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WAR ST BC. 13. Spru^ac on Thc Our < ?v [.'rom The Advocate of I Looking back upon four years of jontiuuous soldier life, recalling its ntermingled lights and shadows, its triumphs sud disasters, iuspiriug !>:it tle scenes and humiliating corpse strewn fields, beautiful parado and hideous prison dens, glorious deaths and heartbreaking funerals, large .nanties and bitter agonies, redeem ing heroisms and savage horrors, keen lelights and immedicable wounds, fre< d slaves and maddened masters, union; peace and law restored willi unspeakable losses of treasure, 1"V< ami life-pondering al! the.---, a:: ! rc curring to first principles, one whose . inmediate ancestors wera members of thc Society of Frieuds is quite likely lo find himself reverting more and mort, to their anti war tenets, and to conclude that in the great conflict both North and South were in the .\rr0ng. As to the proper attitude in general if one nation toward another, .Milton's theory wculd universally bc recogniz ed a" correct: "Ah, sir, a common wealth ought to bc but as one huge 'Jhristian pers?nate, one mighty growth and stature of an honest man, as big and compact in virtue as in body!-' For the special business of a warrior, perhaps wo should accept thc -ule l;.id down by .John the Baptist, when soldiers anked him: "What 8 h eli wc do?" end hr answered: "l>o violence to no man." If that reply be rmi preposterous, it must mean, ''Von 'mi/ ward ulfa blow, but jnu ,.\.1,1 .- .._.""""_;.,. ., ii.,. iiiiuu.ii uuv ui uuuccusa&ri i? ti i. i at one." For tho behavior of one who ?"t* been wronged, shall wc not respect -ho view of Socrates "Wo must not retaliate, nor render evil for evil.'' "Plato's Crito," 411.) For tho Angl o .^axon's disdainful bearing toward what he deems inferior races is not --'aul's doctrine at once a corrective and ii sharp reproof: "(?od hath made of one blood all nations of men?" And ought we not to find a perpetual solvent and transformer of all hateful clements in thc spirit of him who re joined: "Lovo your enemies," and who, on a memorable occasion, when, if ever, violent assault might seem justifiable, commanded, "Fut up again thy sword into his place, for al' they that take tho sword shall perish with the sword??' Lord Bacon strongly commends the war. He says: "No body can be healthful withoutexorcise; and . . and .ertainly to a kingdom <>r c?tate a just and honorable war is thc true exer cise." On the 13th of last November Gen. S. M. B. Young, already, as it acorns, tho highest officer in our army, wrote for publication these words: "To carry on war, disguise it as we may, is to be oruol: it is to kill and burn, burn and kill, and again kill aud burn." To the same effect is Gen. Sherman's oft-quoied remark, "War is bell." Can an exeroise that is es sentially cruol and hellish bc health . ful? Exoept in the German military ma chine, in that of tho French *od some others, and among half-oivilizcd peo ple, or in tho oaso of ? few "degener ates" and persons of arrested mental and moral development, the time has gone by when disputes between indi viduals were settled dog-fashion. Personal fighting ia uow unlawful, .and, if it results fatally, is severely punished. But if private mortal com bat is felonious, why is not national duelling as much more so as the at tempted murder of a hundred or a thousand is worse than that of one? War is often excused aa tho only means of securing justice. But does it not invariable perpetrate moro in justice than it punishes, prevents, or cures? ]>oca it not always let tho most guilty go unscathed, while thc most innocent suffer unspeakably? Ts it Toot commonly a mere test of physi cal strength and satanic skill? Does it ever settle permanently a question of right? With a professedly Chris tian Dation should not the truth be re garded as axiomatic that, except to defend its very life against deadly violence, a nation bas no more warrant in the sight of Heaven to lift tbe sword against a nation than a brother has to wield a club against a brother? Was not Benjamin Franklin nearly right when he declared, "There nevtr iwas a good v;-- . a bad peace? ' Wo would not belittle the heroism ?of one who, at the risk of his life and without majtee, strikes a blow, not for fame, bat for bis home, his coun try and the rights of man. Wo dwell lovingly on the memory of Leonidas, of Winkeiried, of Sidney, of Hamp den, and of Washington. In thc sharp struggle for existence their work seem ed absolutely indispensable. Let ?their glory be undimmed forever. We sty with Titomas Francis Mcagher, our Irish patriot, when ho added to hie requested autograph while await ? Ivi<j;lii and Wrong in il War. 'cace, September, 1' O.'J. irJ*r sentence of death: . Whether on ihe scalio?d high 1 ?r in tho battle's van, The littest place for man t" die Is where he dies f.<r man.' In |?a~.t ages riot only wan tin*? generally a plausible excuso for bloodj belligerency in that tin r. seemed no honorable alternative, but there'was a superstitious belief, often a prayer, that the Almighty would miraculously interpose to give victory tu the most devout. Kven today, with a sort of Louis XI piety, some nations engaged i-j 'injust warfare keep up that mock . ry, as if hy copious blandishments the Lord might be coaxed into lending a hand! There was no impartial umpire then. We have one- now. The Hague Tri bunal ought soon to cud both thu bloodshed and the blasphemy. Once recognized as the Supreme Court of lhc world, with (dt'.ier party to any international dispute nt liberty to ap peal to it without waiting for the con sent of the other, thereupon proceed ing in its discretion to tnko cogni sance and jurisdiction of the issue; after due invitation to all concerned, investigating, taking testimony, scru Uniting the facts, weighing thc argu ments, surely tho hasty roflort to hu man slaughter, with its essential sav agery and its mocking appeals to Mo loch, misnamed (?od, weald soon dis appear muong peoples claiming to be loovo ilii< reptile Klai'o in evolution. F.X (Hiri?, such Irihiiit'il, or SMIIH ?tiled Congress of Nation:;, might properly formulaic definitions and step by step elaborate a code. It might well, for instance, decide when rebellion becomes revolution, and when, if ever, one government has u right to destroy another by force. There is at times a sore need of such judicial or legislative action. Take an illustration from our owu history: High authority has recently declar ed that in our Civil War both North and South were in thc right, and we are constantly hearing that the strug gie was entirely unavoidable, that it was glorious to all concerned, and that nobody was to blame. Young Amcri ca's orators now seek to concilliate bulb sides by ?imply boasting how big and how brave we aro. Too '.often the moral element is ignored, the vi tal truth is unreoognized, the mind of tho masses is befogged, tho public conscience is H tu pi ti od . as if the groat est evil war in history had no lesson for user for the world! It is high time that we open our oyes and do some oarcful thinking, "Agaiust stu pidity tho gods are powerless." One whom all now love and honor, by many esteemed our wisest and best president since Washington, had re peatedly asserted in rmost emphatic terms the right of revolution. On ono occasion he spoke as follows: "Any pooplo anywhere, being in clined aud'having the power, have the right to riso up and shake otf tho ex isting government and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right, a right which we hope and believe is to liberate thc world. Nor is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an exisling government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of sush people that can, may revolution ize and make their own so much terri tory as they inhabit." These are the words of our truly groat and justly revered Abraham Lincoln. They express, too, the oen tral doctriuo of Jefferson, Madison and Frankin, and of nearly all Amer inan statesmen before our Civil War They show how our nation and all the Central and South American State sprang iuto existence ns orgauized re publics. But when Mr. Lincoln br?ame Fros dent he looked at revoluti* nary gov ernments from a diff?rent standpoint. Ile had sworo to execute the laws; but a new body politic had suddenly arisen and interposed to prevent. It had followed exactly the process he had clearly outlined and sanctioned lt distinctly based its action on what he had affirmed to be "a most val uable, a moat sacred right." Note the undeniable facts. On tho 120th of December, 1SG0, South Carolina, by a unanimous vote of the Convention called by her Legis lature, passed the ordinance of seoes sion. In less than two months the six Gulf States followed her example. Within three months, and before Lin coln's inauguration, the seven se ceded Statos had thrown off tho Uni ted States Government, organized a new one, and dcolarod themselves as au independent nation, under the titlo of the Confederate States of America. Within its territorial limits all oppo sition ceased; unity and enthusiasm prevailed; the Confederate Govern un :.t ;va . . , ti; j" il, if .--tall ed arni i (ri iib nily nt work. N ? attribute of si i - ercigiity wa* lucking. A ri a t i o ri hat! bec ii ''born in u day." Thc South emera claimed lo bc aliens. They were terribly in earnest. President Lincoln's oflielal oath re quired bini tu perform what circuin Btanecs now rendered both an iuipos sibility and an apparent violation of what he had alarmed to bc "a most valuable, u most sacred right." What to do with thc now Republic was the problem. "All wo ask," said Presi d? ni Pavia, "is to bc let alone." J'ut the whole North deman led action. What policy hhall our clear-headed, tender-hearted Lincoln adopt? Con sistently with his favorite doctrine, he may advise to recognize the new power, and to enter into diplomatic relations willi it in thc hope of even tually winning it back; er he may undertake to annihilate i tn govern ment by force, conquer its people and rcanncx its territory. Conscientiously he chose the latter course. [inmediately the shooting began and four other Stales joined the Confederacy. Mr. Lincoln denied, ?and most peo ple at the North always denied, that the eleven seceded .States constituted a nation. Hut ?how in a definition that r-hall not include under that ap pellatioD the Confederate States. "Tho State," says 1'rof. Bluntschli, "is the politically organized people (Volk person) of a peculiar laud." "Ana tion," says President Woolsey (Introd to Study of International Law,) "is ar organized community wiihin a certalt territory." Says thc Standard Die tionary, "A nation is an organized po iitical community considered with ref renco to the persons composing it.' Webster's International Dietionar: defines it as "thc body of tin inhabitants of a country, united un der an independent government o their own." The Century Dietionar nuke* it "un orginizcd cia-nunit inhabiting a eenuin cxtuut of teri tory, within which its sovereignty i exercised." The oldest, ablest an most impartial of living historian: 1'rof. Goldwin Smith, always a stron champion of the North in its ooo Hit with the South, explicitly aud ri pcatcdly insists that the Conf?d?ral was a bona fied nation, and that tl: war was "really international, ni civil." What, then, was tho duty of tl Washington Government? Guided by its fundamental princ pies, bearing in mind its own origi recalling its uniform action in ni mil cases, and acting in the spirit of Iii who is tho "Author of Peace and tl Lover of Concord," should it not least have recognized the Richmoi Government, received its oomm'.ssio ers and listened to its overture Was it not as truo then as when o lamented McKinley uttered it in 181 that "forcible annexation is erimia aggression?" Was it any the less because tho Southern people had i ways been our associ?tes, friend kinsfolk? Somo nations may seem have repudiated that doctrino no but who will say that forty-two yea ago every honorable expedient sbou not havo been tried, every fair ai kindly concession have been made, i possible patience exhausted, befo recourse was had to violence again our brothers? Instead of that 770 ehut our ey and clenched oar fists. We deni that they were a nation either facto or do jure. A remark witti than wise., made by our quarterns ter, Bromley, during the war to Southern lady who was eloquently e tolling the Confederacy as an ?dc nation in contrast with the North, e pressed tho persistent nominal at tude of the Union authorities-"Pi mit mc to suggest, madam, that 1 Southern nation, whioh you so beau fully describe, is amore imagination Nono of us, at tho time, openly ? mittcd thc genuineness of that t tionality; fow of us frankly oonoede today; perhaps some of us nevor wi but from the first all the South olai td it; most of them claim it inda probably many of them always will. Because of our reverence for t laws and the Constitution, all whioh we felt that tho South Ii most wantonly violated, and of ( belief that ^slavery aud secession wi utterly indefensible, and that the fore tho South had no right to est: lish au independent existence, we 1 Died tho reality of that existen When we found out our error, were too proud to acknowledge it 0 too angry to recede. If tho principle bo truo that war, bc justifiable, must always be stric defensive, never in tlie slightest grce aggressive, a shield, not a ja lin; is it not evident that tho Sta ?vhielrremained loyal, and whioh 8 constituted tho Union, should hi restricted \heir efforts to warding violent attacks? Ought wc to hi undertaken to compel the "wayw; sisters" at the point of tho bayo: to como back into tho family? I we not take a position untenable morals when we entered upon a oar of conquest ?and subjugation? Gra lng that wo were justly indignant even sublimely patriotic at heart, ; when we. said to tho citisens of i new country, "Submit, or die," w I wc ri..r, ?ri two hf ns'.-H <t thc terni, mail? Should eil I; tr an individual 01 a nation bo quick t ? avenge a wrong? it-it tim Confederates were no bel ier. The;/ thought themselves pa triot}?. They believed that their cause was just, and they were eager to fight for it. Hieb saw thc other's mistake, neither its owu. So minded, both piously invoked the Prince of Peace, and then tho opposing hosts begau to kill each other at sight. At th?.- momeut of secession the I'nited States was right, < vcr afterwards dur ing the war, quite wrong. The Con federates were wrong at the outset, and ever afterwards till they surren dered at Appomattox. Although it may seem to savor of prolixity, this matter is so important that we may be pardoned for dwelling j on it a little longer Wc should base recognized thc' truth that they were a nation do facto. Tiiey should have recognized tho truth that they wert- never a nation de jure. We ought not to have attempted mili tary compulsion; they ought not to have resisted military compulsi?n, t?aeh should have placed itself at thc point of view of tho other, and charit ably giving full credit for sincerity, should have remembered that it is bet ter for a man or a nation to suffer wrong than to do wrong. But the command, "Put up thy bword again into his place," was unheard for tho diu of battle, tho blare of bugles and the beat of drums, Deaf and blind, both trusted in God and gunpowder, lead and stool, muscle and grit. It will be said that having begun to fight it was necessary to fight strenu ously to a finish. It must be oon fessed that whether such instinct be human or brutish, angelio or devilish, as we are constituted, there is at firet .lush something splendid io Buer, persistence. But upon second thought it is clearly not manly; still less god like. It is the rule with bulldogs gamecocks, gorillas, snakes and beast geucially, including haman hrutes Butas Socrates demonstrates that i is "better to bo refuted thac to con tinue in error,'' so nothing is noble than frankly to confess and forsak evil doing; and thero never was a hour during tho war when it woul not have boen honorable for the Nort to withdraw 'ita armies from Souther soil; never an hour when it woul not have been honorable for the Soul to acknowledge that it made a mistak in quitting tho Union, a mistake i constituting itself a new nation and mistake in refusing to submit to th old authority. Why not acknowledg tho fact? Even feeble-minded due lists, when one of them has draw blood, often declare ?their "honor satisfied, and they part friend.3. Few may be disposed to conccd that, as the Federal Govcrnmeut wt magnanimous af ter conquest, it woul have been magnanimous not to hav attempted conquest at all. But a will allow that tt was proper and hoi orable for General Lee and his sube dinatesto yield obedience to our Ni tlonal Government at the end of tb four years' war. It is difficult to sc why it would not have been equally f at any prior moment. Nay, it wot) have been vant ly moro appropriai and more honorable to have submitte long before; for voluntary acquie oenoe in rightful authority is ev< more manly than extorted oompliano< and countless miseries, shames an horrors would have been avertei Did years of battle butohery in ac wiso help matters? Did the sea i blood wash avay the guilt of wagir unnecessary and futile war? Is tl tiger instinct altogether lovely whe it impels one to battle to thc dcatl oven when warring against ruase, against justice, against God? That tho North was blameworthy i not'stopping sooner will be denied t thoso who superstitiously nieasu merit by material prosperity; as sueoess in maiming or stranglii proved the Lord to bs on our side. \\ I kept mercilessly closing in upon the with fast serpent ooils of fire and ste till we triumphed. : But duos tl _. "V :_-? i_._-.?.. .? .?. vtuauitig C* UUUCD ul lut) CUUKlllg IQ insensibility prove the anaconda moi lovely than tho tiger? ? Let us olear away some of the r maining misapprehensions. The question for the Sooth siwa, waa whether they should continue be a nation. The question for tl North was whether we should contine to be a nation. True, it is often s serted-we havo affirmed it ourselves that we were fighting for life, th tho existence of the Union was stake, that if the South had final prevailed thc nation woul i have go: all to pieces. Oo the contrary, is not probable that the loyal Stat would soon have been more eompa than ever? Slavery having been sa stantially eliminated by thc seoessio there would have been no suffioie cause for further disintegration. Tl North would have continued a gre Republic, able to put two million st diers into the field; States unit? still, held together consolidated 1 consanguinity, by preoious memorie by a o immunity of fundamental psi eiples, laws, language, liberties, hope fears, tho Christian religion, by ti of friendship, by self-interest, n mainly by foroe. But suppose that a let-alone pol l ? .ti the p-?rt of thc North would cer tainly hayo h cc ri followed hy a di vis- ? ion of the old Union into two. three, i Leo, twenty independent nationalities, i Better, far Letter such resumption of State sovereignty, such distribution of go\ emmental authority, thau the internecine war iuto which wc angrily plunged. The dissevered States would soon have coalesced again, sisters in one family. Hut the Constitution ! what of that? We were not battling to save the Constitution. As the great common er, Thaddeus Stevens, leader of tho House of Representatives, often de clared, all through tho war wc were "travelling outside of the Constitu tion.'' In the presence of "military necessity" for four years the Consti tution and laws were nowhere. Nor were we, as some of us fondly believed, lighting to destroy slavery. Lincoln always btoutly denied such a purpose. Emancipation was with him ?in afterthought, a last resort, a means, not an end. Whichever side should be victorious, slavery was doomed. If the South had succeeded no fugitive thence would ever havo been restored to his master. Soon the northern bordor of the Confeder acy- Virginia, North Carolina, Ten nessee, Arkansas-denuded of slaves, would have beoomo ?reo soil; and South Carolina and tho Gulf States, sensitive to publio opinion, would not have held out long against tho unani mous moral sentimejt of tho civilized world. Gradually and peacefully at length, and perhaps very soon, the canoor would have been extirpated. Had it really been intensely desired by our people to ond slavery, for the existence and growth of which the North was as muoh to blame as thc South, we could probably have accom plished that result by kindly and per sistent effort without shedding a drop of blood. A sum of money equal to one fifth of the pecuniary loss caused by our Civil War would have sufficed to pay their masters more than twioc the averugo market value of every black man. woman and child. More than once, in 18G2, Lincoln urged such action, but in vain. No; our end was not the abolition of slavery, but the speedy annihilatiot of the new government. We thought we coald accomplish it by a few hare blows. Accordingly we employee not diplomacy, conciliation, mora suasion, entreaty, the just, liberal equitable use of purchase money; bu cavalry, infantry, artillery, sh'ips o: war, fire, famine, slaughter. Ant whoo tho destruction of Souther] commerce, the crippling of Southeri industries, and the devastation o Southern fields failed to break dowi all resistance, the Washington Gov ernmeot deliberately adopted the san guinary policy of "attrition." Th armies of the Southern nation mus be ground to powder. The armed mei must be killed off. To our brothers ii grey the alternative presented wa submission or extermination. A Cold Harbor, June 3, 1864, sevet thousand Union soldiers and thre thousand Confederates were sho down in thirty minutes. "If this is fight of the Kilkenny eats," remarket Gen. Grant, "it's a comfort to kno\ that ours has the longest tail I" Had the North stood wholly on th defensive, and not attempted to de 8troy the independence of the soutl by invasion and conquest, all we con tended for would probably have bee attained by peaceful means; for, a their wisest statesman, their Vic President, A'exandtr H. Stephen? assured us, the seceded States woul eventually havo returned to their alic gianee. Had the South stood strict! on the defensive, and not pushed it armies into Maryland, Kentucky an Pennsylvania, its independence woul ab last have been recognized, an would havo continued until it chos to como back in peace. And now, shutting cur ears to th eloquent exaggeration of Memorii Day and the yetreverbrating thundoi of a thousand battles, what has bee the net upshot of it all? The Union has been re-established for awhile; but our victory like tl triumph of Cortes, in Mexico, ac Pizarro, in Peru, proving nothing bi physical superiority, did not so touo the consoiecces of the Southern pc pie, did not so fill their hearts wit love for their conquerors, did not i sanctify in their souls the principli of unity, as to insure against all po sible future attempts at disruptioi A distinguished Southern gentlemai our college classmate, a eolonel on tl staff of Jefferson Davis, wiliia: Preston Johnston, president of Ti lane University, widely known an everywhere honored, intimately ai quai&ted with men and measure throughout the South, wrote us oigl years ago-"I know of no man in tl South who has changed his opinion i to the rightfulness of our cause durin the Civil War, unless it nras for hi advantage to change it." All bt unanimous as Southern men and w< men still are in the conviction thi ?oir cause was just and purs unjust what would prevent them fro at tryin the same issue again, shou'd change circumstances appear to make it fe ti cir interest aid to guarantee sm COBS? Slavery is D om i u all y gooe, aud with ? it the kindly fooling between master ' ind servant, but au alarming race ha- < trod thatdid not existbefore has sprung jp, and a determination to keep the negro down. As is natural where human beings are slaughtered like cat tle by tho thousand, our reverence for uan as man seems everywhere to have liminishcd, and our foolish couccit of superiority to black, brown, red and yellow men, and poor whites of foreign latiooalities, appears to increase. This thought gives rise to gainful re lections. To what shall we attribute the dispo sition, moie apparent, wc trust than .eal to excuse injustice by pointing to jusiness prosperity; to gloss over iui-1 luity alleging subsequent righteou.s ?ess; to justify, if they exist, lying ind treachery, torture and massacre, ?avoc and devastation, imprisonment ind starvation of non-combatants, by ?bowing that such inflictions were ?indly meant to "make the enemy want peace and want it badly," to im pute our sins to Divine Providence, fondly persuading ourselves that *'it is tho Lord's doing," and " we must not shrink from our responsibilities?" If, as many allege, there exists in some quarters a craze for military glory and naval supremacy ; a supersti tion that degrades our glorious flag into a miserable fetish; an adoption of the God-defying minto: "Our country, right or wrong!" an am bition to have our Republic armed to the teeth, strut like a turkey cock among the nations and dominate land iud sea; a warping -.od twisting, belit :ing, ignoring, or defying of thc Unit d Slates Constitution; or an easy po i i i cal virtue that forsakes the guide )f our nation's youth and forgets the covenant- cf our fathers' God, scout ng thc underlying principles of Lib ?rity and the essence of Christianity, .o coquette and wanton with mperial despotism-to what shall wo tscribe all these ominous tendencies nore than to that tremendous struggle nto which we plunged with unthinki ng haste, and which, first and last, in jattle or by disease or hardships, shortened the lives of a million bravo nen, draped in mourning three million iresides, filled with "curses not loud out deep" ten million hearts, and flung tway twenty thousand million dollars? All this obtensibly and in good raith, to save the Union, maintain tho Constitution, and destroy slavery 1 We meant well. "But the pity of itt oh, the pity of it!" Could not states manship, forbearance, patience and charity have found a better way thaa that? Wc had no Hague Tribunal then; but we might have heard and heeded thc golden words of the great Irish liberator, the illustrious O'Connell, echoing the voice of the master-"No political chango i J worth a single crime, or, above all, the shedding of a single drop of human blood!" Homer B. Sprague. Newton, Mass. - Frost IB a good thing so long as it is impersonal. GET THE HABIT! To Buy Your Shoes AT THE BOSTON SHOE STORE 4 WE have the strongest line of Boys' and Children's Shoes that ever came to Anderson. You find the best Plow Shoe to the very finest Dress Shoe. We eell only-Shoes which we can guarantee. Why should you buy others when you can get the VERY BEST wear at the very least money. 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