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The daily phoenix. (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, December 14, 1865, Image 2

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COLUMBIA.
Thursday Morning. Dec. 14. 1885.
Sign? of Reaction.
Thc latest Northern papers we have re?
ceived, (the 8th inst.,) bring tis some signs
of a healthy reaction in Congress. On
Wednesday, Oth, both Houses adjourned
until Monday last, but on that day, as we
leam from the Washington correspon?
dents of the New York Herald and other
papers, there were several indications that
the manly, frank and able message of the
President, had a wholesome influence on
the movements of the radicals in both
bodies of Congress.
"For instance, on Wednesday, the message
liavingbeen delivered thc day before, Mr.
?arusworth, of Illinois, a radical of tho
North-western school, submitted to the
House, a resolution declaring it as thc
sense of that body, that good faith de?
mands that all colored soldiers who have
been in thc service of thc Union, shall
enjoy aft thc rights of citizenship. Of
course, " all the rights of citizenship" in?
clude the right of suffrage. But it appears
that the House, on the spur of tho oc?
casion, was not prepared to a ipi this
resolution, which, though limited to
colored soldiers, involved a direct issue
with President Johnson on the question
whether this thing of the right of suffrage
ls a matter which belongs to Congress or
to tho several States. Upon this question,
as thc Constitution and the usages of thc
past and thc present time are all on tho
side of the President, a break with him,
it was evidently thought, was an affair en
titled to a little 2ool consideration. And
?eo, a debato arising on the resolution, Mr.
Farnsworth was judiciously persuaded to
Jct it so over to some other day, without
attempting a two-thirds test for the sus
pensionof thc rules. It appears that even
thc terrible Thaddeus Stevens himself had
bocomc considerably softened since Mon
* ?JAJT, and was altogether in a more amia
Tble frame of mind on Wednesday.
In tho Renate, on the same day, we have
another indication of a considerable modi?
fication in tho temper of the radicals. On
that day, Mr. Sumner, as tho Herald in?
forms us,, introduced a resolution referring
to the oath of loyalty required of one class
.of men entering upon the duties of any
pnblic office, and remarking, that "whereas
it is reported that, notwithstanding the
acts of Congress, certain persons have
i>ecn allowed to enter upon the duties of
office, (Treasury Department,) and to re
?eivo the salary and emoluments thereof,
without taking the prescribed oath, and
certain persons have been appointed to
offices not authorized by any previously
existing law, therefore, resolved, that the
Secretary of the Treasury be requested, so
lar a? thc records of his department allow,"
Ac., to furnish thc needful information on
the subject. This resolution, over tho
shoulders of thc Secretary of the Treasury,
WAS evidently aimed at tho President, and
at his proceedings in reference to certain
provisional officials of his in the Southern
States. Under the rule, it lies over a day,
and, wben culled up again, we may, per?
haps, have an interesting debate upon it.
Bnt tbe little passage at arms which fol?
lowed between Mr. Sumner and Mr. Doo?
little touched the kernel of the main ques?
tion. Mr. Doolittle moved to refer that
portion of the message which treats of tho
existing relations of thc late rebel States
io the Judiciary Committee. Mr. Sumner
remarked that there was now on the Sec?
retary'? table a resolution (that of Mr.
Stcvrnafrom the House) providing for the
appointment of a joint committee, to whom
this subject should be referred. It would
be better, he thought, to await the passage
of this resolution, and then let the sub?
ject (President's message in relation to the
South) go to that, special committee. Mr.
Doolittk- thought that thc joint resolution
itself ought to go to the Judiciary Com?
mittee, and just here the House proposi?
tion for an adjournment over to Monday
caine in and cut off any further proceed?
ings. Hero wc see against Sumner, a
leading Republican Senator from thc West,
boklly inking bis position 0:1 the side cf
?*. President. Tin; result will probably
be mich a modification ol the Stevens
resolution as to leave each house, as tho
Constitution ordains, thc judge of thc
qualifications of its members, instead of
tying np and handing over both houses
and tho President to the care of a joint
<\>mmittoc.
We lave reason to believe that these in?
dications are corroborated by advices from
Washington, and that as soon ;is the late
seceding States have accepted the provi?
sions und conditions embraced in the plan
of the President for restoring them to
their position in the Union, he will submit
their rights to a restoration to Congress;
if rejected, the ?HSUO between him and the
radical* will there be squarely made up
and presented to tbo country, in tue elec?
tions that may come on during the year.
The President holds the impregnable
ground, tiiat tho excluded .Southern States
are not ont of the Union, and never have
been; that they only need a rc-organiza
tion under the Constitution and existing
laws of the Union, to he entitled to all
the rights in the General Government
which belong to the other loyal States. He
has only to adhere to this ground to secure
the establishment of his policy in this
Congress or the next. We believe with
thc Herald, however, from the cooling
down of the radicals on the day after the
reception of the message, that a whole?
some reaction has already commenced,
which will make thc President's policy thc
programme of tho present Congress.
When such (dd radical campaigners as
Thaddeus Stevens begin to tack ship, it is
because they see breakers ahead.
Gratifying Intelligence.
Provisional Governor Terry lias furnished
us with the following highly gratifying
despatch, received yesterday from Presi?
dent Johnson:
WA.SHINC.TOX, December ll.-I thank you
for your despatch. It is gratifying to know
that the message was favorably received.
In a few days, you will receivo full instruc?
tions as to bei.'ig relieved as Provisional
Governor, A hope that all will move off
right, in a Tew dave, with Congress.
ANDREW JOHNSON,
President United States.
Latries to ?>c Paid.
Thc Milledgevflle (Ga.) Union states
that it has good authority for saying that
all men over the agc of sixty-five, who
took no part in the war, and all widows, at
the time General Sherman's army injured
their property, will he reimbursed by tho
United States Government for damages.
Tue assessor is already at, work in tho
County of Hancock, ascertaining damages
so far as respects the two classes of our
people above named.
Should this policy of restitution be
generally adopted, and the losses of non?
combatants by the march of General
Sherman's army made good, it will prove
one of the most interesting items of
intelligence we have received for ten
months past. We trust that thc Go?
vernment will extend this act of justice
all over the territory, which has boen
laid waste by its armies, and tims still
closer bind the Southern people to its
unqualified support.
Legislature South Carolina.
Tuesday, Dec-ember 12, 1865.
SENATE.
The Senate met at half-past 10 a. m.
Reports of committees were submitted
hy Messrs. Dozier, Bratton, Heniphill,
Thomson, Arthur and Buist.
Special order for ll o'clock a. m.-a bill
to establish District Courts, and the report
of the Committee on the Judiciary-was
debated and amended.
Mr. Buist introduced a bill to alter and
amend the law in relation to the opening,
widening or extending streets in the city
of Charleston.
The House of Representatives sent to
the Senate a message of concurrence rela?
tive to the correspondence of Col. L. D.
Childs with reference to the purchase ol
the canal near this city, around the falls
of the Broad and Coligarte Rivers, roferiug
the matter to a special committee.
The House also sent a message agreeing
to the message of the Senate, relative to a
vote for three Law Judges, and imme
diately thereafter for two Chancellors, tc
fill tho vacancies now existing.
Adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
At the hour to which tho House was ad
journed, the Clerk called the roll, th?
Speaker took tho Chair, and the Housi
proceeded to business.
A bill to amend an Act entitled " An Ac
to alter the law in relation to last wills ant
testaments, and for other purposes," rati
fled thc 21st day of December, A. D. 1858
was read thc third time, and the title chang
ed to an Act.
Messrs. Gaillard, Wagener, Green, Daw
kins, Hanckel and Simonton, presented re
ports of committees.
The Speaker laid before the House, th
memorial of the colored people of Soutl
Carolina, which was referred.
Mr. Price introduced a resolution, whiel
was agreed to, and was ordered to be sen
to the Senate for concurrence, that th
Clerks of the Senate and House of Reprt
sentatives be required to advertise fo
proposals to print the current and pei
manuut work for the next General Af
seiafcly, and that the same be advertise
for ?'.n> weeks immediately preceding th
next regular session, in one paper cac
in Columbia and Charleston. Said bid
shall Ix- laid before the General Assembl
on the first day of the next regular sessioi
Mr. Woodruff presented the petition (
Isham Wood amt others, for the appohr
nient of a Magistrate.
Several bills were read the second timi
Adjourned.
-4-*"*-?
A new literary magazine, under the tit!
of thc: Crescent Monthly, has been issued i
New Orleans, by Mr. Wm. Evelyn, favor
Wy known to the Southern public as "B<
hcmiaii,'' of the Richmond press.
At Kingston, Ga., "Bill Arp" received 1
votes, while C. H. Smith received only on
Would it not be a capital joke if Bill shou
beat Smith. Of course our readers km:
that S. and A. are the same.
To <l?c Citizens of York, Chester,
Fairfield, Richland. Sumter and
Kershaw Districts.
In taking leave of political life, I trust it
may not bo considered inappropriate for
mo to address a few parting words to you,
having for so many years associated with
you in the intimato relation of representa?
tive. In 18511 took an active part in op?
position to secession. When I first took
my soat in Washington, wc had a friend in
the presidency, a majority in the House
of Representatives, and in the Senate there
were only four members of the freesoil
party. The first great error we committed
was in repealing tho Missouri compromise
I shared in that error and may the more
freoly refer to it. This unfortunate step
opened anew the slavery agitation. I be?
came satisfied before the Kansas contro?
versy had conic to an end, that we of thc
South had made a mistake in going into
the struggle for Kansas. I saw that Kansas
was obliged to bo a free State. When,
therefore, Kansas applied, or appeared to
apply, for admission under tho Lecompton
Constitution, I sought an interview with
Senator Hunter, of Virginia, for whose
judgment I had the highest respect, and
proposed to him, that we should reject Kan?
sas, and thus take the wind out of thc sails
of tho Republican party. I took ground
against thc annexation of Cuba, mainly
because I did not wish to add any more
fuel to thc anti-slavery agitation. I agi?
tated the subject of free trade, in order to
organize parties upon a less dangerous isue
than slavery, and to cement an alliance be?
tween the South and great North-west.
I took ground against the proposition to
revive tho African slave trade, because I
thought it impossible, inexpediunt and cal?
culated only to act as a firebrand. In 1855,
being deeply impressed with thc danger of
thc Federal Government passing into the
hands of the Republican party, and
anxious to avert this calamity, I wrote a
letter and publish? '! a speech delivered
near Rock Hill, in York District, to a por?
tion of my constituents. In those publica?
tions I undertook to inaugurate a new lino
of policy for our State. I said our great
object then, was todo ever} thing possible
to prevent the election of ? Republican
President, that to accomplish th's, our
policy was, "moderation, moderation,
moderation." I said "our policy consists
in the greatest possible degree of modera?
tion in the political movements of tho
South. I then advanced a doctrine on the
subject of slavery in tho Territories, which
no public man in this Stute had before ven?
tured to put forth. On this point I said
"As regards tho Territorial question, f
think it nt this time a specnlafivi* quention,
because the Territories of the United
States open to settlement aro impossible
to slavery." It is necessary for mo to say
that I deeply deplore the disruption of tho
Democratic party at Chorleston and Balti?
more. I thought that tho South, in pushing
the Territorial question as far as they did,
in these conventions, committed the great?
est possible blunder. If they succeeded on
the Territorial question, thev gained no
tuing, because there were no Territories
Sossible to slavery. If they broke down tho
democratic party, they ran the risk of a
convulsion from which they might lose
everything. In tho summer of I860, in re?
ply to a call for my opinion, I advocated
secession in case of Mr. Lincoln's election.
Those who can refer to that letter will seo
that I stated secession would lead to one
of the threo results, a satisfactory adjust?
ment, a peaceful separation, or war. I was
perfectly certain it would lead to a satis?
factory adjustment. I believe there was
sufficient conservatism and prudence out?
side of the State, both North and South, to
settle tho question at issue. I was confi
dent'that Georgia, Alabama and Louisiana
would exhaust all efforts for a peaceful
settlement, before breaking up thq Union.
Some persons have asked me, why, oppos?
ing secession so warmly in 1852. I yot
favored it in IStiO. My answer is, that I
thought tho time had come to get definite
settlement of tho slavery question, and I
thought such settlement certainly attain?
able in 18?0. Besides, a public man is
obliged, in order to preserve any influence,
to consult the temper of tho people. It
was impossible in ltstiO to oppose secession
in this State and preserve any boldon pub?
lic opinion. My purpose was to use seces?
sion, like nullification had been used in
1832, to obtain a good settlement. In De?
cember. I860, I went on to Washington.
While- there 1 took every step I thought
available for me, in my situation, to facili?
tate a settlement, 1 communicated my
ideas in this regard to such leading men
there as were disposed to act on that line.
Among others to President Johnson, then
Senator from Tennessee. I had a confi?
dential intercourse with Senator Douglas,
to accomplish a settlement. He was san?
guine of such a result if the South wore
prudent, gave time and avoided war. The
result ol my consultation with him was,
that at bis instance I called on Senator
Davis, of Mississippi, to invite him into a
confidential conference with Senator Doug?
las. Mr. Douglas said he was satisfied if
Mr. Davis could agree upwn a programme
of settlement, every thing could be har?
moniously arranged. I wrote from Wash?
ington to Mr. William S. Lyles, a member
of our State Convention from Fairfield,
urging upon him in tho strongest terms,
the avoidance of every step tend-ug to a
collision with the United States authorities.
I wrote in the same strain to a high
official in uur State, and to Mr. Keitt.
When 'our comm
well, Orr ami Ada:
ton, I called upon ii
lino of policy. I wrote -,
Now York, Mr. Pell, at the same time, and
stated my ideas of a compromiso. I pro
Eoscd in this letter to Mr. Pell, an extract
.om which was published at tho time, in
tlie Now York Keening Post, that t he South
should give up rda very in the Territories,
and the North should, l.y an amendment
to the Constitution, leave slavery in the
States to the action of each State. In this
letter I abo asked for the South :>? balance
of power principle, to bc inserted in
tlie Constitution to protect the Southern
s.'ctiou. I would not, however, ha-e
made this an ultimatum. It was with
most profound sadness that I bearii of tho
attack on Fort Sumter. I thought it wan
a great mistake, and opened a future of
indefinite horrors to my view. I did not
think the authorities ?it Washington or
Richmond either, had sufficiently exerted !
themselves to avoid a collision. Mr. I
Seward was evidently impressed with the '
great policy of conciliation, which was
obliged to be successful, hut he was over?
borne by the pressure in his own party. '
After the first battle of Manassas, I threw j
out the suggestion in secret session of I
Congress, that wi- should send tin: prison- ?
ers back. At the same time, I urged that 1
propositions for peace should be made, j
After Gen. McClellan was driven from Rich- i
mond, I wrote to Mr. benjamin, then ?
Secretary of State, and urged upon :
him the policy of opening negotiations ?
when Congress assembled. 1 made this i
policy the subject of a resolution and an j
urgent address in secret session. As soon
as I saw how earnest thc- Northern States '
were in prosecuting the war, I saw it was I
impossible for the South even to have a I
permanent peace, while the Mississippi !
flowed in its presetd channel. I was satis?
fied the onlv satisfactory solution was ?
peace through the agency of the conserva- i
tive portion of the North in possession of ?
thc Government. I moved a resolution en i
the subject of peace again in secret session, ?
in the winter of 1804. I need not refer to !
my 1: Uer in September, 1864, to President
Davis, with which you are familiar, for it j
created great opposition to me, an opposi?
tion which does not die out even now. |
When Mr. Blair came to Richmond on his ?
peace embassy. I did everything I could to i
make his etlorts successful. I should !
also add, that during the war 1 always !
urged the most humane treatment possi?
ble to the prisoners, as tending to benefit
the condition of our own soldiers in tho
hands of the United States, and leaving
the door to conciliation as open as possi?
ble. A few words as to our present policy,
and I will have finished. Your rehabilita?
tion is objected toby a party at the North,
on the ground that you are not loyal to the
Union. To avoid the objection, you should
do everything in your power to manifest
the sincerity of your devotion to the Union.
And this is not difficult in your position,
for nothing else is possible but the Union.
The only possible way to preserve free in?
stitutions is by clinging to the Union. A
wise people never seek the impossible,
they make thc best they can out of the at?
tainable.
Another objection is, you will not do
justice to the emancipated blacks. You
must get over this obstacle as well as you
can, by doing everything that is possible,
.consistent with your own safety, to give
them perfect equality and justice before
the law. Upon this point I would say,
you cannot do better than conform to the
opinion of President Johnson; for it will
be impossible for you to maintain any other
line of policy in thia regard, than what
may be laid down by tho President. While
I think the experiment of free labor should
bo fairly tried, and under every circum?
stance of humanity and kindness on your
part to tho blacks, yet I am not by "any
means hopeful of th? result. I think the
salvation of the South depends on the
colonization of the blacks, and white im?
migration. Looking to tho great future, I
should say, the first thing for tho South
is white immigration, the second thing
is white immigration, the third thing is
white immigration. You should do every?
thing in your power to invite a white popu?
lation, both hy your legislation, and favora?
ble public sentiment. Receive immigrants
from Europe and tho United States with
open arms. The danger in the future is
in a collision of races, your safety, is the
closest sympathy with your own race in
the United States. You need the friend?
ship of the American people, take every
step to obtain it.
Another objection to reconstruction is
that the national debt will be in danger of
repudiation from your votes. This would
bo a fatal policy on your part-sustain tho
national debt as a fundamental article of
your policy.
And now, fellow-citizens, permit me to
take a kind farewell of you, and to return
you my sincere thanks for your generous
support for so many years. Had the Stat?
needed my services, I should have shared
her fortunos to tho end. But I now fed at
liberty to seek elsewhere to restore my
fortune, shattered as it has been by the
war. I shall remember nothing but your
kindness, and will lose no opportunity that
may be in my power, to advanco your in?
terests. With great respect, icc,
WILLIAM W. BOYCE.
Tl?c Slay Law.
Mr.ssits. EDITORS: It is not the first time
in the history of the world that a people,
overwhelmed with trouble, have had occa?
sion, on account of the extremely unwise
mercy of their law-givers, to cry out,
"Save- us from our friends!" Thank God,
we have a Senate in South Carolina To the
members of the House who have had tlie
manliness and the wisdom to resist the
fearful blow aimed at our very existence hy
tho destruction of our credit, all honor.
But I predict that not one of that ever-to
bo-remembered majority will be willing,
five years from date, to own his vote.
ANTI-REPUDIATION.
A New York despatch says the Fenians
are troubled, and have deposed their Pre?
sident and Treasurer for malfeasance.
vcrtishig and job work arc cash. We hope
all parties will hear this in mind.
CLOSING OF MAILS.- Thc Charleston mail
closes daily at 1: o'clock p. m.; Charleston
way mail, 3 o'clock p. m.: Northern mail,
.1 o'clock p. m.; Greenville and Columbia
I Railroad mail. Sunday, Tuesday and Thurs
I day, at 4 o'clock p. m.
i TUE BUBNING OF COLUMBIA. -.VU inter
I esting account ot tho '"Sack and Dostrnc
? tion of the City of Columbia, S. C.," has
just been issued, in pamphlet form, from
the Pheonix steam power press. Orders
can be rilled to any extent.
A FROLIC ron CHRISTMAS.-By reference
to our advertising columns, it will bc seen
that there is a proposition for a trotting
match, on Christmas Day. We thought
that all thc tine stock had vamosed, but
it appears "there arc a few more left."
"Wno THREW THAT BUICK?"-A gentle?
man from the country, while passing
through Main street, on Tuesday night,
was struck in the head and badly injured
by a brick-bat thrown by an unknown
hand. It is getting unsafe to pass through
thc streets after dark.
Tur. "STAY LAW."-A correspondent,
"Anti-Repudiation," pitche s into the voters
on this important question. Keep cool,
gentlemen-there are two sides to every
question. If persons did not have oppo?
site opinions, there would be little usc fer
law, and then what would become of the
lawyers?
HON. W. W. BOYCE.-We publish in an?
other column, a communication from our
old and tried representative, Hon. W. W.
Boysc, in which bc states that he has re?
tired from public lifo. The Winnsboro
News says that he intends practicing law
in Washington city. Mr. Boyce will carry
with him the good wishes of all our citi?
zens.
STEAMBOAT LINE BETWEEN COLUMBIA
AND CHARLESTON.-Mr. A. L. Solomon, the
agent of tho company, announces that the
light draught steamer George will shortly
commence running between this city and
Charleston. Lighters will bo used, iu pass
ing the rather intricate channel from
Granby to the railroad bridge, if necessa?
ry. Wc wish thc company entire success,
and cannot help expressing the hope that
in a short time the business interests cf
Columbia and thc up country generally
will expand to such an extent as to warrant
several boats being put upon the line.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.-Attention is call?
ed to the following advertisements, which
are published this morning for the first
time:
J. D. Gilman-Bacon Sides, Ac.
Clarkson A Talley-Laborers Wanted.
J. H. Clarkson & Co.-Rico. Ac. m
A. R. Phillips-Furniture, Ac.
Levin A Peixotto-Residence to Rent.
M. McKenna-Corn for Sale.
W. W. Durant-Cotton for Sale.
A. C. Davis-Layer Raisins, Ac.
A. L. Solomon-Steamboat Line.
D. T. Harvey-Trotting Race.
A NEW BANK.-Information reached this
city yesterday, that the Secretary of the ?
Treasury had given permission for the
"People's National Bank," of Charleston,
to commence business. The cha ter hav?
ing thus been secured, it is expected that
tho institution will commence business
about the 1st of January. As tho bank
will be under the management of Col. D.
L. McKay, it will undoubtedly bo ably
managed. Tho following are the officers:
President-D. L. McKay. Cashier-H.
G. Loper. Directors- -Hon. William Aiken,
Henry Cobia, John S. Riggs, E. H. Rod?
gers, James S. Gibbes, J. C. Farrar.
[Charleston News.
The "local" of tho Nashville Dispatch
gives the following as one day's record of
crime in that city:
"A spirited dog fight; robbery of an
actress; highway robbery; sad case of
death from destitution; a whole family
poisoned with arsenic; a bloody street
light; a horrible tragedy-a man kills his
wife and is shot by his neighbors; another
desperate and bloody street fight; negro
guard killed hy a dray-driver. An exciting
horse race took place, in thc afternoon,
and the day's entertainment concluded
with a destructive fire."
Go it, Brownlow!
--*o*
The State of Mississippi, with a white
population not exceeding 350,000, had
sixty-three regiments in thu late war,
which numbered about 73,000 comb?tante.
Of these, 15.500 dieri of disease; 12,000
were killed or died of wounds; 10,000 were
discharged, resigned and retired; 11,00(1
deserted or were dropped; 250 missing; and
1,500 transfer :d to other commands.
Total loss from all causes. 59,350; balance
accounted for, 18,750. Thus it appears
that more than one person in five was in
service
The following gentlemen have boen
elected to Congress from Georgia: First
District, Solomon Cohen; Second District,
(len. Phillip Cook; Third District, Hugh
Buchanan; Fourth District, E. G. Cabaniss;
Fifth District, J. D. Matthews: Sixth Dis?
trict. J. H. Christy; Seventh District, W
T. Wofford.

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