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THE DAILY STEWS.
/ A Song of A ?c.
[FROM THE GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE ]
When our feet were as feet of thc dancer.
And the tones of our voices as son?.
When the light was too fleeting for pleasure,
And the darkness tor slumber too long.
We were clad and rejoiced ba our being;
Oar hearts were exultant in praise
For the rapture of loving and living,
And the infinite joy of our days.
Now the fervor of lifo has departe 1.
We have emptied the gourds of delight;
We complain to the night, "lt is weary."
And we cry of the day, "It is night!"
We are guests who have risen for going,
And our hearts only quicken with praise
For the languor that cometh of living
And the torpor with ending of days.
THE CAMPAIGN IN TH E STATE
THE ISSUES OE THE PIIESIDESTIAZ
CANVASS, AS THEY AEEECT THE
Speech of Colonel J. P. Thomas, delivered
at Laurens Courthouse. S, C., October
Fellow-Citizens of Laurens-Agreeably to
yom invitation, I arise to diseuse tho issues of
the canvasim which the country is engaged.
I regret that I cannot brine: to the i'iscussion
a larger political enerience and a moro influ?
ential name. But this I may claim, that no
one can have a keener perception than I of the
magnitude of the issues involved, or a more
determined resolution to seek such a solution
of the problem before us as will conduce to the
best interests of our old commonwealth.
First, fellow-citizens, let me state that this
great question now before us is not one of
mere politics. It is a question of honor, of
civilization, oT tone, of manhood. It is a ques?
tion involving the interests of property, lt is
a question that reaches to tho hearthstone,
and that includes within its scopo thc noblest
sympathies of our nature. It is a causo that
woman, in her purity, is deeply concerned in;
that man, in his strength, will sternly uphold;
that God, in His providence, will bles*. It
must sooner or later prevail, for it is founded
upon a rock. Allow me to add that no greater
cause ever called forth tho military or civil en?
ergies of our people. AB that mountain rises
far higher than the surrounding mountains,
so does this cause exceed in macrnitude all kin?
dred causes. And it will stand, and in vain
will the waves of Radicalism beat against it.
It wiD stand, I repeat,
"Like some tall clift that lifts its awful foi rn,
Spreads to the vale or midway meets the storm;
Though lound ita breast the r liing clouds are
Eternal sunshine rests upon its head."
Fellow-citizens, it has been said :
"Truth crushed to earth W?1 rise again,
The eternal years of God are hers;
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain,
And dies among his worshippers."
That "trat h crushed" I come to vindicate to?
day; and that "error wounded" I shall, if pos?
sible, quicken its dissolution.
It has been remarked by another poet : "Look
not mournfully into the past-it comes not
back again. Act wisely in the present-it is
thine. Go forth to meet the shadowy future
without Tear, and with a manly heart."
In this spirit I address you, my fellow-citi?
zens, to-day. I believe tait philosophy to be
the best which is the most practical-which
bravely looks events in the face, candidly ac?
cepts the results of accomplished facts, and
wisely moulds existing elements for the honor
and the interests of the State. No man, I trust,
is traer than I to the past of South Carolina
no one appreciates more highly than I the
great names that adorn the history of tbe
State; but I bold that a new departure in tho
policy ot the State is demanded by the exigen?
cies cf the times. We must "let the dead past
bury the dead,'' realize the issues of thc day,
and "go forth to meet the shadowy future
without fear and with a manly heart." Again,
it has been said :
"He is a gem in tie diadem bright
That widens the circle of po ice.
Who 5 till ot h the miers ot angry ?tri fe.
And giveth good will a long lease."
In this spirit, also, I st eak this day. I ad?
dress you, my fellow-citizens, in the interest of
peace,'and of a patty of peace. If I have read
nisto.y aright, it bas taught me that all creal
political reforms are best effected by peaceful
instrumentality. When the sword is invoked,
too frequently does it fail to accomplish the
objects in view, and too often are tho conque?
rors and the conquered involved in tb.it great
reaction which, in the political as well as in tho
material world, is the sequence ot violent ac?
tion. My proposition is illustrated in tho caso
o? England-"that old aud haughty nation
proud in arms." See how long tho English
constitution bas breasted thc storms of time,
and" withstood the waves of popular feeling.
Long has it been since the sword has been
there resorted to in the settlement of political
questions. And yet, tbe people of England,
under the leadership of able reform?is, have
been marching quietly, peaceably, and yet
steadily to the attainment of their just rights.
Step by step, we find the people moving to the
consummation of great reforms through peace?
Again, all human action is wisest and best
when most nearly assimilated by divine action.
And here let me suggest the quiet, unseen, lo
fical processed by which nature worka in the
?vino economy. See how the seasons suc?
ceed each other. 8ee how "winter lingering
chills the lap of May." Observo how, in the
main. God works, and let us learn the lesson
of political wisdom that tho observation sug?
gests. Hence, I congratulate myself, fellow
citizens, upon tbe fact that I am called upon to
ask you to engage in no cause involving "the
widow's sighs, tue orphan's tears, the infant's
trembling cry." I congratulate myself tbat I in?
vite you to enlist under no crimson banner. Aud
I am sure that we will all join in the hope that
no Alexander will be necessary to cut, with his
flaming sword, the Gordian knot ot our politi?
cal complications. By peaceful means it is
s our necessity and our desire to consummate
our political reforms.
Fellow-citizens, I speak to you to-day also iu
behalf of the great Democratic party of the
country. This is the great historic "party of
the land-a party which has ruled tho republic
for seventy-five years out ot the ninety of its
existence, and which has given to it ali it has
achieved of prosperity at borne and glory
abroad, lt is a party which has ever stood Ly?
the-rights of the States and the liberties of the
individual citizen, li is a party that looks to
the protection of minorities. It is a party now
purer in principles and higher in tone than
ever before. It is a party that seeks to br-ng
the government back to 'the landmarks of the
constitution, and that aims to establish for the
people liberty regulated by law. It is a party
worthy of our confidence and support in au
eepecial degree, for it comes to the rescue of a
mutilated constitution and to the relief of our
outraged section. Let me urge you, therefore,
my countrymen, to gather around the glorious
banner of the National Democracy-to make
its ample folds wave with the breath cf a gen?
erous enthusiasm, to carry it through the
camp and into the stronghold of Radicalism,
and to plant it upon the kindling summits of
And now, fellow-citizons, having indicated
the general principles in the spirit of which I
intend to consider the questions of the hour,
allow me briefly to allude to the spirit of the
8arty in this State and in the whole country,
ince the canvass bogan, it has been mv privi?
lege to address many thousands of my'tellow
citisens from tho mountains to the river, and I
can assure you that the great Democratic
heart of South Carolina is stiraed to its pro?
foundest, depths. Tho fires of Democracy have
been kindled from the hills of tho up-c?untry
to tbe plains of tho seaboard, and the manhood
of the State is aroused to the exigencies of the
day. Everywhere the white people at least
are rallying in their might, and tho spirit has
gone forth that it is the province of Carolinians
to control the political destinies of Carolina ;
and that South Carolina, won from tho In?
dian, won from the Briton, fought for, bled for,
prayed for, as land was never fought, hted or
prayed for to be free, must be rescued from
the rude grasp of Radicalism, and redeemed to
peace, prosperity and ourselves.
Nor is the spirit pervading the national De?
mocracy of a less resolute character. And we
may yet indulge the hope that the popular re?
action North, whereof we havo seen tho evi?
dence, will pr^ve iea'.. When the opposing
forces shall again join in battle on the real
issues of the canvass, it may yet be that, in
Democratic tones, State will respond to State,
and territory to territory. We may yet see
the frozen lakes of tho North answering to thc
tepid waters of the Gulf, and the boisterous
waves of the Atlantic responding to tte peace?
ful billows of the Pacific. And let us trust
that we shall see a wave rolling ou from North
to South which shall sweep away the work of
Radical reconstruction founded upon tho
sands, and enable us to rear again the former
colomnB of our prosperity and greatness. In
this faith, in this hope, let us work on and re?
lax no effort to achieve success.
I propose now, fellow-cit z?ns, t
ter upon the consideration of tho rr
specially involved in this canvass. And,
first place, I intend to arraign thc Radici
ty before the tribunal of the people, and
appeal to logic and to facts, I hope to
upon this party the very charges tha
have made against the Democratic party,
first proposition is that thc Radical ps
anti-republican. To prove this, let ino asl
is a republican form of administration
1 understand tho question, it is where th<
ers of government emanate from tho gov<
and are divided into powors executive, p
judicial and powers legislative-where th
are executed by an executivo elected 1
people, whcie tuc laws aro construed an
lice administered by a judiciary duly er
ered, aud where the laws are made by a
lative body representincr tho populatto:
wealth of the States, and deriving ibo
thonty from the whole people Now, I
ask, aro those conditions fulfilled in tho R
scheme of reconstruction ? Tho answer i
On the contrary, each one of these conti
is deliberately violated. Hero, for instan
South Carolina, we have an Executivo 1
upon the white population at least of the
-au oben in sympathies and principia
large and influential portion of thc inbabi
of the State. We have foisted upon us a
ciary corps consisting of indifferent lat
mostly strangers, and unfitted to weai
stainless ermine of o jr former judges,
we have a Legislature, composed mos
squatters from abroad, wbito and color?
native Carolinians inexperienced and reci
and of native colored men, all ot them uu
to De legislators, aud most of them extre
ignorant-a body winch, with its Democrat
ceptions, represents neither the wealth, tl
telligencc, nor the integrity of the State,
jet a body like this-the late Conveution
undertaken to framo fundamental laws fo
commonwealth; aDd th:s body, now in <
ence, is legislating for the State, and assi
to lay upon you and me, upon your obi
and my children, the burdens of I
taxation. This is anti-republican again,
clement of tiuo repubbcanism is, that ?
tirn and representation shall go hand in 1
Upon this idea-to vindicate this pnnci]
our forefathers went into thc revolutio
177G, and succeeded iu enthroning it in
country. Yet, under the Radical prog rai
we not'only havo taxation without represi
tion, but, Miperadded thereto, we b ive xi
seutation without taxation. Again : Auc
elemont that enters into a just conceptic
rcpuMcmisni is, that all citizsns shall s
upon a footing of political equality, if
qualified by virtue ol' intelbgence or prop'
And yet, hero iu the South, under Radical
pices, wc see 6ome of the wisest, tho best
tbe wealthiest of the citizens of the counti
a position of political inferiority, whilst a <
recently emancipated have all the privilegi
the citizen, and in some States are virti
given political control. In these ?espects, t
the Radical party is anti-re.iublican.
2. The Radical party is revolutionary
unconstitutional in its measures. When
government was established in 1787, a com]
but admirablo system was inaugurated,
powers of government were divided betw
the departments of tho Executivo, the J'
ciary and the Legislative, and (hose were in
coequal aud coordicate branches of tho p,
eral government. This system of chocks
balances was wisely adopted and propi
deemed ess-ntial to preservo the public bl
ties, What now has tuislRadical party doue
attempted to do ? They have cr.crcacheu
on the powers of the Executive, and havo t
en away from President Johnson uowers
ercised'bv every President since the dayt
Washington. Thoy have stifled the voici
the Judiciary. They have sought to ubs
all the powers of government in Congress. .1
Legislative Department ot tho general gove
mont is assuming to berthe State. "I am
State," said Louis XIV, and this remark
pressed tho spirit of an absolute monaro
"Wo have encamped with our forccB outside
the constitution," said Thad. Stevens, and t
embodiod i be sentiment of Radical legisla t
This is revolutionary and unconstitutioc
Again, when tho Federal Constitution vi
adopted, a duo relationship was established 1
tween the pc ere delegated to tho geuc
government and tho powors reserved-tot
States. The principh of Stale rights was olei
enthroned. Ibis relation aud this principh
Radical Congress has utterly ignored. Itcstn
hshed a military despotism* in these Southe
States; it assumed to regulate the question
suffrage; it sought to destroy tho starship
ten Southern BUtaa; aud thus in those i
stances, and in many others that might
cited, tho Radicil party bas shown that it i:
party opposod to tho constituliou aud rovol
tionary in its policy.
8. This R idical party is a disunion pari
After the storm of war bad ceased in 18t>5, ai
th3 smoko of battle had cloared away, it w
acknowledged by the South that tho questio
ot secession and Alricau slavery had Deon d
cidod against ber, and tho people aequiesci
in the result fully, freely and candidly. Tl
Federal Executive, cariying out Lincoln's pr
gramme, rc quired certain concessions prelirr
nary to tlu- admission of the Southern Stat
into" the Union, and theso were promptly coi
plied witb. The restoration of tho Southei
States, and thus the Union ol all tbe State
was about to bo consummated, when tho ci
genius of tho country carno in and stopped tl
work of restoration. Since tho war, more th?
three years have elapsed, and yet tho Union
not restored. Seven States stand upon a to
tering base, and tbreo are ''unreconstructed
Hence, the Radical party is the party ot di:
union. For party purposes, tbeyhnveobstmc
ed the uuion of tho States-to secure party a:
cendancy, they have sacrificed tho interests <
4. If there be a prc-3lavery party in th
countiy it is the Radical partv. I proceed t
establish this proposition. When thc cuiaucip:
tion proclamation of Abraham Liucoln waa pi
forth, it was distinctly declared t.i bo a wa
measure, and justified on that ground. Evo
the Radical party aoemed not to have regarde
it of binding force, inasmuch as when t'io wa
onded an amendmont to the constitutiui
known as the thirteenth amendment, aud dc
daring African slavery abolished in the Union
was proposed to the Southern States, and rati
lied by them all. Now tho Radical party, be i
observed, takes tho ground that thosc'Soutb
ern Legislatures that adopted thc tbirtceiitl
amondment were illegal bodies. If tuoy wer
illegal, their adoption of tho thirteenth amend
ment is null and void. Thus, according to th
Radical view, Afric n slavery has never bcci
duly abolished in this country. And tune, i
there be a pro-slavery party in tho country, i
is tho Radical party. Again, the Democrat!
platform adopted in July hist declares th<
questions of secession and Afiican slavery set
tied by the war. No such admissions appen
in the Radical Chicago platform. Inasmuch
therefore, as tho Democratic partv hold tba
those Southern Legislatures that adopted t!:i
thirteenth amendment were legal boilies, an>.
for tho further reasou that they have incorpo
rated in their declaration of principles an ac
knowledgment that African slavery is forcvg
abolished, it follows that such a p?rtv canno
bo called n prc-slavery party. But in'anotlici
point of view I hold that tho Radical partv i:
pro-slavery. By their strict party rules, ant
their Loyal Union Leagues, they havo sub
jected tho colored people to a bondnge mon
degrading than that of tho body. They hav<
subjected them to the bondigeof tho mind
The colored people call themselves free, tot
yet they are the abject slaves of their Radica
leaders. As these men, however corrupt oi
badly disposed, turn them, so thev go. Thu*
they have escaped tho slavery ot the bodv foi
thc slaveryof tho soul, aud seldom do"the\
venture to think or act for themselves.
But I rise to higher grounds. I content
that the Radical party is pro-slavery, because
they have deprived their white iellow-citizcut
ot the South of their blood-bought heritage o.
liberty and political control. They have soughl
to reduce to slavery and to impose a calhnp
yoko upon men their equals in all respects, ant
of their own blood and race. And thu* has il
been made to appoar tnat the only pro-slavery
party in tho country is tho Ra'dical partv.
which claims to bc a partv of freedom and ?i
great moral id-as.
5. My next proposition is, t'mt tho Radical
party bas opposed peace between the sections.
After the lato war ceased, there was a gene?
ral disposition ou thc part of thc Southern peo?
ple and tbo conservatives of tho North to let
by-gones bo by-gones-to forgive it thev c:uld
not forget. Even General Grant, tho Radical
nominco, after a visit to the South, bore testi?
mony to the conciliatory and "ioval" spirit pre?
vailing throughout tho Southern Statoy. Rut
tueRidieal leaders would not have peace. They
stigmatized tbe Southern pc iple as "rebe's"
and "traitors." They sought to brand with in?
famy our "lost cause.'' They insulted thc liv?
ing and spared not the dvod. They kindled
the fires of hate and vengeance. Tiiey inflam?
ed the minds of thc .Northern masses against us.
Some of the r journals declared that a river of
blood rolled between tho North and South.
The Radical leaders advocated the policy oi'
eonfi-cation and disfranchisement. Thev sub?
jected us to military ride. They put ns "under
tho domination of ii class lately emancipated,
?hey committed against us other outraces and
enormities unparalleled in the annals of leiiis
latiou. After doing all this, thoy cry "Lst us
have peace," and give us thc peace of rain, and
orfer us tho peace purchasod at the prica hi
honor. Thoy oppose peace. They wage azurnst
us a legislative wai-.
G. My next point is that the Radical party is
a party of heavy taxation. To show t
need but point to a Bilbie illustration,
whole property of the country is valu
$16,000,000,000." The net productive ind
of a country is estimated at two and a hal
cent, upon tho whole propertv of the cou
This would give us $400,000,000 as the va
the net productivo industry of tho coe
Now thc taxss received into the Federal I
uiT in 1866 amounted to $559,003,000; iu li
$190,000,000. Thus, to say nothins of the
assessed upon tho people and which ;
reach the public treasury, estimated ii
year at from $250,000.000 to $300,000,00
have the figures to show that the taxes d
troni the people exceed thc net productif
dustry of the country by more than $100
OOO. Nuw, can any country flourish wiier
taxes thus exceed "its net productive indu:
It is utterly impossible. The state ot a
indicated is enough to destroy the industr
tho land, and to paralyze tho onergios o
people. Asain : Look at tho en ot mont
ponses of thc Kovernmont since tho Ita
partv havo had control of it. I have se
estimated th it they have expended ia ?
years more than thc whole expenses o
"government for eighty years down to thc
And. in addition, observe the largo sum:
pended for the Freedmen's Bureau and
armv-sums rendered necessary by thc p
cal programme of the Radical leaders. 1
enorm-us taxes, loo, lot it bo reinemb
como almost exclusively from thc labe
classes. According to thc policy of tho 1
cal party, the wealthy bondholders are I
exempt "from tho burdens of taxation,
these burdens are to bo transferred to
shoulders of tho toiling masses. Now,
estimated that the amount invested in the
crament bonds teach the sum of $2 500,000
Tho Democracy propose that these bi
bo taxed equally with other proper
Tho Radical party propose to ex?
them from taxation. ThU3, as Mr. Cliurel
New York, has well said, thc Radical p
which set out as the party ol "great ni
ideas," ol freo soil and free principles, 1
como lo be Lut '-bottle-holders to tho b
7. Tho last charge that I propose to cs
lish is, that thc Radical party is ono of ii
stums corruptio n I affirm that a more
rupt corps of officiels never disgraced
country than those in place under tho prc
Radical regmu. Sonio, no doubt, aro tfood
true mcu. I refer to tho majority of thc
A prominent leader of the Radical parly
himself honestly borne testimony to the
cality and corruption of many of tho officiai
thc country. I might cito numerous facts
illustrations bearing upon this poin'. AB I
siro to bc brief, let one illustration suffice,
is estimated that 90.OJO.000 gallons or whis
wero niado in this country in 1867. The
upon thi3 article was two dol?ais per gal
and hence the amount that ought to have g
from this sourco iuto the Federal trensurv <
$180,000,000. But Lew much actually wai
ceived iuto the treasury of this sum? V
only $30,000,000, leaving $150,00J,000 to go i
the pockets of tho thieving scoundrels whoi
is the mission of the Democratic party
sweep from power. And we have taken bc
single item of taxation. But, fellow-citizen
have said enough on this branch of my
dress. I have completed my arraignment
the Radical party. I have mado gool
charges. This only have 1 to add, whet
consider tho wrongs and outrages heaped u|
tho country by tho Radical parly, or ni
truly by its leaders-when I consider thc
rora, t?e Crimes, tho follies, tho extravagau
and the conniptions of Radicalism, it seem j
ino that it stauds represented and cmbe-di
in tho person ot Cutaline, tho Roman mc
diary and traitor, and tho words of a cia
author occur tome: "Howlong, U Ca tali:
wilt thou abuso our patience ? How :oug sh
thy madness outbrave our justice ? To wli
extremity art thou resolved to pu3h thy uni
oled insolouco o? guilt?"
1 proceed next to consider tho matters c
cidod against us in tho lato war, to rcviow t
course of reconstruction in tho South, a
thus to state tho issues that we moot to-d
under the banner of tho National Democrai
Ever since tho establishment, in 17o7, ol c
Federal Constitution, two great parties ha
ever divided tho Union, and this division li
been Lased mainly upon a difference of opi
iou as to tho true character of our compl
s.vBtcm of government. Tho one party, und
Slr. J. ffeisou's lead, asserted thc State fifth
theory; tho other, under -Mr, Hamilton, adv
cated the national view. Tho ono seeing tia
ger in consolidated, ceu'ralized power, pr
claimed tho rishts and sovereignty ot t;
States, and regarded tins tho jry as alone co
bistcnt with the grandeur of thc ountry ai
the liberty ot tho citizens; thc r>:her appr
bending anarchy from excessive power in tl
States, favored a stroug central govenimei
Amid all tho party chances that have loki
place m tho country, this issue has alwa,
stood out in bold rebel', and drawn tuc linc
demarcation between contendim: parlies ai
On account of thoir traditional conserv?t is
and comparative weakness, the Southern Stab
naturally adhered to the Jeff ;rsouic view of ll
govoriinio t. 'Hie question ot State rights b
came the subject of debate, and thc statcsmc
of the South and those of thc North : ?'su lo tl
height of thc great argument, and brought I
bear upon this point all tho resources of min
and oratory, of genius and lenrniug. Dlt? iii
p ?int remained unsott'ed. Wc had grow
great and prosp?rons; had ex'cndei! our inuit
from tho Noi thorn lukes t ? tho Mexican liul
lrom the Atlantic to the Racine, and sLil. th
true relation between the States and thc tl >m
ral Government remained unsettle J. Finally
by tho secession ut' tho Southern Statos i
1861, tho matter was submitted to thc arbitra
nient of tlie sword: anti as thc contest advant
ed, the question of ino continuance of thc in
stitution of African slavery was submitted t
the simo arbitrament. Thc Lito great wu
on M nod.
I do not intend now to euler into thc detail
of that gigantic struggle, attended as it wa
with displays of valor, genius and devotion n
botli sides, that have compelled a world's ad
miration. But I will say that tho loyally du
to thc government wo now acknowledge is nc
inconsistent with our fidelity to tho meine
ries of the Confed?rate cause. It may bc prom
ature lo deck with laurels tho brows of the liv
iug. but nat too sojii is ir to strew wit'i gar
landa thc graves of thc dead in tuc cause.
Ihough no monumental pile may riso t
mark the gratitude of theil countrymen, ye
thc pen of thc impartial historian will recon
their virtues aud emblazon un bis pages thci
matchless heroism. Yee, I wdl say it, ani
every generous heart will respond to the senti
meut: Honor, undying honor tot'io mon who
in Lio "lost cause," fud in thc defence ol thci
principles, and in the hue of their duty.
"Upon fame'?: eternal Gimping gr on: d
Their sileut tetas .ire sin eat',
Anti honor guards wi-h s <.ciuu rouud
ihe bivouac ol thc dead."
But, my friends, our Confederate canso I
lost. Thc sword of thc peerless Leo rests idb
in its scabbard, and tte sabres of < ur dasbinz
Generals aro rusting in then* scabbards. Wi
stand by thc gravo ol' our lost cuise and bigl
aspirations, and the tendency is to lose our
selves in vain regret and to grow nerveless ii
painful reflections. But thc claims o' thc liv
iug-tho demands of tho hom-aro pros si ti fl
upon uc>, and it becomes ns promptly ant
bravely to meet thc duties and tho responsi?
bilities of thc prosent.
For one, I am not disposed lo take a deni
issue from its grave. I ac3. pt thc results ol
tho war, aud stand now upon those living ami
vital issues fiat have ?ince sprung up-sprung
upon tho country, North as well us Soutn, by
that paily which, having become the deposito?
ry of all tho mahf-e, cruelty, lune and vengeance
engendered by the war, seeks, by moans foul as
well as fair, to rule or ruin a bleeding laud.
But what, it may be asked, aro these results
scttkdby thc war, to which I have adverted?
I answer, that they are contained in thc (inten?
tions ol secession and Alncati slaven-. From
the first bat: lo of Bull Kim to theciidol thc
war, thc United States Government made
pledge after pledge, that its object was not to
destroy the Southern Stales, but to compel
them to ackiiowk-dKO thc nuthcritv of thc
Union. Upon this pledge, they called upon
tho Northern people to contribute men and
money to thc war. Upon this pledge, thov
called upon thc Southern poo, le lo lay down
then- arms. Upon this pledge, they warded oil'
the luteivcntion of foreign powers ; and it was
apon this pit-due, given cr implied, that Lee
at Apiiomatlox, Johnston at Grec-nsbnrro,
Taylor ni Mississippi, and Kirby Smitli in Tex?
as, surrendered their armies and toldcd their
colors. In thc spirit ot this pledge, we be?
lieve that Grant and Sherman met Lee and
Nor was President Johnson unmindful of this
pledge. Ho regarded thc Southern States us
still m the Union, and holding that, under the
constitution, tho constitu? ional power ot tho
State resided ?u the white people thereof, he
proccedid to carry out the reconstruction pro?
gram mu as laid down and bogun by Mr. Lin?
coln. Accordingly the sovereignty of the
Slates was evoked, ur.d conventions of thc peo
p.e ..ere ordered. Thc- eon volitions assembled;
the situation was gracefully accepted; thc de?
mands of the Executive wcro compl,cd wi h,
and anora of peace, prosperity and harmouv
seemed about to dawn upon a'distracted and
But a: this point, the fell spirit of Northern
sectionalism, embodied in thc Republican or
Radical party, in crposed, andchangel thc en?
tire current cf reconstruction. The loaders oi"
that party saw that the Southern States, re
stored upon a white basis, would increase tba
Democratic element wbich, at tbe North, wa
preparing to snatch from their rudd grasp th
control of the country. Hence, party tactic
decreed that loyalty "meaDt adhesion to th
Radical party, and that no Southern Stat
should be permitted to enter tho Union, excep
through tho brazen gate-way of Hadicahsii
In tho words ol' a Northern speaker, to ente
the door of the Union it became necessary "t
knock with black knuckles." Then wa3 inaugu
rated, under the auspices of those angels c
peace- Messrs. Stevens, Sumner and Butlcr
the choice scheme of Radical reconstruction
Then began the march of constitutional inva
sion-then began that scries of tyrannical os
actions, which .?how bow worse than all tyran
nies is the tyranny of tho legislative assem
Fellow-citizens, let mo bri? fly state th
course of Radical reconstruction.
First. Thc thirteei.th amendment abolisbin
African slavery was proposed and ratified b;
tho Southern "States, and the ordinances c
secession were repealed or annulled bv tbes
Secondly. Thc infamous Howard amendmcn
wa^ submitted to the States. This amendmcn
required thc fcouMicni people to ignoro thei
past in thc war; ;o place (he seal of disgrac
upon Ihose gallant and noble spirits who hai
led them in thc council chamber and the ?eld
to tramnlo upon the fre-h monads of thci
martyred dead; to commit base tre.ison to th
principles and sentiments to which they stooi
To tho enduring honor of the Southon
States, they rejected tho amendment. Tho
were poor, bleeding, desolated, ravaged States
but amid the rums of their homes and thei
hopes, tho people of thc South preserved tb
whiteness of their souls, and almost unani
mously voted to reject this ungenerous propo
Bilton from an ungenerous partv.
This ended the effort of the Radical leader
to '-reconstruct" the South upon a white basis
In the fourteenth amendment they evinced i
willingness to disc ird thc votes of the ncgroos
prov:d<-d they could get the support ot tin
Southern whites. Tins they tailed to do
Hcnco they resolved upon "reconstruction
upona black basis. Th?3 brings us to th<
third and final atop in the work or" R idical ''re
construction." Wo come now to thc recon
struction measures proper, and in these mea
sures the Radical party committed what ma]
be designated thc great political crime of tb<
century. This was tho deliberate subordina?
tion ol' thc wealth, tho intelligence and tlu
into rity of the South lo thc rule of ignornnci
and depravity-the placing of tho po?tica
power of tho South in the hands of aliens, rene?
gades and hair-civilized negroes-thc slaves o
ol j esterday, the Ireedmen of to-day. lu othei
countries, and in other times, altor war hat
spent its fury upon a desolated land, it has
boen permitted to tho inhabitants to call to?
gether the wisest, tho best and thc purest ol
their number torear again the fabric of gov?
ernment. Rut this poor privilege his been de?
nied to tho people of the South. Not enough om
broken hopes and ruiucd fortunes, not enough
ourlost cause, not enough the pride ant thc
flowerof thc South fallen upon the fiold of bat?
tle, not enough thc loss of 300.000 men, nol
onough tho loss or $9,000.000 000 of values:
but wc, members of thc proud Caucasian fami?
ly, upon whoso brow God binn -if bas written
the signs and the svmbolr> of empire, we aro
placed under tho rule of an iuie i i r race, and
members of this race, togotber wau renegades
and Iradirig politicians, are authorizedf - rramc
organic laws for tho white people ot this 3 .'.th?
em section of the Union. Aud not only this,
but under tho same authority theso same par?
ties, with tho aid of tho bayonet, arc carrying
out tho details of legislation, and preparing
non-tax-payers and non-propertv-holders them?
selves to impose upon their betters the heavy
burdens of taxation. This is tho result of Rad?
ical reconstruction. This is tuc great wrong
for which we arraign the Radical party. This
is the issue which wc meet under tho folds ol
tho Democratic banner aud under thc fair aus?
pices of Heaven.
Nor, fellow-citiz ns, do wc meet it alone. In
consummating tho r great wrong against us
and ours, tho Radical party have violated the
constitution, usurped executive and judicial
powers, and iiionaccd the libertierof tho North
as well as tho South. Hence, tho Democratic
party of thc Union bas organ izod to overthrow
that party and to save tho country.
I proceed now to show that tho' R:cons'ruc?
tion acts rest upon a falso basis; that they arc
unconstitutional; that they arc unnatural aud
unrcasonabh; that they arc unwise, and that
they havo within thom tho clements of weak
nose,' failuro and decay.
1. As to Hie grounds upon which these acts
have been based, as 1 understand it, there aro
two: first, tho disloyalty of thc Soulhsrn whites
rendering it uusafe to entrust them with thoir
funner power, and, sordidly, the assumption
that tho participation of tkc Southern peoplo
in their opposition to thc government at Wash?
ington brought about a lap ie ct their political
rights and a sacrifice of their heritage of lib?
erty. L';t us consider th se propositions in
their order. It is charged by Uic Radical pal?
ly that thc Southern whites "were and arc dis?
loyal. I deny tho charge. When thc war end?
ed the soldiers of our annies were paroled,
and they have observed their paroles. Fur?
ther, the Sooth candidly accepted tho issues
decided by the war and honorably were ready
to resume their obedience to tho" constitution
and laws ol the Union. No disposition was
evinced by tho Bout horn people to disregard in
peace that power which ha I overcome them in
war. If loyalty consists in adhesion to the
creed and practices of Bidicalism, then thc
Southern whites are and have been disloyal.
But if loyalty consists, as wc hold that it does,
tn a stem fidelity to pltgnlod faith, to truth, to
justice, to tho constitution of the land and to
thc nol lest sympathies of our nature, then has
tiic S >utb been loyal, then is th 3 South loyal,
ami no part of the couutry is moio lo.?..I than
But it is contended that by engaging in thc
so-called rebellion there was effected a lipso of
the politic .1 rights of the Southern people, and
that thc reconstruction measures stand justi?
fied upon this gr und. In answer to this pro?
position, I have to say that it is clearly unten?
able, unless il can be shown that, at the lime of
the act ol' "rebellion"or sccc-sion, there was
in existence a law providing tor forfeiture of
political rights ia a contingency named. Now.
no such luw existed, and even if such a law
lind been in fores, no forfeiture con'd be con?
summated until aller Ibo party bad been duly
arrested, tried aud convicted. Hence, when
the Soul li embarked in secession, thcro was
under thc laws and constitution of thc Union,
which tho Northern Government bel ! she had
never lel?, no lapso of thc political rights ot
ber people. Ami thus wo have shown that tbe
main grounds upon which thc reconstruction
measures rest are false.
2. These measures aro clearly unconstitu?
On this point 1 need say but little, tor thc
proposition is almost self-evident. To estab?
lish it 1 might BtinplV point to thc admissions
Of the author himself of tho Reconstruction
acts, Mr. Stevens. "It is well known," said
Mr. S., "that we aro acting outside of thc con?
stitution.'' But tho Radical leaders, just as
they bad departed (rom Mr. Lincoln's mignau
imitv, *o they receded from Mr. Stevens' can?
dor." Thev repudiated this view of Mr. Slov?
ens, and sought refuge in that article of tbe
Federal Constitution which authorizes Con?
gress to guarantee to every State a "Republi?
can form 'ot government." Now I have in this
address already defined the clements that en?
ter into a prop? conception of p. republican
lorin of government. Thc conditions were ful?
filled in the governments of i acb of tho seced?
ing Slater. And if, m thc opinion of tho Radi?
cal kaders, the institution ot African slavery
made these governments non-republican, why,
surely, they became republican just as soon as
this institution was formally abauduned by thc
ac.i n of thc Legislatures of the Southern
States. The point of tho ll.idic.il leaders is not
.veli taken. Inexorable logic, the facts ol' t!ic
case, the admissions made by thc government
at Washington, the acts done by that govern?
ment-all show conclusively ia..- tnu Southern
States were States belore thc war, Stat s dur
I mg the war, ard States altci the wa: ; that Con?
gress, under thc laws and constitution ol' thc
land, had no right to break up and reconstruct
them; and that, tlierciorc, for tho reasons that
I have stutod, and for other reasons that I
might state, tbe Roco-Struction acts aro un?
.J. These acts aro unnatural and unreasona?
ble If, fellow-citizens, you were to awake
some morning an 1 were to find trees standing
up n their tops, mountains resting upon their
peaks, stye:ms Mowing up-hill, and the who'c
order ol tim material universe changed, yon
would say that if the <'couou;y of God is to be
vindicated in the iuture as in the past, this
order ol thins* must bo changed and promptly
revciscd. Yuii would naturally say that lofty
oaks must again so:>d its roots into thc
ground-'.hat mountains must again rest upon
its broad base-bose streams must change
their course, and run again in thc former chan?
nels. Kow, I would ask if a state of affairs
such as 1 have described iu the material world
does not now exist in our political world? Under
the auspices of a Radical regime iu these
Southern States, do wc not find trees standing
upon their tops, and mountains upou their
peaks? Is uot thc pyramid inverted? Ti not
intelligence iu thc main subordinated toigno
raneo, integrity to baseless, end wealth to
poverty? Is not honefly at a discount, and a
premium set upon rascality? I j not virtue dis?
carded aud vice pr.t in the ascendancy? Let
candid men answer. My suggestions arc
founded and true. The order of politii
fairs in the State and in the South cfon
is abnormal, illogical, unphilosopbical, ur
ral and unreasonable. When Dean Swii
great satirist, sougiit to show the grei
forniity which human nature might atta:
sent Gulliver in his travels to the island o
Yahoos, where the horse ruled and men
tho subjects. It has been reserved to Ita
ism to improve even upon tho imagin?t
Swift; tor, looking at tho majority of
whom Radicalism has borne into offico ht
thc South, wc find that thc donkey reignfi
asses occupy high places of power.
4. These acts aie unwise. Looking at
acts in tho light of statesmanship, wo
nounce them foolish and unwise. Ir inte
to benefit the bln;k man, if intended to bt
thc white man, if designed to promote tb
tereels of thc wholo country, thoy are in e
case equally wrong m principle ?nd ruino
Eolicy. There is no wisdom in tho spirit
reathc, none in thc measures thev hav
on foot, none in thc order of things that
have sought to establish. But we would i
into no argument upon this point, tor it ii
dent to every candid mind that the obje
these Reconstructions acts was chiefly to 1
up a party, and not to promote thc well-b
of the country.
Could my voice reach the ears of tho Ra
politicians of tboNor.h, I would point tl
as Senator Doolittle, 0:10 of the wisest st;
mon ot tho Union, has already done, to an
dent iii Roman history, peculiarly applicab
the times. Latium was conquered by R
and tho question arose in the Roman Sc
what ought to be done with Latium and
people of Latium. Some said, "Confiscate I
property;n others said, "Disfranchise th
Nono said, "fut thom under the dominate
their foi nier slaves." But one man there
heathen statesman though ho was, who
to tho height of tho occasion. Old Cam
rose iu ?us scat and said : "Senators, 1
these people your fellow-citizens, and thus
to thc power and dignity of Rome." In
same spirit would I address myself lo ti
who have it in their power to control, for
prcsont, thc deslinie-f of tho South. I Wi
say to them : Como up to tho lofty standar
Oamiilns. Treat thc people of tho Soutl:
your poors, for your peers they are; do t
justice, respect their sympathies, givo tl
their blood-bought rights under the consi
tion of the land, and thus add to tho power
dignity of thc republic.
5. Thclt:coii3truction ads have within tl
thc seeds of their own death and must f ul.
my opinion, fcllow-citizcns, even without
effort on our part, those measure* would, si
or or later, utterly break down. Como Gr
or come Seymour, they cannot long prei
Thc order of afl'aird they have brought at
must bo changed. So long as tho invoi
cone is propped up it will stand, but rem
the props audit falls prostrate to thc grot
So long a*-these reconstruction measures
sustained by extraneous force they may sta
but let that force be removed, let"ordinary
litical influences prevail, asa they will d
natural death. For one, however, I nm
willing to wait for this natural death, bul
every legal, constitutional, peaceful toctli
with thc aid of our Democratic allies at
North, I would assail tho tyrant measure)
every vulnerable point. On thu samo prii
plc that thc jailor takes from his coll the c
demned felon and executes upon him tho s
tcucc of the law, although disease would h
carried the man off in a week's time, so sho
wc, fellow-citizens, make tho effort to br
tho reconstruction measures to an immedi
end, and thus vindicate tho majesty of
law and thc rights of an injured poopfe.
I have thus indicated, fcllow-citizons, I
po itical reform that we seek, with tho assi
ance of tho Democratic party of the count
I havo had nothing to say about thc nomin
of the Democracy-our standard bearers int
fight. I have dealt rather with tho great pr
i'iplcs of individual liberty and couslitutio:
freedom that tho canvass involves. Men 1
and aro forgotten. Principios aro csscntia
immortal, and exert their influence tlirou
thc ages. This, however, I may add, that
lo Grant I would not take one loaf from ti
wreath which the North has put around 1
brow. As to Seymour and Blair, I doom tin
worthy leaders'in our great cau-o. Timer
virtues of tho ono and thc military prestige
tho other ought to sccuro for them a natioi
appreciation and a common conservative c
dorsomcnt to result in their election.
But, lellow-citizens, I would roenrd my du
as but half discharged did I not suggest
you that om- political icliof is out a prelim ma
step in tho groat work of Soulhoru rodo 111
1. Tho great need of tho South is industr
regeneration. Remitted as wo have boen
first principles by tho events ol' thc late Wt
wo want material development. And in cnti
ing upon this branch ot my subject, I am gt
to Mud before mo so many representatives
tho working chas-"Ibo hardy sons of to
the heroes of tho workshop and monarchs
tho soi!."' Let us understand that tho tn
weah li of a country is in her working me
Yes, fulluv/-c:t?zcns, I repeat it, what v.c nc
want is wealth. Wealth bas been called t!
sinews ot war. I deem it no ' ss tho muse
and sinews of peace. Wo wau. woll-cultivaU
farms and well-filled granarlos. Wo want tl
mechanic arts to flourish, and factories of co
ton, wo J? .md wood lo dot our land. Wo wai
that productivo surplus which, in tho aggr<
gate, makes up national wealth. Wo wai
our peoplo to surround themselves OIK
again with thc comforts and convenient
of lifo, to acquire tuo means to cdticato tho
children, to bu ld up and sustain temples 1
thc living God. Moro than tho wealth of into
Icc!, do wc require the material resources nei
ossary to repair our shattered foi tunes. L:
ua bear iu mina that material agoncios ai
essential (0 enable us to retain what statoi
manship or party triumph has won. Let 11
recollect that it was the wealth <
tho harona ol' England that enabled them t
wring Magna Charter from a reluctant moi
arch, and ' after winning it their wealth
Wits that gavo them tho moana to retain thr
immortal instrument. And were I, fc!low-cit
zens, disposed to venture upon a criticia.u 1
our policy in tho past, I would say that w
havo relied too much upon mero logic an
rhetoric to establish our political views. S
far as argument is concerned, no doubt ou
position was ma tc impregnable. But to esta!;
lish and sustain State creeds and policies
something moro than argument i
required. As some writer baa somewhor
suggested to my mind, we mus
Surround theso creeds an I policies with th
solid monuments of wealth and numbers un
popular intelligence and activity. If, in thu
respect, wc havo Jailed in the past, lot us loan
a lesson for tho future, and move out in thc in
dustrial arena and on thc linc of material ac
qnisitions. But to attain this condition o
wealth, wc must lab *r. " To labor is to pray,'
suggested tho nnci n: maxim. "We mus
kbor," said tue dying Emperor Severus, ant
Severus became immortal. No man mus
disdain to work. Oar you ig mon miijt work
and no palm leaves muj.l dock tho elders
brow. Labor must bo dignified. No prout
youth must disdain to grasp thc plough-hair
dies, or to soize thc reins of thc draft horse
or to take up tho tools of Mic mechanic. Lei
mc not bo misunderstood. Thc amenities
and graces of literature, tho pursuits ol
science, moral exco'.lcnce, intellectual attain?
ments-all these must bo invostod with then
supreme importance. But lot it not bu
forgotten that our future in thc South and in
South Carolina must bo built upon tho corner?
stone of labor. Nor has the abolition of thc
institution ot African slavery interfered with
thc lino ot action that I have suggested. It is
true that, under thc iufiucnecs of this institu?
tion, sumo of thc best specimens of man and
womanhood have been produced, j cr am I con?
vinced that slavery was not in the main bene?
ficial io thc South. Under itt? influence our
[ youth failed to bo thrown upon their own en?
ergies and resources. Too often did it tako
the brains from bis head and thc muscle hom
his arm, and too often did it remove the rose
tint from tuc maiden's check .and plant there
thc pale ensign of death. Out of thc nettle
abolition i: io probable foe us to pluck thc
flower of gr: allies J and prosperity. And build?
ing up ibo S mth upon thc basis ot white aud
auxiliary black la'oor, it is within our power to
have a now fabric, stronger, surer and ostler
than tho one which Las been swept away.
2. Another need of thc Saith is capital. Wc
want capital to give enterprise work and to
stimulate the public energies, and to furnish
the moans to rebuild om1 towns and was e
3. We need immigration from Europe and
tho North. Wo want these life-giving and
wealth-producing streams. Wo must invite
li ther thc industrious Northerner, tho gene?
rous Celt au I thc barely Germen. I would not
discard or underrate tue labor of tho colored
mau. I would utilize it and givo him a fair
showing. But 1 would like to soo in tho South,
where there is ample room and vcrgo enough
for all, au army 01' fair-haired and fuir-hued la?
borers-of moil who will work with us, who will
vote with us, and who will, uudor all circum?
stance.-, stand firmly by us.
4. We need peace boro at the South. Wo
need pcaco to retrieve our broken fortunes and
heal our bleeding wounds. Wc need peace in
order that tho intellectual, and moral, and
physical energies of our people may take a no?
bler channel than that ol war. But I may in
quiro what kind of peace is it that wo want.
We ask not for that "peace which passeih un?
derstanding," for ihat comos only from a cru?
cified Saviour and an approving conscience.
We ask not for that peace which comes of des?
potism. We ask not for that peace which tho
hawk gives to the spanow, nor for that poace
which the wolf givej to the lamb. We ask not
for that peace which comes ot paralyzed ener?
gies and mined industries. Bat we do ask for
that peaco which, in its smiling train, brings
prosperity and plenty. We db p"sk for that
peace which comes ol'a redeemed people and a
5. We need a settlcr.?en; of the vexed ques?
tion of the negro man. To use the rough, but
stroug language of the English writer, Hr.
Carlyle, this is "tho dirtiest chimnoy a-fire
this century." We need that tho case
ot thc colored man be removed from the
political arena, in order that the countrv,
both North and South, mav address itself,
for the benelit both of white and black, to
higher and more practical questions of political
economy. Now, in omer to accomplish the re?
sult-in order to get the negro out of poli?
tics-I kno(v no better method than to concede
to bim all that he is fairly entitled to, and to
seek such a solution of this problem of race as
will commend itself alike to the ethics of
Heaven and tho sympathy of tho civilized
florid. Hence it is that wo concede to the
colored man equality before tho law, and all of
civil rights. Hence it is that I have further
advocated, and do advocate, the extension to
him of a qualified suffrage-the qualifications
to bc just and reasonable. Thus I ? ould put a
premium upon intelligence, cr integrity, or
property when found in the colored man, and
thus I "would promote his well-being by just
and moderate measures. I propose not to put
him upon tbc height ot RadicaUsni to let bim
perish, but I would placo him upon those less
lofty plains, where, in the provido'icc of God,
he may bo permitted peacefully to enjoy all of
the prosperity that God. has in store for his
race. Thus by peaceful means I would seek
tho solution of this grave question.
I have thus, fellow-citizens, sought to es?
tablish the proposition that the great needs of
thc South aie not merely political ones. I have
endeavored to provo tliat political redemption
must bo followed up by industrial regeneration,
and that these should be made moot ably to
protect and uphold each other.
Now, fellow-dtizeus, let me ask you to be of
good cheer. Think not that South Carolina
will sink forever beneath tho surging waves of
Radicalism. If temporarily she shall be sub?
merged, abo will rise again. Tho palmetto
will take root, grow and flourish again. Tho
people of Souih Carolina, on her mountain
sides, upon ber bills, and on ber plains will
bold their 0 vu, and in vain may alien hands
seek to deprive them of thc heritage of their |
fathers. God consenting and wo resolving,
this State is ou s, and ours it shad continue
to bc. Wc will never give up her genial cli?
mate and her teeming soil. Tho memories of
the war, the beauliful, thc good and the great
attach us to it. Tho graves that it contains
and the monuments that fill it make it sacred
ground to us, and recreant is tho heart and
faithless the Carolinian who would surrender
Ins post on thia goodly bcritago. Sly country?
men, we will stand by thc land wo love. This
resolution is as firm in our souls as tho ever?
lasting bills, and the coloring with which yon
telling sun invest that lofty Alpine peak is
suggestivo of tho light that Heaven's help
throws around our high resolve. No, we must
not abandon the soil of Carolina. This land
wo from our fathers had in trust, and it is 0 ir
duty lo transmit it to our children.
"This la our maxim, this our piotr,
Ami God a lid Nature say that it is just."
Thc times, fellow-citizens, call for manly ex?
ertion on your part. The isButs of this canvass
demand your best energies in behalt ot thc De?
mocracy. It bas been said, "Tlicro ia 11 lido
111 thc affairs of men which, taker, at thc flood,
leads on to fortune." So in the a'i'airso' States,
"there is a tide which, taken at tho fiovv', leads
on" to greatness, prosperity and peace. That
tide is upon us. Let us mount upon it, or we
may bc left on the shores of despair. Let us
"grasp tho skirts ot happy chanco"-let us
' breast the blows of circumstance." Let us
hope that wo can discern tho gray dawn of suc?
cess. Lot us trust that
Will widen into a clear and boundless day,
And when lt ripens to a sumptuous West,
Wiih :i great su?set 'twill bc closed and crowned."
Ana now, fellow-citizens, let me say that in
this great cause in which wo are engaged. I
put my faith in God and our poople. \\ itb thc
noisy deniagoguo, with the grading politician,
with thoso who are ready to "bend thc preg?
nant binges of the kneo that thrift may follow
fawning," I havo no sympathy. Bui I have
Confidence in Hie great body of I be people.
And when tho voice of a people, aoblo, vir
tuoiu, intelligent and refined, is heard, un
awed by tyrant-?, and uniullucnced hy d?ma?
gogues, then do I believe that the vJice of a
people becomes tho voice of God. Hence, 1
feel confident that you, my countrymen, will
be faithful to our . ausc, whether in victory or
defeat. This let mo implore you to bo. Wo
hope tor thc best, and wo tutend to fight brave?
ly on. But candor compels mo to say tuat we
may stand amid thc shadows of defoat in?
stead of tin suulight of victory. In either
event, remain true to thc cause of Democracy. I
Our triumph-the triumph ot our principles- I
must conic sooner or later. Herc let me sog-.
gestan incident fi om English history, shov?
ing a spirit worthy of our imitation. Lord Or?
mond an Euglisb nobleman, bad lost a son
who was tho pride and ornament of his family,
and Irionds carno to condole with tho stricken
father. They expect.d to find bim 111 thc vale
of despair. They found him upon tho heights
of pride. Said he, when his sympathizing vis?
itors alluded to bis loss, "1 would not give, my
dead sou tor any living ono in Christendom."
So, too, my to l?w-eitizend, should voa ho de?
feated in this canvass, boar this ia mind, that
a beaten Democracy is a nobler thing than a
triumphant Radicalism, and bo prepared, if the
worst should conic, to say, in tho spirit of Lord
Ormond, "Wo would not give our bea cn cause
for any triumphant o::o in Christendom."
Bat las DO Democrat despair of victory. Tile
Northern Democracy stands finn au-i resolute.
The reserve- bav : yet to bo brought into ac?
tion. In tho Presidential election thc true is?
sues of thc canvass will stand out in bolder re?
lief. Let us work on. Let us stretch every
nerve. And when thc sun shall set on thc 3d
of November next, it may yet be that bis part?
ing tays will sinne upon our causo triumphant
and gild ino banners of a victorious Democ?
Permit mo now to suggest an Illustration ap?
plicate to our State, and again I draw u.nm
Swift's luxuriant imagination and caustic wit.
lu Gulliver's Travels ho represents his hero as
thrown upon tho island ol do Lilliputians, a
race cf mon no larger than your finger. Ex
hausted, G ult'vcr falls asleep, and m that con?
dition these little people find him. He seems
to them a giant. 1'bey resolve lo secure him.
Ace ir tingly, by means of ladders they
mount upon Iiis person, and bind h.s
hair, bis head and limbs *vitb bands
innumerable. They imagine that they have
him secure, and" exalt in their fancied
triumph. But when the strong min wishes, by
a muscular effort, he bursts theso bauds asnu
dor and discloses bis vast strength. Sec, too,
my fellow-Caroliuians, South Carolina, our no?
ble mother, iaid prostrate, scirrecl and bleed
in; by tba result of tho late war, has boon
beset ny thc intellectual and moral pigmies of
the hour, and they have seized upon her per?
son and bound ber with bands innumerable,
and they exalt iu the r f mcicd triumphs, and
deem their work secure. But there is life in
Carolina yet, and uudor the influence of tho
Democratic spirit that ber loyal sons intend to
breathe into that recumbent form, Carolina
will yet s .op the cords that bind her, will yet
stand uo in tho majesty of ber strength and
tho beauty of her features, and she will throw
around her classic form her former stainless
robes, and place again upou ber brow the
queenly diadem of her power.
Feilow-citizous, in conclusion, lot mo call
vom attention to tho virtues which you arc
now called upon to practice In the late War
you exhibited a valor, a dovotion, a heroism
that will livo forever upon the pages of history.
Other qualities now demand their illustration
at your bauds. Let the statesmanship you
follow be cool, sagacious, practical, and yet
high-toned, and let your public conduct and
political acton be characterized by a stern
fidelity to your political principles, by*faith
that waits for better things, by a patience that
endures with dignity, and by ? moderation that
shall bc known of all men. Thus actin.', you
will place yourselves as a people upon high
ground. IhuS acting, yeti will gather around
your cause Hie blessings cf God and the sym?
pathies of men, and the triumph you seek wdl
Thanking you tor your attention to my re?
marks, I now close with the earnest hope that
Heaven may defend the right and save our
Per Ftcanier Emilie, fr.mi Georgetown, S C
Miss E ll Atciasou. Miss M J Atkinson, ll C Wallace,
li A HawkirS) S Entune], Mrs W M dtywird, uur??
aud eldin, M ss S U Cro.\u, Mies 0 M Wilson, Gen
A M M?OiganU, un J 2 on deck.
fer steamer sit Helena, from Edisto and lioekville
Mrs Mi 1er and two chi dren, Mrs Moses, A Berg, O
P Fitzsinious. B tr Christy, Major J Jenkins John
King, S H Howe, J H Ducker, H T?ale, .md 120 on
K AIS UltLlCHK B LU Tit KI ti tm
For sale by E. H. KELLERS ? CL .
Septembi-r 18 No.131 Mee?ng-31 ?et
BOSTON-Per sehr B N Hawkins-48G bales Upland
Cotton, 108 bbls Splits Turpentine, 92 bbls
Rosin, 140 casks Kaolin Clay, 13 bhtls Bones. 10
packages Metals, ?3 boxes Hope, Rass and Pa?
per. 2G.000 feet Yellow Pine Boards, 2 boxes Sun?
dries, lot loose Iron.
Tbe Charleston Cotton Market.
OFFICE OF THE CHARLESTON DAILY NEW!3, )
CHARLESTON, Wednesday Evening, October 23, '68.}
Thc article waa In some demand, but prices were
irregular and ?omewbat weaker, tbe rates generally
being rather in favor of the buyer. Sales about fOO
balea, viz: 6 at 20. 97 at 22, 12 at 22%, 12J at 22)i, CO
it 23, 22 at 23>4', C9 at 23%, 13 at '2J%, 22 at 24, 7 at
24J?, and IC, Gullett Gin prepared, at 25c 9 lb. We
Ordinary to Good CrJinarv.21?@22><
Markets by Telegraph..
LOSOOS, October 28.-Consols 94,'i. Bonds 13%.
LIVERPOOL. October 2S-Noon.-Cotton buoy
mt;sales 15.C00 b. les. Sugar firm, both on the spot
Afternoon.-Cotton buo>ant. Tallow 52s 3d.
Eveninc.-Cotton closed firm and unchanged;
sales 15,0.10 balen; uplands lld; Orleans ll)&?.
Breadstuff.} a .d provisions unchanged.
HAVBB, October 28.-Low middling cotton afloat
1 franc 27J?C
HAVANA, October 28.-Sugar buoyant and favors
sellers, with a largs speculative inquiry, sterling
15'ial6%cU. S. currency, 18U9 discount. Gold
long 4a5; short 7.
NEW YOKE, October 28-Noon.-Money active at 7.
Sterling 9%. Gold34,'i. Flour ,Ool3c lower. Wheat
2 to 3c lower. Corn lc lover. Me ? pork lower at
523 90. Li'd quiet; steam 179?al7jje. Cotton quiet
at 25c. Turpentine steady at 43 to i3%c. Rofin
dull; strained coxmon $2 40. Freights brm.
Even ng-Cotton less active but steady; sales 2500
balc-? at 23??a25?fc. Flour heavy; State SGa7 90;
West-.rn SCa9 03; com-non to fair extra Southern S8a
8 90. When heavy. Corn heavy. Oats lc lower.
Pork firmer at S20 50. Laid easier at 17'iil7J?.
Whiskey quiet Groceries firm. Turpentine 43a44.
Ilosia S2 4ua7 50. Freights firmer; on cottee, by
steam, 7-16>& The money stringency is moro se?
vere than ever, but a shade easier at the cljse. Dis?
count opera?ons wero suspended under pressure
Sterling weaker at 0%. Gold a little stronger at
34,3?. Southern bonds irregular. Tcnnessccs tirai.
North Carolinas weak. Governments firm. Ten?
nessee bonds 70; now 70>i. North Carolinas CC; new
65^. Virciuias 55?L
BALTIMORE, October 28.-Cotton very firm. Whtat
very dui, with prices ruling much lower. Corn
dall; new while 90c to $1; old SI 18aI 20. Oats dall:
primo 70c. Bye dull, nominally SI 55. Pork quiet
at $30. Bacon firm; shouldeis 135?al4c.
WILMINGTON, October 28.-Spi/its dull at 40c. Ko
sin quiet; strained $1 GO; No. 2 $1 70al 75. Turpen?
tine and tar unchanged. Hay 75c. Market general?
ly weak, and little doing.
AUGUSTA, Octobjr 28.-Cotton market qmet; sales
338 bales; receipts C97; middlings 23>?,'.
SAVANNAH, Oc'.ober 2J.-Cotton opened fair and
closed weaker; middlings 24J?; sale? 077 bales; re?
ceipts 1029, exports coastwiso 330.
MOBILE, October 28.- 'olton sales 800 biles; mar?
ket quiet; middlings 23%. Receipts CG4 bales. Ex?
NEW OBLEANS. October 28.-Cotton'osier; mid?
dlings 23>?a23??; sales 310 bales. Receipts, 1839;
export?, 1772. Sugar steady; new Louisiana yellow
clarified 14?ial5. Molasses active; Louisiuna prime
to choice ?lal 05.
CINCINNATI. October 28.-Flour in little demand;
fani ly :7 50a7 75 Corn, 60a62c lor new, 93caSl for
old. Whiskey dull, $1 10. Pork, new, at S25a28.
Lard dull at 16c. Bacon nominally unchanged.
ST. LOUTS, October 28.-Mess pork $30 75a31.
Shoulders 13.l4'c. Clear sides 17'?al7??c. Whiskey
dull at $113.
AUGUSTA, October 27.-'Jorros- A st ady and
fair demand to-day reuhod in sales of 915 bale-?.
Wequoe mi diing 23j?; marke; closed firm; re?
ceipts 733 bates.
CORS--Cinu. We quote Wh'ts ?1 20; mixed $1 VS
WHEAT-Wc quote white $2 25a2 50; red $1 89a
FLOUR-City mills $10 50 13; ot retail $1 per bbl
higher; count y $10al2, aeeoiding to quality.
M VCON, October 20.-COTTON-Receipts to-day 470
lia!.;*; siles 357 bales; shipped 121 bales.
i lie market opened fl m this loreiioou at 22,','c for
>.dillies. Tho very fuvorable uoou aud aittraoou
"a urn and European market report? e-ent prices up
auo.hur half cent in our ni ilka, und it closed firm
and active this evening at tie foOowing ratea: Inte?
rior 15, ordinary 20, good ordiuaiy 21 *4, middlings
22%, good middlings 23 ..
MACON COTTON STATEMENT.
Stock op banu september l, lSOrt-baies. 1,326
Received to- lay. 470
Shipped to-day. 121
Shipped previously. 0,727- G.S48
Slock on hand this tveniug.7,635
WILMINGTON, October 07.-'IORPENTINE-At ar?
tet Bteady. -al, s -Aaa Ul>Ia. ut 99 CO fisc nott ?md il CZ
for hard. $ 230 lbs.
snniTs lunrENriNE -Sties Ol only C5 bbls at 40
cia per g illou.
ROSIN-Has bceu iu moderate inquiry tc-.lay, and
we quote salea ol' 1537 nula, ut ?1 C3 lop -trained;
SI 70 for strained and No i; ?1 8J for No 2, ?1 90 for
ex ra >o '.'; S2for low No. 1, and s? 2ju4 37,!< for
No 1, as iu quality.
TAR-20 bbls sold at $2 35 "ri bbl.
COTTON-sales of 34 oui s at '23%a23% eta for mid?
HAY-Sales from. wharf of 100 bales islightly
dam igel I at 70 eta, iud 89 bales at 73 cts per IOU lbj
NASHVILLE, October 21.-COTTON- Market to-di,y
v.ry finn, with an ixl von cilia tendency, In some
instances the sales showed un advance of ?ie, but
the bulk ol cotton sold was made at the ligures of
th: prcvij-is diy. The receipts amounted to 204
bales, shipment of 197. with-iles ol'101 bi'e?>. We
quote as lollow*: Low middling 20.120,%, good onli
uiry PJ'-a.'O, ordinary 1SM%.
NASHVILLE COTTON STATEMENT.
Stock on hand September 1, 1803. ..GO,
Shipi cd previously.1215-1412
Stock on hand.642
I'OBN-Sales of 500 bushels new, in tar, at 50c; 60'
do loose at G5c.
Consignees per Sctsth Carolina Kailroad
1110 bales Cotton, 52 bjlo ? Domestics, 208 cisks
Clay, 5 cars Wood, lo Railroid Agent, W Roach, J.
& W II A rmstroog, Polzcr. Rodger-? A: Co, Dukes k
Co IHSW Dewees, W S Htnerey, Frost & Adner,.
Mowry ? Co, A J Salinas, Reeder k Davis, Brodie A:
Co. Goldsmith At Son, W C Courtney k Co, G W Wil?
liams k Co, R C sharp i C<>, W KR au, G H Walter
& Co, J B E Sloan, J N Robson, E J Fripp & Co, J D
Aiken k Co.
Consignees per Northeastern Kailroad
150 bales Cotton, 325 bbls Navel Stores, bigs
Rough i ice, Lum -i-r. Milz -, Atc. To stenhouse A:
Co, Graeser, L:e, Smith k Co. Raven?l A: Co, Frost
fe Adger. Clayborn, Herring k Co, J H Wurhmau, G
U Uoppock, Pe'zer, Rodgers fe Co, Mowry A; Co, W
K Ryan, Iugrahaiu At sou, Kirkpatrick A: Witte. B A
A; J F Early, Wa ter fe Co. Nachtnan A: co, Reeder A;
Davis, W Gurney, S D stoney.
JH?rine tes. -
fort of Charleston, October ti?
Steamer Emilie, Davis, Georgetown, S C. 49 tee
Rice, and Sundries. To shuckelford A: Kelly,
J R Pringle, G A i renholui k sou. Frost k Adger,
Thurston i; Holme?, A M Mautg; ul:, aua others.
Steamer St Helena. Rumley, Lv.tio and Rockville.
45 bales Cotton, 15 bags Seed, a'ad Sundries. To J
H Murray, Bavenel fe Cn, Ko,;er fe Sto cy, Fraser A:
Dill, J D Aiken, W Gurney, J small A: Co, V F Mar?
tin, J H Ducker, aud others.
sehr Elviua, M.igr.th. Coiubabce. 21-'0 bushels
Rough Rice. To I rost At Adger.
Sehr B N Hawkins, Wyutt, Uoston-Wm Roach.
Brig Moonlight. Giles, Suriuaui.
Sehr Maria Hall, shepherd, a northern Port.
Up for this Pori.
Sehr R Caldwell, McCormick, at New York, Oetc
Cleared for this Port.
Bri* Josie A Devereaux, Clark, at Philadelphia, Oe
Sailed for this Port.
Prig Cyclone, jobn:or, irom Boston, October 24.