing; or, as the respectable coloured
gentleman from Boston, who wears spec?
tacles, and hath classic air (for I w??? birr,
with mine own eyes), will doubtless put it,
vox ft prat- rca nihil. Oh, Charles, who'd
have thought it ?? Washington <.or. Cincin
First Love.?Ask any young lady
what she thinks of -'lir.-t love,'* and she
will tell you that it is the quintessence of
all that is ecstatic, compared with which
any so-called love that may come after it
must be as skyblue skimmed milk to
clotted cream. Put the same question to
an enamored young gentleman of eight i-en,
and he will vow that it is the Cliqnot
champagne of human existence, to which
all subsequent emotions, dignified with tho
name ol love, tire mere Jersey cider But
the mature ot both sexes, in nine cases out
ot ten, can tell a different story. Boy-and
trirl love is but a taint shadow of the in?
tense pa sion which often overcomes and
enthralls the middle-aged. The capacity
for loving is not fully developed in the
young miss who has just cast aside her
dolls, nor in 1 he youth whose chin w but
newly acquainted with tho razor. The
ci.tniinasm of these novices in the tender
passion is generally evanescent Of course
there are exceptional cases, but as a* gen?
eral rule. b>*e docs not take firm root in
the heart before the age ot twenty five.
Profession'' "'?dying devotion from
young men of nineteen and t wenty an
not to he trusted. The question which :?
lady who "receives an oiler of marriage
?diould I'otisiiK r is nut merely 'whether
she has won lue aileclions of her adtnii < r.
Iui! also ??'.<?)ht'i\ if won. she can }-u- :?
\'o have and to hold arc trwy