Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME VT.-NUMBER 940.]
CHARLESTON, S. C., THURSDAY MORMNG, SEPTEMBER '?t 1868.
EIGHTEEN CENTS A WEEK
JOHN QUI SCI ADAMS.
BOSTON TO SOUTH CAROLINA.
A GREAT SPEECH.
[SPECIAL TELEGRAM TO THE DAILY NEWS.]
COLUMBIA, October 12.-Tho event so ea?
gerly anticipated and BO often deferred-the
address of the Hon. John Quincy Adams, of
Massachusetts, to the people of South Caro?
lina-took place to-night. Tho throng in front
of Carolina Hall, whore the speech was deliv?
ered, was simply immense; and the utmost
good order prevailed throughout the proceed?
ings. Mr. Adams appeared soon after seven
o'clock, and spoke as follows :
My Feliovc-citizens of South Carotina: I have
come to speak to you here to-day, from my na?
tive home in Massachusetts, at the earnest re?
quest of your State Central Executive Com?
mittee, to consult with you upon the living
principles of our ti ce institutions, and that our
meeting may in some degree, however small,
tend to promote a hotter understanding, a
kinder feeling, and ultimate harmony between
the mass of white people here and a very large
portion 0/ the people of the North, and espe?
cially from my State. And I am here a'.so to
learn from your own lips your wishes and in?
tentions upon questions of public policy which
must nearly affect you.
You have, perhaps, been told that I am a
grandson of one of the earliest opponents of
jour peculiar institution. I will tell you that
I was an ardent though humble supporter ol
Hr. Lincoln, a hearty friend of bis administra?
tion, and al way a in favor of au energetic prose?
cution of the war while it lasted, and that I
hailed with profound gratitude tho abolition
of da very. I had lone; regarded it as a most
dangerous elemoat in our federal policy, and
certain, at sometime or other, to jeopardize
the existence of the Union and the authority of
the constitution. Sooner or later the conflict be?
tween the two systems of labor-the free labor of
the North and the slave labor of the South
was sure to come. It did come, and has pass?
ed away with terrible sufferings and convul?
sions; and now the South, cast down, bleeding,
faint, and almost despairing, looks vainly for
the sign of promise in her dark hour. You
ask each other m vain what shall we do; where
can we go; whence cometh our salvation ? I
will tell you frankly, my friends, at the outset,
that I behove that your redemption must be
by your own aot; that your fate is in your own
hands at last. I do not mean to deny that
your condition from time to timo may be favor?
ably or injuriously influenced by the fluctua?
tions of tbe heated political light at the
North, but I suspect that your permanent
welfare will mainly, depend upon the power
you may develope now to grasp firmly and em?
brace sincerely the fundamental principles of
our government as Battled by the war-a Con?
stitutional Democracy. That principio seems
to me a recoguization of the equal rights of
all men under the law, or, stated as broadly as
possible, tho right of every man to think,
speak and act as he wishes, provided ho does
not by so doing infringe the equal right of his
neighbor. I do not regard political privileges
as rights in this sense at all. The general wol?
lare of the community must regulate their dis?
tribution. This is all very well, you will say,
but it offers no present and perpetual solution
of our difficulties. It is very mnch like telling
a man who is suffering terribly from intempe?
rance that his only permanent cm o must coma
from an adherence to the laws of health. And
I agree to that riaw of it. We are suffering
DOW terribly, both North and South, from po?
litical intemperance. You were guilty of it
when you did all in your power to rup?
ture the Uoion by force, bacause you
would Dot trust the question of slavery to the
people under the constitution, and we aro
gvJiy of it now when we will not restore the
Union under the constitution, because we dis?
trust the people. What is needed in the first
place is moderation, calmness and habit of pa?
tience in politics. We are inclined to be im?
pulsive, headlong and desperate in our devices.
Waiting and watching, relying upon slow but
sure processes, has never been very popular
with any people of our race, and is peculiarly
distasteful to na. But, my fellow-citizens, this
disagreeable discipline is, in my judgment,
precisely the training we are, all of us, most in
need of; and I think it essential to your happy
Let ns come down to the actual facts of your
case, and try to look at them together calmly,
dispassionately, and without prejudice. It is
always foolish to deceive ourselves, and in your
case to mislead you knowingly would b? a
crime. I shall, therefore, speak with perfect
frankness and plainness.
You began the war down below here at Sum?
ter, under a claim of right to defend yourselves
ao an independent State which had exercised a
reserved right to secede from the Union, and I
knew it; but no one denies that the causo of
that 'action was the apprehended danger to
slavery from the result of the election of
1860. You fought for your side of the con?
troversy for four years with a desperate
determination of courage, until at last you
were compelbd by the fate of battle to surren?
der. You had allied yourselves with other se?
ceded State.. and formed a confederacy which
claimed an equal rank among the nations.
You proclaimed slavery its corner-stone. In
the Btress of conflict, as a war measuie justi?
fied by the emergency and as a means of dis?
tressing you, your slaves were proclaimed free,
and the North insisted that no State could se?
cede under the constitution, and that tho whole
proceeding on the part of the South was an
insurrection of a portion of the people of the
seceding States. It is lar from my intention
to review old controversies cr reopen settled
disputes, but I must state the facts to bring
.ns to our present position. You claimed to bo
a sovereign State, and, on your own showing,
were, by the laws of war, subject to any terms
the victor might impose. It did not he in
our mouthe, therefore, to demand any rights
in the Union you had broken, or any immuni
tyfrom the consequences of your own acts un?
der the constitution you had renounced. If we
were to accept your own theory of action, you
were alien enemies and your land conquered
territory, and so subject to the naked laws of
war alone. But the North had always denied
every one of your positions, and insisted that
you were never out of the Union; that your re?
solutions of secession were simply void; that
yon could not cesse to bo citizens ot the Unit?
ed StateB by any such process, and that, of
.course, you were hablo, when taken, to the pains
and penalties of perjury. To be sure thin theory
was a necessary inference, as little in practico
as in respect to the exchange of prisoners and
the observance of the same laws of warfare
that obtain between independent States,
thia was the accepted fact. The war v
subdue an insurrection, nob to conquer
tion. You were defeated rebels, not vanq
ed alien onemius, and the Union was re-(
lished, not extended, over your territor;
waB upon this theory that the Governun
tho United States proceeded at first to i
what were called thc practical relatio
the States to the Union, and yon p
accepted this view of th 3 case r.nd
all in your power to resuaie your
cant place. Now, it has always see nie
me that you, by your acts at that time,
all the pro;if in your power that you aban
ed the principles for which you fought, ace
ed the decision of yonr wager of battle,
bo.ved to the supremacy of the constitu
You were offered, and you ratified, an am
ment to that instrument, absolutely and
over abolishing slavery. You manifeste i
far as I Lave ever been able to see, a die
tion to take us on our own terms, ant
nounco all you had fought for,
ing in full the stake for which
had played and lost. To be sure you ha
choice, and you could not thon have compla
if you had been treated for what you clai
to be-alien enemies. But you might
been sullen and refused to do anything,
did the best you could do, as I have al
thought, and ? think the North would ]
done the very best that she could have doi
have taken you back in the fino tempe
which General Grant reported he found yo
that time. I do not know. Your people here,
be,are different from any people 1 have ever i
or knew or road of; but I think it would 1
been best to have then taken you cordially bj
hand, told you that wc believed your promi
accepted your word of honor, and that
gonea should bo by-gones. Besides, I tl
wo were in good faith bound, after you had
cepted otu* own teims and acted upon th
when offered by an authority which you
lieved and ? still believe was adequate to
bindingly in the premises, to complete
transaction. Much as you were interests
out doing so, I think the North was even m
so. I think it would have restored
Union with tho least shock to its frai
work and with the least possiblo str
to the constitution. Congress, howei
interposed to rend asunder once more
knitting fracture, because they averred
cure would never be fair and sound by t
process, and adopted another. Their first
tempt was the Fourteenth Amendment, wh
they offered yon as a dose preparatory to re
justment; but it was not stated to be final, i
there is ma^ controversy at the North as
your reasons for rejecting il. If it was I
suffrage clause which decided your action
think, looking at it from your position, you wi
wrong. If you could not swallow the clause
quiring you to disqualify your leaders, :
heart tells me you were right. 1 h<
I shall never hap any word of lepros
against any man who refused to
back from his chosen foremost men
such a time. But, at any rate, its subm
6ion to you at all showed that thus far Cc
gress stuck to tho Northern theory of tho cc
test. But next came an entire change of bai
and Congress abandoned tho JS orthern vie ?v
matters entirely, and thus late in the doy cai
over to tho camp you had been beaten out i
as tho more tenable position of thc two. Th
took up your old ground and insisted that y
woro after all an alien enemy, yoar count
conquered territory, yourselves prison?
of war, a id your rights of every kii
forfeited. This is, al the bottom, the meanii
of the Reconstruction acts under which y<
now live. They are based on conquest ai
the right of the victor in international wa
fare. I do not think that this was, upon
comprehensive view of tho goneral and perm
nent welfare of the whole people, a generou
wiso, or a coostatutional course to take; but
has been taken, and now wo como to the dif
caltiea of our position, as tilings do in ia
stand. What is it best for us to do ? He
can we bese moldy or remedy existing evils
The case would bo puzz'.iag enough i
best, but the addition of the olemcnt
universal negro suffrage porplexos
ten fold. There it is, complicated by
multitude of conflicting theories, prejudice
and passions hore as well as at tho North, an
the circumstances of peculiar political excit
ment attending a Presidential election, wilie
this very question of your propor status is tl
vital issue, renders it well nigh impossible I
arrivo at satisfactory conclusions. The ba
consideration, however, which 1 have been ab
to give to the subject has led me to son;
conclusions, which I offer with great dif?denc
but in entire good laith. I proposo to try t
escapo from our difficulties by reversing th
process that brought us into them when yo
appealed to arms to decide a disputed questio
of constitutional construction and sot the fat
of slavery upon tho ordeal of battle. You took, a
it seems to mo, the first irreversible false stor
You refused to abide by the decision of tho tri
bunal provided by tho constitution; and yoi
would not accept the verdict of tho people, ren
dered uudertho constitutional form, when ad
verso to you. Tho barriers which had beei
provided for just such au emergency you ii
heat and impatience threw down. No writtei
constitution can possibly be made stron;
enough in itself to restrain the people unies.1
they themselves axe calm and wise enough t<
see, even in their hottest moments, even wber
the temptation to grasp a coveted object oi
secure a threatened end is most overwhelm?
ing, that in the long run, and upon
abalance of contingencies, they wil[ be hap?
pier by observing, scrrpulously, their self-im?
posed limitB. They may have to lose or defer
a cherished hope, that they may not by and by
be obliged to suffer a degraded ill; but tho pas?
sions which the slavery agitation aroused were
too fierce for argument, too impatient for the
tedious processes of the law. The ee*ond
step was taken by us when we broko from Pres?
ident Lincoln's calm, peaceful and constitu?
tional way, and dashed our mad course in our
turn through the organic law. Mr. Lincoln's
uind was legal and moderate, and he moved
carefully in a well-considered way. Mr.
Sumner's mind is theoretical and extreme,
and very impatient of any restraints. He
must leap instantly to his end even if
the heavens fall, and upon him eventually
fell the mantle ol' leader of Ihe Republi?
can party, and to his inspiration, more than
any other man, is due the Reconstruction acts.
The same measures ruled the hour which had
already wrought your ruin. Your leaders could
not brook their threatened fate in the Union:
ours could -ot postpone for a moment their
promised fortune. It seems to me that if you
trace out the process it is ultimately the same
in the ono case and in the other. It was in
both casc3 what I have oalled political intem?
perance. Neither party had faith enough in
their cause ? or their Mlow-citizens, or
patience enough in natural and regr.hr me?
thods, or confidence enouph in tho supreme
law which our fathers gave us, to bide their
time in the assured conviction that the great?
est good for all must eventually result. You
have suffered the penalty of your intemperu
and you are feeling its effects bitterly to
TVe, too, if I am not very much mistaken,
a day of reckoning in store for us-a p ii
sobering from our debauch. If wepersif
is impossible for any tolerable governi
to continue long, for it will deg
rate into a mere squabble of
tending factions for a chance to opp
for a time their less active or less nume
opponents. Now, you can see clearly enc
to-day where your interest lies, if you iw
the constitution. It is not hard to find
reason. You need most terribly just that;
tecting medium interposed between you
the govermug majority. A constitntioi
meant for just that-to mitigate and distril
the blows of majorities. Some day, I havi
doubt, we shall sec in Massachusetts the m
of its operation as clearly as you do now, b
fear that it will not be until we are in a min
ty, andlook in vain for the shield wo th
away to ward somo threatening b
But to you, my friends, this necessity
pressiug, is overbearing. Something you rx
have, you think, or perish. Now, with
going so far as that, I believe that the v
best thing for you to try to get back is
Constitution of the United States. Now;
are substantially prisoners of war, held
military force, and liable at any time to fart
orders from the majority. 1 do not intent
speak disrespectfully of your State gove
mcnt, and I would especially urge the utm
ob.dienco to your de fado rulers; but I tak
that it would not be long insisted upon here i
was understood that the North took no man
of interest in it. You want the original prii
pies of union restore 1; thc right of the State;
manage their own domestic affaira, without I
interference of the general government; f
the manifold checks and balances and distril
tion of powors, which our ancestors devif
and adjusted; and I agree with you that it
your only practicable escape from your j?
which Radicalism, North and South, has ms
of your good old State, so far as you are c<
cerned. And this bring3 us to the key of c
discussion. How can this be done? Why h
did it happen to need to be done? I mean t
last and proximate cause of your present unpi
tected position. It was, os I think, mail
because the extreme, impatient and fanatx
portion of tho governing party wore enable
partly in consequence of Mr. Lincoln's deat
and partly by tho indiscretion of the South,
overpower the calmer and more moderate mi
in the party, and wield its whole force agair
you. Now, I know that it is likely that mat
of you may feel a general and indiscriraina
detestation of the Republican party, involvi
the whole array in the denunciations wh i
you would liko to launch at their i
credited leaders. Now, gentlemen, this fee
ing ia not unnatural; and it is ono of t
worst results ol' the bad government you suffi
that it makes men feel BO. It fosters a blin
indiscriminating enmity to its rulers among i
subjects; but in your caso it is very unwise
indulge it, and it is very unjust to a large 6c
tion of that party. There are hosts of wig
calm, kind and moderate men in that part
There are multitudes who fool no more ui
kindness to yon than I do. There are mai
thousands who deplore and deprecate t]
course which has been taken in dealing wit
you. A majority of that party, as I hope an
pray, lovo the constitution as well as I do, ar
regret ite infraction as deeply as I do; yet th?
can see no alternative but to go with it to-da;
The fact is that distrust, suspicion and fe?
has more to do with your sorry plight ilia
anger or malice. I have not always thought si
out I have thought so of late. There was ce
tainly a feeling of soteneis arising of th
gorge, at the thought of the rcappoarauco c
your old leaders in conspicuous pinces; but th
strongest cords which the Radical leaders bel
wore disbeliof in your views of allegiance
want of confidence in your professions respcci
ing slavery, fear for the future of t he freedmen
and a deop distrust of your patience and goo
conduct in such matters as free iliscnasior
forbearance wi th difference of opinion,,md til
right of unmolested travel orscntimeut anion
you. Perhaps you arc a ware how gravely HU c
doubts and tears have compromised your casi
but it may bo wholesome, if distasteful, to rc
view these widespread suspicions and opin
ions a little in detail. Of course nothing coul
tend more strongly to justify the severe mee
sures of the Republican porty towards you, o
secure for them moro hurely nu indefinite cs
tension of political power, than to bc able t
persuade the North, which in the early days o
peace was inclined to place a generous couti
dence in your professions of a ainccrc and ah
solute acquiescence in the events of lb
war and your purpose to abide in goo;
fai h by tho decision, that you wire Wire dis
semblera and dishonorable perjurers: Hut you
purpose was to redeem l>y hard shearing wha
you lost by hard fighting; and you yourselves
in many cases, furnished the mate-rial for mak
ing evidence against yourselves. Part of ii
was legitimate and part was very unfair; bu
it all was eagerly caught up and unsparing!;,
used. If you had been a dangerous foreigr
foe, whose utter destruction was necessary tc
our safety, greater pains could hardly have
been taken to inflame thc people against
you and to close their hearts to yo ni
appeal. I doubt if Cato took more
trouble to Bhow tho Roman people that Car?
thage must be destroyed. And Punic faith
must have boen very bad indeed if it was re?
presented to be worse than your own. Every
hasty word, every natural roeret, every expres?
sion of pride in the memories of thc old cam
I paign joys, every ebullition of heat, were care?
fully remembered and spread before tho North.
If an irresponsible newspaper editor or report?
er published a foolish and inflammatory article,
it was instantly pounced upon and scattered all
over the North, to show that tho mass of
Southern feeling was as rebellious as ever. If
you mado any attempt to take part in politics,
you were "bent on revolution." If you refrain?
ed, you were "sullenly plotting a new
insurrection." The peaceful presence of dele?
gates at the convention in New York was 1 a
plot," and tho resolutions were "dictated" by
you, and your only object waa to seduce tho
Democratic party into a new war. These de?
vices and a thousand more have been used so
long and so well, that it is no wonder that they
have produced a very great effect. Thc person
or the paper cited against you may Lave been
so obscure as not to have reached your notice
bec, or so low as to preclude serious attention
on your part, or the writer or spenker may have
garblod or falsified. It made no difference. The
contradiction or disproof came after the damage
waa done, and was not published to thc samo
audience which bad seen or heard thc charges
made. The antidote was powerless to reach
the poison. Nor were your intentions respect?
ing slavery satisfactory. It was urged that it
had become so ingrained that voa could not of
yourselves refrain from a longing for ;t, and
the wish would reopen it with deeds if the
chance was offered. It was useless to urge
your consent to thc thirteenth amendment. It
you ever had thc power you would surely dc
nonnce your action therein as done under duress
and void. If one asked to be shown some
ceivable method by which under the cir
stances such f; consummation could he pra<
bly arrived at, tho only answer was,where I
is a will there is a way. It was useless to
that if slavery was at best an expensive c
hsbment, it now would be worse than vi
less. Nor could the very men who hal cl
proved this very fact, and declared, fur
that you were sitting ou a powder maga;
even when your slaves were most isolated, i
ignorant, more guarded, and absolutely
aimed, sec that now, when they had ta
freedom, been stuffed with new ideas of
rights, unwatched and bristling with weaj.
any attempt to re-enslave them would b<
act of a madman who plunges a flar
torch into the black grains of powder ben
him. The distrust upon this head "-as mo
' fostered by intrepid statement, and supp
ed by vague and passionate declamation,
i On another cognate subject, your own
pie furnished weapons which were used i
disastrous effect against you. I thick
universal suffrage was probably forced on
when it was, and as it was, by tho vagi
laws which eeveral of your SJutherti Legi
tures passed soon after the war closed. Tl
were instantly caught up at the North,
constantly paraded to prove that you v
determined to restore slavery in the ]
son of her sister, ''enforced servitude,''
poverty; or if not that, yet it showed t
you wera unfit to be left in charge of
freedmen. Now, there are, doubtless, gi
difficulties in the problem which this vast,
norant and, from want ol' education anti tn
ing, frequently thriftless and vagrant popi
tion presented to you for solution. Thc <
barrassments are als i more apparent to you
thc spot than to those unfamiliar with the s
rounding and preceding circumstances,
admitting, for the sake of my argument, t
tho laws were needful, humane and wisc, tl
were exceedingly inopportune and unfortun
for you. Thc North was naturally exceedin
sensitivo ou this point. The slaves had bi
manumitted by us for our own ends.and if we i
them exposed to your anger or caprice or v
geance, it would indeed be an indelible st
upon our shield. We had become guordiant
thc freedmen, and wo must be faithful to <
trust. The most calm and moderate men wi
as clear as the loudest and most noisy, thai
was an undoubted obligation on our part to
cure by all means in our power their secur
and happiness. It had loug been urged tba;
was impossible to insure this safety for t
black among ycu except by arming him wi
the franchise, and your vagrant laws ac
ed the practical proof which was ak
needed to clearly decide the theorctii
deduction. Aeain, it was vehemently assc
rated, and shown by innumerable letters frc
all kinds of people, that, in their opinion,
would be impossible for a man holding siro
Northern opinions about slavery and the w
I to como down hero and speak fi eely,
travel without molestation and annoyance,
settle here with salety. It was said that fr
speech was dangerous, open discussion pt
hibitcd, or allowed only under protest, a;
persecution for political opinion, universal,
is very generally believe:! by UM that if you b
your own way yon would endure no contrad;
tion and tolerate no dissent ; and it is publish
I every ?ay that even now the negro is fre?
coerced by you to vote against his convictior
My purpose is not to discuss the justice
these charges, or their validity; but to sta
them to you clearly, to show thc process whit
has aided iu fixing your present conditio
Whether they woro Into or false, thc fact
that they were used as thc most potent engin
to build up and sustain a public opinion whit
could sanction and supporc tho Rcjonstructic
acts. Discover at once ?hat a Ronera 1 belief ;
their truth was at all events considered by tl
Radical loaders essential to their purpose,
determination never to yield us peaceab
possession of the fruits of the war is tl
crime for which you are suffering polit
cally. This is the persuasion which "C
must overcome before you can have peace, fi
tho North is determined, ai I believe, to ri
tain and establish all the legitimate results i
the war. l'hcso general positions, with all th
logical consequences necessary foi their coi
venient enjoyment arc: First, thc utter ronni
elation of thc doctrine of secession; sccoud, th
entiie extirpation of slavery and all ita fomih
third, a fair and unhampered career for th
freedmen; fourth, tho equal right of ever
citizen of the United States to travel, spca
ar.dlivein any State so lons as he does not in
i'ringo the right of others.
Ido not believe that any considerable po:
tion of thc people would be willing to sacrifi^
any part of th^sc acquisitions, tho most cf
lectivo argument against tho Democratic part;
to-day is that they are willing to abandon ti
you sonic or all of these trophies. LT it wen
conceded on all banda that you were faithfull!
and unalterably determined never again tc
struggle by force or fraud for their restoration
and the bare question waa whether the consti
tutiou should bc restored or reconetructior
maintained. I think the result would never bc
in doubt. Thc great desideratum, therefore,
for your restoration to constitutional privileges
*secms to me to be. firat to deserve and then to
obtain the confidence of our Northern commu?
nities in your acquiescence in good faith in these
resu.ts of the war. But you will doubtless say
we have deserved it, and wc have done our best
to obtain it, but we have failed, we are growing
careless and desperate of ever Beciirinn. it, do
what we will. My friends, you must remem?
ber that confidence is at best a plant of very
slow growth, and when surrounded by an at?
mosphere so hostile as ours, the only wonder
is that it ia not utterly killed. You must not
forget that wc aro in tho midst of the most ex?
citing election ever held, and il is the passion
of a few, the interest of many, and
tho business of a multitude, to defeat
the Democratic porty. ?ou must bear
in mind that you yourselves, by your exertions
in favor of that party which seems to you, not
unnaturally, just now your only means of
escape from misery, encourage misunder?
standing and inflamo suspicion. In view of
all these facts, I do not think you can look for
a candid and tolerably dispassionate review of
your unhappy case until alter tho Presidential
election at least, and probably not until some
time has elapsed after it, to allow the fermen?
tation iuscparablo from it to subside. Tho
gravest misfortune which I apprehend from
delay arises from thc tendency of misgovern?
ment to harden discontent into disaffection
and exasperate injury into a sentiment of ect
tied resentment. This deplorable result is
likely to happen-nay, it is almost sure to lol
low, if you do not summon your utmost pa?
tience and fortitude. I pray you, my friends, to
struggle with your might against the inroads
of discouragement and the temptations of du
apair. If you can muster the endurance to
wait calmly, and labor honestly and heartily for
your redemption, your reward, if late, will bc
rich and aDundant. I cannot bc'icve that a
people whicn has ehown such power of intense
and prolonged exertion as yours did in the war
Will prove lacking in the higher qualityof patient
self-command, especially when your wu
ture depeuds upon it. What else can ye
I The idea of a second appeal to arms is
nesa. It is the dream of tho suicide
could alone induce you to take arms aira
sea of troubles, and by opposing end thoi
any of you, in the inmost recesses o
heart, has ever harbored such a thougl
hun banish it at once and forever. Bette
thousand times better, for yourselves,
wives, your daughters and for your count
bear tho ills you havo than fly to c
that you know not of. As your coma
truly and wisely say in their letter of invil
to me : " Tho policy of the South is peace
her only hope." You will see this with
eyes and hear it with your cars, that the]
right; and I have caen it with my eye
heard it with my ears, and I am persuad?e
all this people know that they are right, i
feel aa they do upon this point. I fear,
that thc admission of all the negroes in I
States to suffrage, and the exclusion of
etantially all of the leading men of the ?
from a share in shaping your constitution
laws, coming when it did, and as it
will seriously aggravate tho diffict
which beset your way bae'e to a cl
ral and peaceful re-establishment of
tually satisfactory relations. Taken bj
self, I think you might render it tolerable
universal amnesty. I imagine that mai
its more alarming features would disappea
be very much ameliorated. The tendent
this portion of the reconstruction policy tc
courage a class of political demagogues to
up strife and ill-feeling between whites
blacks here, upon which to found their own
litical fortunes, ia undoubtedly ono of
gravest defects of tho system. In its pracl
wording ft embitters relations which mus
cordial and m nat be friendly if you ar<
dwell together in peace and prosperity.
And there again I must urge you to be
tient, and, difficult though it be, to call a 1:
philosophy to your aid. Such a convulaioi
you have experienced must needs leave a r
titude of lesser ruptures in its train, which
quire time moro than anything else to rt
just them. With a return to constitute
government I think that even universal
frage, supposing it waa found necessary to
it stf.nd as il ?8. as a choice of evils-for 11
tainly regard it as an evil at this time
place-might bo made compatible with gi
order, good government and good feeling, c
sidoring the relations which formerly exh
between the two races and the great advanta
which tho wealthy, educated and intellie,
landowner is always found to possess in a i
cultural communities. I think you can har
deprecato or dread competition with advent
otis strangers upon a '.'air field of rivalry. Y
legitimate and proper influence, fairly oxert
must prove in tho long run more persuaf
than that of strangers or others, who aro la
lng in those advantages. At least this 1
been thc general experience in our countri
But in order to securo a fdr opportunity, e'
to try the oxperimont, it is essen
that thc dangerous clement of hosti!
of race should bo kept out of
calculation. If that power once fastens Arr
upon your vitals, your political futuro is d
perato, or curable only by an antidoto whic
cannot contemplate with calmness. Ne
then, to peace, I think you aro bound to cu
vate friendly relations with the negroes arno
you. Your true interests arc identical, a
thou' identity muslin time become as apparc
as it is demonstrable. You should spare
efforts and no practical measures in yo
po;ver to show tb ts clearly, both by words a:
dend, to tho frecdineu. You have no right
forego this exertion. An honest and mani
attempt now may save you incalculable m
chief by and by. I do not soe, nor hav
been able to discover, during my stay arno
you, that you do as yet cherish any ill will
the negro. I have found but one sentiment
kindness expressed towards him. And w
should it bo otherwise? Ho was faithful
you in four years of ttruggle. He never, wh
he might, roso upon your defenceless hom
when you were at tho front. He dui not fr
himself. If he is ignoraut it it by no fault
his, and it should be your care, as
cortainly is your intero3t, to instruct hil
If from ignorance and inexoerionce bo
liable to bs abused and misled, it is yoi
place to protect and direct him. If co is po?
and distressed, it is your duty to heip him
you are able. And all this yon know and fe
as wed as I do; and on tho other hand, I woul
say to the colored men here at the South, th
I entortaba tho kindest fae!inga towards thor
and feel a very deep solicitude for their perm
nent welfare and happiness. In all sincerity
would tell them that [ fear that their prosci
importance in politics is likely to bo usc
for purposes which are clangorous to tho
ultimate well-being. As they aro situated,
condition of permanent alienation and hostilit
between them and the whites can only issuo i
disastrous results to their evontual prospcrit
and progresa to both whitos and blacks,
would counsel the most forbearing and paticn
consideration for oach other. Your cases ar
difficult enough at best. For God's sake, d
not moke them hopeless by needless misuuder
standing, or anger, or ill blood. I think tba
evon if you wero freo to do as you like
that o wiso policy would dictate tho cducatioi
and gradual enfranchisement of thc negroo;
as fast as they wcro fit for it. No free
people can afford to perpetuate ignoraucc
among its people, for ignorance is its interne?
cine enemy. Nor do I think that any states?
manlike policy in a republic can suffer any per?
manent exolusion of any class of its citizens
from a share in the government of tho com?
monwealth. I know we havo had movoments
at the North looking to some such policy in re?
gard to foreigners, as many sincere men now
are urging upon you in reference to the
colorod people. The cry of "America for
Americans" has been as loud and moro
popular than the shout thal this is
a white man's government. I can adopt
neither, and I beg you not to be tempted by
your present evils to make the latter your po?
litical shiboleth. Bo farseeing and gcucroua
enough to take a loftier stand, and soe thia
broad land the refuge of tho oppressed of all
nations and of all raco3 and colors, whero tho
civil rights arc respected and an interest in the
common government is conceded as aoou as a
due regard to the safety and good ordor of all
Nothing can bc a more fruitful sourco or dis?
content and disturbance than the existence
among you ot a caste hopelessly excluded from
My friends, I am trespassing upon your
kindnoss; but upon a subject so great as the
ono wc arc considering to-day it is iniposaible
to be concise. Your relations to tho political
parties of tho North havo a very importai.t
bearing upon your iale, at all events just now.
and demand careful meditation. Most of jon
doubtless regard thc success of tho D?mocrate
party as essential to your release from your
present situation; but it is my duty to remind
you that men iu your position have no right to
? >e bigoted partisans. You must, of course,
ieei a ueep interest ui tue ?UIU-K U< ?
espouse your cause, and you may proper
all legitimate influence to promote th<
cess, but yon ought not to shut tho dooi
from any source. I have already dep:
unreasonable and undistingnishing
ty to the Republican party. I wonl
warn you against an absolute and ex
devotion to any party. If the Den
succeed in electing their candidate!
will bo subjected to temptations as
as the demand upon your sufferance may
in case General Grant is chosen. Has
considered, passionate or violent action,
event of Democratic Buccess, would be i
sure in the end to turn to your discom
and render your last estate worse than the
And yet it will require a good deal of eel
maud to control the reaction from this d
sion. But the country,eveain that event,v
so evenly divided and so greatly excited
a small thing may induce a terrible
trophe. On thc other hand, in case of C
al Grant's election, you will be called on I
erciso a while longer your patience an
bearnnce. I am sure it will bo rewarded
end. I do not believe that General Gra
your enemy. I feel sure he means kin?
you, and will try to do his best for you
show mercy in his course to you. A large
of Republicans will help you if you w
your best to help yourselves. A great moil
nil the North only wait to be sure it is si
take you cordially by the hand once more
Bide, thon, your time. In either event
seas your souls in patience. Call to you:
that grandest of human qualities-self
trol-and all will yet bs well. This natior
had too much of violence and headlong h
You in particular have had a terrible war
against heat and passion. Keep cool,
watch your chance, come whence it will. A
all things do nothing to render it more i
cult than it now is for either party to retui
a constitutional system. If you favor h
and passion in the Democratic party, or bj
patience strengthen the hands of the ex tr
men in the Republican party, you equal!'
tard tho coming of your only euro rebe
re-establishment upon safe and lasting (
dations of the temple of constitutional bb
which our fathers reared. Heep your
steadily upon this as the pole star of vom*
tical course, by stopping your ears to the 1
dishmentsof the temptation of imm?diat
lief on the ono hand, or that seduction of
tided passion on the other. Summon all :
self-resolution and manhood, and you t
sail safe between the Scylla and Chary
which perplex your way.
My friends, I have almost done, and I
detain you but a moment longer, to sug<
some thoughts which,as a citizon of Massae
setts and a native of New England, have 1
occupied my mind, and seem to mo appropi
to this meeting, on the soil of South Carol
Separated as our States have been for m
years in sontimont, their substantial inter
are very similar. Their national wants
products aro correlative; their political in
esta are likely to bo identical, and their po
lar characteristics are counterparts. I do
moan bv counterpart that they are aliko,
that one is tho supplement of tho other. r.
ono cold, cautious and thoughtful; the ot
wann, impulsive and impetuous. Corni
these qualities and you double their powei
regulating and reorganizing their force. '.
need wc look far to foresee thoir political i
liation. In thc future, if all goes well,the poi
of tho seaboard States in reforence to the gi
questions of ind t tri il.financial andcommer
interests mus . < vitably replace tho incide
left by the war. As soon as they arc dispo
of wc can hardly fail to bo nearly related. 'J
next great political division promises to b< <
of watersheds rather than of sections,
great interior basin can and will, if abe lib
repair to the inter-slopes of the mountai
and they will nopd a good understanding arno
themselves and a pretty cordial co-operati
of measures, too, and a go-id strong consti
tion to retain and uphold their present ph
in tho genoral policy. Look, too. for a n
mont at their industry and products. We,
I Now England, are naturally, and I ho,;e
shall always be, a -?hip-building, sea-goii
commercial people, carrying, and fishing, a
toning everywhere upon the face of tho wate
You produce tho cotton and rico and timi
and turpentine which we carry and consun
We aro tleeply interested in the manufactui
which you desire, while we work up your r
materials with our largo spindles. I cinn
dwell upon details; but it I am at all right
my ideas, we can be mutually useful to ea
other. But whether this be BO or not, thc
has long been enmity betweon na. Let it be
no longer. Wo hav?chorished our dislike, ma
nificd our causas of complaint,and brooded OT
I our wrongs. Let us forgive and forget. Wi
slavery, its causo. let all ill-feelings cease. L
us be friends and brothers, and move as 01
forefathers in tho crand old days of thc revol
tion were before us. In tho namo of that cor
mon heroic ancestry-by the memories
every battle-field of tho war of independe!
douce-let our dissensions cease; let good wi
and brotherly lovo cast out the old bitterncs
and lot us all hasten the day when Massachi
setts and South Carolin? may stand once mon
hand warmly grasped in hand, under the ol
ancestral roof, and beneath the old flag.
My fellow-citizens of South Carolina, I than
you for tho attentive audionce you have give
to me, although I fear I have beon tcdiouf
and perhaps some of my views are distastef'
to you. I have carefully avoided any attemp
to stir your feelings or arouse your minds. I
did not seem to me an occasion for eloquence
if I had it, or for humor, if I felt it. I an
deeply and seriously impressed with the diffi
culties under which you labor, and thc dangen
which throaton our system of government; ant
I hope I havo spoken serious, because I fell
ecriously. Whatever may erne of it, I abai
feel amply rewarded if by any chance 1 may
have turned one heart to a calm, patient, ear?
nest, honest effort to forward, BO far as in it
lies, tho restoration of the Constitution and
the Union. fApplauso.]
HEM AHES OF GEN. HAMPTON.
At thc conclusion of Mr. Adam's speech Gen.
Hampton arose and said that ho congratulated
Jua fellow-citizens on having heard a voice
from tho other end of tho Union. Your com
mittoe, he said, as instructed, havo done all in
their power to obta.n Northern orators and
statesmen to come and speak among you, but
all our efforts were of no avail. At last, how?
ever, one has como who bears thc name ot the
man whom Thomas Jefferson styled "the great
defender and pillar of thc Declaration of
Independence." Ho has Miked to you
calmly and conaidcratcly. I would say a
w.ird or two ni response, not fer all
South Carolina, but for a part. I wish him to
carry back tho assurance that our people are
a unit on the subjec; of secession and slavery,
and acknowledge them to be settled forever.
General Hampton then went on to explain his
Own position as having been one of the first to
recogmzo tho results ot the war. Ho explained
his assertion that tba "anti-reconstruction"
plank in thc Democratic platform waa bia
the plank of every Sonthern man. He
called the attention of Mr. Adams to the pro
ceedings of the Democratic Convention held tn
Columbia on April 21st last, when twenty-one
districts of the State declared their willingness
to give the negroes the suffrage with the same
qualification os in Massachusetts. He said
that Mr. Adams would tell his people that he
believed tba!., although we might be mistaken
we were truthful, sincere and honorable, and
when he told them that he would accomplish
much of his mission of harmony and peace,
a. J. D. Pope, Esq. in a few appropnateremarks
suggested that all the audience who desired
be introduced by the President to Mr. Adams.
A large number of gentlemen were then intro?
Notwithstanding the inclemency of the
weather, the enthusiastic Democracy of Colum -
bia filled the Carolina Hall to suffocation.
The Hon. W. F. DeSaussure presided a
MADBID. October 12.-The United States was
tho first government to recognize the Provis -
The Junta has declared additional reforms,
among which are the abolition of the death
penalty and the sanctity of private letters an d
domicils. The Junta has ordered the restora?
tion of the bark Tornado to England with dam?
ages for her wrongful detention.
PABIS, October 12.-The Journal des D?bats
says that Lersundi, the Captain-Genera! o
Cuba, has given in his adherence to the Pro?
visional Goveruinent. The Cubans in Spain
are to be permitted to chose two members o
LONDON, October 12.-The cable of 1866 haa
been repaired and is now working perfectly.
MUTTABY INTEBFEBENCE WITH ELFCTIONS.
WASHINGTON, October 12.-The following
order was issued to-day :
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY. ADJUTANT
GENERAL'S OFFICE, October 10, 1868.-[Gene?
ral Orders 2Vo. 82.]-The following provisions
from the constitution and laws of the United
States, in relation to tbe election of a President
and vice-President of the United 8tates. to?
gether with an act of Congress prohibiting all
persons engaged in the military and naval
services from interfering in any genera: or
special election in any State, are published for
the information aud government of ail con?
The following aro the authorities quoted
Article 2, Section 1 of the constitution; Ar?
ticle 12 of the amendments to the constitution,
and the Act of Congress approved March 1,
1792; an act to establish a uniform time tor
tho election of Presidential electors, approved
January 28,1843; an ac', compensating persons
appointed as electors, approved February ll...
The order concludes as follows :
An act to prevent officers of .lie army and
navy, and other persons engaged iu the "mili?
tary and naval service of tho United States
from interfering in elections in tho State! ia as
follows t'Be it enacted, That it shall not be
lawful for any military or naval officer ot' the
Uuited States, or other persons engaged in the
civil, military or naval service of thc United
States to order, bring, keep or have under bis
authority or control, any troops or armed men
at tho place where any general or special elec?
tion is held in any State of the Unite ! Srates,
unless it shall bc necessary to repel armed ene?
mies of the United States, or to keep peace at
the polls; and that it shall not bc lawful for
any officer of the army or navy of the United
States to proscribe or fix, or attempt to pre
I scribe or fix, by proclamation, order or other?
wise, qualifications of voters in any of the Uni?
ted States, or in any manner to interfere with
freemon, at any election in any State, or with
the exercise of the right of auftrage in any o t
tho States. Any officer of tho army or navy of
the United States, or other persons engaged in
the civil, military or naval service of the Uni?
ted States who violates this section sbal I
for every such offence, be hable to in?
dictment for misdemeanor in any Court
of the United States having jurisdiction to hear,
try and determine cases ot misdemeanor, and
on conviction shall pay a fino not exceeding
five thousand dollars ind suffer imprsonmen
in the penitentiary for not les-? t.ian thre e
months nor moro than five years, at the dis?
ci etion of the court trying tbe same; and any
person convicted as aforesaid shall, moreover,,
be disqualified from holding any office of honor,
profit or trust under tho Governmont of tho
United States. Provided, that nothing herein
contained snail be construed so as to prevent
any officers, soldiers, marines or sailors from
exercising the right of suffrage in any election
district to which he may belong, if otherwise
qualified, according to the laws of the State in
which he shall offer to vote.
Section 2. Be it further enacted, that any
officer or person in the military or naval ser?
vice of tho United States, who shall order or
advise, or who shall directly or indirectly, by
force, threat, menace, intimidation or other?
wise, prevent or attempt to provont any quali?
fied voter, of any State of the United States,
from freely exercising tho right of suffrage at
any general or special election in any State o
the United States, or who shat] in like man?
ner compel, or attempt to compel, anv officer
of an election in any such Sta e. to receive a
vote from a person not legally qualified to vote,
or who shall impose, or attempt to impose, any
rules or regulations tor conducting an election
different from thoao prescribed by law, or in?
teriore ir. any manner with any officer ot said
election in the discharge of his duties, shall,
for anv such offence be liable for indictment
for misdemeanor in a court of tho United
c tates having jurisdiction to hear, try and de?
termine cases of misdemeanor, and on convic?
tion thereof shall pay a fino not exceeding
$5000, and suffer imprisonment in the peniten?
tiary for not exceeding five years, at the dis?
cretion of tho court trying the same; and any
person convicted, as aforesaid, shall moreover
be disfranchised from holding any office o f
honor, profit or trust under tho government o f
the United States.
Approved February 25.1865.
By command of General GBANT.
E. D. TOWNSEND, A. it. G.
Governor Bowman, of West Virginia, 'n here.
He wonts troops for the elections, and thinks
! the moral effect of a few companies will an?
swer his purpose.
In i elation to the President's order of to-day,
prohibiting any military interference with civi
elections, the Star says : " In republican quar?
ters it seems to be apprehended that in the un?
reconstructed States the Conservati.ves will now
make arrangements to choose Presidentia
electors, and that President Johnson will de?
mand that their votes be counted.''
In a telegram dated the 4th instant, Minister
Hale applied for instructions in view of the
politi tal situation at Madrid. The instructions
were given through the same medium on the
5th instant. Mr. Hale now telegraphs that, in
compliance with these instructions, he has re?
cognized the new government at Madrid. His
action has been approved.
PHILADELPHIA, October 12,-Business is al?
most suspended. Both parties aro parading
the streets with bands of music, urging their
friends to vote early. Thc Mayor, who is a Re?
publican, has sworn in a thousind extra po?
licemen for to-morrow. The Sheriff, who ia a
Democrat, Ins sworn in a thousand deputies.
A week ago the Sheriff ordered t thousand
hickory clubs for his deputies. The house
where the clubs were stored was burnt last
Condensed newt toy Telegraph.
A procession of the "white boy.- ta bi ie," at
Indianapolis, was fired into from a dark alley
by a gun loaded with small shoL. Five or six
persons were seriously though not dangerously