Newspaper Page Text
Tuesday Morning, October 2,1866.
Our Politics Abroad.
We give elsewhere sundry articles
from the European newspapers on
the political condition of this coun?
try. The Loudon Times, in a long
article upon this subject, expresses
its wonder that, iu a count.;; where
the democratic principle prevails in
so absolute a form, so much heat and
acrimony can he carried into polities.
It is at a loss to account for such
party designations as. conservative
and radical, under a Government
where, as it thinks, there are no set?
tled institutions to he conserved, and
everythiug is already under the un?
restrained control of the majority.
The surprise which the Times ex?
presses, results from-its inexact no?
tions of our complex political system.
Confusion of thought on this sub?
ject is perhaps pardonable ia a for?
eign journal, when so large a portion
even of our own people perpetually
confound the very distinct characters
of our State and our Federal institu?
Our State Governments ar?! pure
democracies; and in them the fierce
and vehement contentions which are
so constantly witnessed in our Federal
politic0 never take place. Our State
Constitutions are, at all times, com?
pletely under the control of a major?
ity of the citizens, who modify, alter,
abolish and renew the Constitution of
their own State as often as they
please, even without regard to the
methods of amendment prescribed by
the particular Constitution which is,
for tiie time being, in force. In 184(5,
for example, the people of the State
of New York displaced their Consti?
tution and substituted a new one,
in total disregard of the provisions
for its own amendment contained in
the discarded instrument. Where
the will of the majority is thus abso?
lute, there is no place, as the London
Times (rationally enough) supposes,
for hot and vehement party contests
between conservatives and radicals.
And it is a noble vindication of this
restricted form of pure democracy, as
it exists in our State Governments,
that thc people are so well satisfied
with its operation, that the most or?
dinary municipal elections seldom or
never turn on questions of State po?
licy..^ We are accustomed to elect
even our petty .local officers almost
solely with reference to their views
on questions of Federal poli ics.
But our Federal institutions are by
no means, as the Loudon Times seems
to suppose, subject to the control of
a majority of the people. If asimple
majority of the people of the United
States could mould or change the
Federal Constitution, as a majority of
tho people of Nev/ York can change
the Constitution of the State, the
Federal Constitution would have
been made, within the last few years,
a totally different thing from what it
is. Radicalism, in its present phase
in this country, is the chafing of an
impatient and reckless majority
against the barriers to their will
erected by the Constitution. Our
conservatism is a resolute opposition
to changes in this instrument not
made in tho manner it prescribes.
The Constitution of the Union, un?
like those of the States, is not at all
under the control of a majority of
the people. In amending it, the
majority principle is utterly discard?
ed. Each State is a unit, and every
State has precisely the same weight
as every other, whether its popula?
tion is large or small. A State like
Oregon, with barely people enough
to entitle it to one Representative, is
just as potential, in amending the
Constitution, as the State of New
York, whose Representatives are
thirty-one. Tho majority principle
is not only completely discarded by
this perfect equal"ty of all the States,
but not evenki majority of the States
have any power to make changes in
the Federal Constitution. In amend?
ing tho Constitution, each State,
large or small, counts but one, and it
requires the concurrence of three
fourths of these Federal units to
ratify a proposed amendment. So
completely is the majority principle
discarded in the fundamental basis of
our Federal institutions, that neither
a majority of tho people, nor a ma?
jority of the States, nor even a ma?
jority of both, can even propose an
amendment to the Constitution for
the action of the States. -Instead of
a bare majority, it requires two-thirds
even to put the question whether the
Coustit7ition shall bo amended; and
two-thirds of the States, b separate
State action, have a greater power in
this respect than two-thirds of both
Houses of Congress, since two-thirds
of the States can call a constitutional
convention, while two-thirds of Con?
gress, acting without State sanction,
Under our political system, the
majority principle prevails on! rn
State action. When an amend i
to tho Federal Constitution is ,ub
mitted to the States for ratification, n
majority of the people of each Stat?
determines whether that State shall
ratify or refuse. In all fundamental
Federal changes, the majority princi?
ple is restricted to this narrow loca
sphere. States as individual units
count according to their number, but
thc people, outside of their ovn
States, aie not counted at all.
.Wo ?gree with tho New* York
World, from which we condense the
above views, in most of its conclu?
sions, and, we think, answers tho
'queries of the London Times as well
as they can be answered.
Labor anil Workingmen.
In reply to a letter from Mr. James
E. Atchinson, one of the workingmen
of Washington city, the Hon. Thos.
F. Bowie, of'Prince George's County,
Md., has written a letter favorable to
the interests of thc mechanics and
eulogistic of labor, which he declares
to bo the "master cog-wheel in the
world's machinery. " He regrets that
the subject of labor has received so
little attention- hitherto, and in refer?
ence, to the eight-hour system says:
.'lt appears to me to be a two
edged sword, that cuts both ways.,
Ho far as the Government is concern-,
od, I am free to say that I think they
shonkl not make 'fish of one and flesh
ofanothei-.' If eight hours' labor is
sufficient in one department of thc
Government, I think eight hours'
labor ought to be sufficient in every
other departnicnt of the Government.
I'know no reason why any distinction
rhould be made among tho different
employees of the Government. But
it seems to me that the Government
could not afford to pay as much for
eight hours' labor as they could for
ten Lours' work, and that, therefore,
the difference, or, in othur words, the
reduction in price, would ultimately
fall on the laborer, who, for the most
part, ?could hut illy alford to submit
to such a sacrifice. This, however, is
a question which concerns the Go?
vernment and its employees alone. It
has not, and cannot have, any appli?
cation whatever to the general labor
pursuits of life. In these pursuits, I
think perfect freedom of will and
action ought to be tho only rule of
In conclusion, he adds:
"Whilst I am quite willing to as?
sist in establishing a uniform rule of
action in all contracts of labor which
the Government may be requested to
make, as they are peculiarly within
the jurisdiction and province of the
Federal authorities, I must, neverthe?
less, maintain that I can see no just
reason why a similar rule of action
should not be applied to the private
industry of the country."
Speaking of thejetter, the National
"It bears the marks of a clear, pro?
found, just and cultivated mind.
Since the convening of thc Labor
Congress, the favorable expression
for the most part of the President for
the objects it had in view, and thc re?
cent friendly demonstrations of me?
chanics and laborers in particular to?
wards the Chief Magistrate, the whole
subject looms" up with all its natural
force and dignity. Class interests
that are rolling in wealth by the im?
position by law upon all the labor of
the country of average protective
duties of near fifty cent., now de?
mand a vast augmentation of this
grievous burden upon the shoulders
of the consumers. They are furnish?
ing the money undoubtedly that is
driving the radical Juggernaut over
the borne-down interests of agricul?
tural, mechanical and other forms of
labor of the country. No man hears
of enhanced prices, for the effort that
produces highly protected fabrics,
while it is a fact that operatives are,
year by year, subjected to increased
rigors as to discipline in restraint of
a manly personal liberty. Govern?
ment is doing nothing, directly for
si?ch, while for the class of employers
in mammoth manufacturing monopo?
lies, whoever cry 'give,' 'give,' there
is literally no end to the partial legis?
lation wiiieh is invariably called for,
session after session, and is too often
granted by Congress. In return for
such enriching gratuities, what can
be done to alleviate or compensate
humble, oirer-borne and depressed
labor in alrbranches of industry?"
THE NATIONAL EXPRESS COMPANY.
At a meeting of the stockholders of
the National Express and Transporta?
tion Company, held in Augusta, on
Saturday night, representing near all
of the stock at that place, unshaken
confidence was oxpressed in the suc?
cess of tho enterprise, and it was
determined to sustain the company
at all hazards. Delegates instineted
to that effect will be sent to the ap?
proaching meeting at Richmond.
The experiments now in progress
at Fortress Monroe, under tho direc?
tion of a board of engineer officers,
seem to indicate that the present
manner of building stone and brick
fortifications is but a waste of time
and material. Under the blows of
the projectiles from the smooth bore
and rifled Rodman guns, the iron?
clad granite target already shows im
i mense breaches in it, and around it
broken blocks of stone and wrecked
. iron dowels and toggels. Fissures
> and crevices, with the projecting
I mortar, appear in every direction
I above the iron armature, while the
? strong wall bulges ont in a manner
II almost impossible to credit.
Hon, Albert rik<\ of. Arkansas, hus
written ii most frank and manly letter
to tho President, asking for a pardon
under tho ?20,000 clause. Tho fol?
io-wing extracts aro admirable, and
contain wholesome advice and admo?
nition to all in power and authority:
As I am unable to prefer any other
special claim to clemency, the Presi?
dent's generosity may permit me
respectfully to remind him, not in
behalf of myself alone, that it was
the general amnesty proposed by the
Tribune Plotius, in favor of all who
had taken part in the civil wars, after
the death of Scylla, that did most to
cicatrize tho wounds of Rome; and
that tho Emperor Napoleon speaks in
terms of commendation of "those
practices-of civilized nations, which
teach them to honor their adversa?
ries, to spare the conquered, and not
to permit anger to survive tho strife;"
and also to repeat these prophetic
words of Caesar, that "we forgot the
faults of tho greatest criminals, to
ren.ember only their punishment, if
it has been too severe,"
'Thc lato war was more owing to tho
dead of the past, who are honored,
than to the living of t he present, who
are execrated; more to Jefferson and
Madison than to Davis and Hunter;
more to the Kentucky and Virginia
resolutions than to tho arguments of,
1860. "Civil commotions have long
roots in tho past," and their true
authors have often been long beyond
the reach of human vengeance, while
those whom hatred seeks tb immo?
late have been but tho bondmen of
necessity, the blind instruments of
Fate. Why should the scaffold crave
the blood of the living, who only
obeyed the dead?
I respectfully submit that it is not
just to regard as rebellion and trea?
son what had been claimed by States
and parties for seventy years as the
lawful exercise of a political right by
a State; and thabit would be a grave
mistake to make oven one name and
m?mory a watch-word and beacon
for all coming time. It would be to
create "that impassable barrier,
whieli always separates, after blood
is so shed, the children of the same
If convicted and sentenced, none
now accused will feel, nor will the
people of the South believe, that they
have been guilty of treason. Neither
defeat or condemnation changes con?
victions. They will not seem to have
been criminals, but only to have
atoned with their lives for the sin of
failure in the assertion of rights
claimed, even if unreal, by many
States, and by a great political party,
since the beginning of the Govern?
"Useless violences always lc; d to
fatal re-actions." Blood shod after
victory and in the hour of triumph
will not make the victory more illus?
trious or complete, nor servo to
cement the Union. It is not wise to
punish a conquered people with mar?
tyrs, more potent dead than when
alive. Living, we shall lu ve no in?
fluence; so dying, we should become
immortal and omnipotent, eternal
inciters of future insurrections, apos?
tles of a faith whoso vitality can only
thus be preserved. The President
has it in his power to immortalize
himself, and. secure to the country
permanent peace, by mercy; and
those who urge him to use the sword
of justice are his worst enemies, and
will, if he does so, hereafter bu the
lirst to condemn tho severities they
now advise. It is not by the proscrip?
tions of Scylla that the wounds
caused by civil war are to be healed.
I cannot believe that any humilia?
tion of entreaty would so assure the
President of my future loyalty as i>
manly but respectful frankness. Ii
.seems to me that so only I can show
myself worthy of his clemency, be*
cause worthy to live.
THE "LAST SURRENDER."-The
Asheville (N. C.) News says that the
last surrender of the war East of the
Mississippi was made by Col. James
R. Love, on the 7th of May, 18G5.
The News says:
It is a fact which impartial history
will record, that Col. James R. Love,
with his little veteran band, fought
the last battle for the "lost cause1'
that was made on this side "the greni
father of waters." This battle took
place at Mill Creek, in McDowell
County, in this State, on tho 17th
April, 1SG5, and was a success to the
Confederates-delaying Gen. Gillam,
who had "as many thousands as Col.
Love had hundreds," and causing
the enemy to take another route to
Asheville, then the headquarters of
the military district, known as the
"Western District of North Carolina."
Subsequently to this, however, Col.
Love liad a skirmish with Col. W. C.
Bartie!t, commanding United States
forces in Haywood County, on the
Gth of May, 18(15, and negotiated
terms favorable not only to his own
command, but to the citizens of thc
district, in the surrender on the day
following, at "Alman's Mill," which
terms were confirmed by Brig. Gen.
J. G. Martin and Col. W. H. Thomas.
This was the last regular surrender
this side of tho Mississippi River
Gen. Dick Taylor surrendering on
4th May, 1805.
Richard Cobden has been done
in marble, and tho statue will bf
placed at the entrance to Camden
The number of passengers carrie?
on the New York city railways fron
January 1 to June 30 was 95,371,800.
Slin.11 we Encourage Home Miinnfuf
Everybody says aye to this; but
few agree as to the extent of so -doing.
Each trade and profession urges that
this be done as to its own products,
and denounces tho going to any
foreign or distant domestic point,
oven when better or more cheaply
done there. Yet few, vcr;- few, if
any, make it a point to buy all the
things they oat or weai or use of home
production or manufacture.
Some time since, we met an old
friend, a foundry man, and asked him
how he was doing in business. His
reidy Avas, that when he proposed to
build a man an engino for $1,450,
the reply was I can get it in New York
for Si,400. Reflecting on this, tho
next time we saw our friend, we said
to him, "You must mako that engine
for tho man for $1,400. The only
way wo can build np home manufac?
tures is by competing with other
sources of supply, even under-selling
them if possible."
He acted afterward on our advice,
and made some contracts profitable to
himself and to the parties he seiwed,
and now both he and his customers
aro satisfied with one another, the
one moderating his prices, and thus
getting employment, and the other
rinding that the loss of time and the
various contingencies in ordering
things from the North, make it cheap?
er and more convenient to get them
Our Southern journals, in com?
mending a certain magazine publish?
ed South, have, with considerable
unanimity, deprecated the fact that
it was printed in New York. But
tho State whence it hails has never
yet had that, practice in book work,
nor is it supplied with the material
needed to give thismagazine the neat
and tasteful appearance; so much
prized. We might do this in New
( )rleans, but we are " out of tho way..
Besides, the cost would be far greater,
even for indifferent work, in North
Carolina than in New York. Must
the gifted and gallant editor and pub?
lisher impoverish himself and imperil
his success, that a few workmen may
earn extra wages for inferior work?
Beside?, who ol' these grumblers
practices that, he preaches? When do
you find them clothed in copperas
dyed, or as our Northern war writers
called them, butter-nut colored
clothes, the work of Southern looms,
when they can buy broadcloths, cassi
meres, or even satinets, of Northern
make, at tho same figure? When
those who complain that those in
other trades and professions do not
pay them higher prices, for perhaps
less durable, or at least less comely
wares, do themselves avoid buying
and using things made out of their
section, then let them begin to throw
But we can manufacture as cheaply
as at tin; North, and we can learn to
do it as well; but we can never receive
the full value of encouragement until
we resolve to charge, at the least, no
more. Those things, like cotton and
woolen goods, leather, wooden-ware,
even machinery, the materials for
which are to lie found within our own
borders, we can manufacture and sell
cheaper than they, if we do not ask
more for our labor.
[JV';ir Orleans Picayune.
Tul? THREE PHILADELPHIA CONVEN?
TIONS.-We copy the paragraph below
simply as a specimen of the off?
hand manner of a "leading New York
journal," in disposing of matters
which it happens to disapprove:
."The three Philadelphia Conven?
tions have all been failr fes. The first
was a conservative convention of De?
mocrats and Johnson Republicans.
That has been entirely broken down
in New York by tho bad faith of the
Democrats in adhering to their old
party lines and organizations. The
second and third were radical conven?
tions, a sort of Siamese twin com?
pound of Southern "loyalists" and
Northern fanatics. They have fallen
through by the dead weight of the
radicalism they carried. To- > much
copper proved fatal to tl ie first
convention; too much nigger has
ruined the hybrid second and
third. Meanwhile, the country has
struck out for itself a path between
the two extremes, and, regardless of
factions or conventions, is moving
for the constitutional amendment as
the only way of settling the whole
General Sherman, in a recent let?
ter, writes as follows:
"It is amusing to observe how
brave and firm men become when all
danger is past. I have noticed, on
fields of battle, brave men never in?
sult the captured nor mutilate the
dead; but the cowards and braggarts
always do. Now, when the rebellion
in our land is dead, many Fallstaffs
appear to brandish the evidence of
their valor, and seek tes win applause
and appropriate honors for deeds that
never were done."
General Sherman and General
Grant, who fought side by side during
the war, and between whom there
was always tho most perfect unanimity
of views, seem to still be very much
alike in the opinions they entertain
of Falstaffian radicalism.
Dr. Livingstone writes, July 11th
from somewhere in the middle of
Africa, that he is well and "pushing
Bismark, says an exchange, has
done more in the work of "recon?
struction" in three months than the
American Congress has done in
How Out- Political Contest, ls Viewed
Tho American radicals are pushing for?
ward to a centralization ot' Government
which would remove any cheeks at present
existing on the absolutism of popular will,
and tho American conservatives are de?
sirous of retaining thean obstacles to the
tyrannical power of numbers, lt was thc
President of a Democratic republic who
told us, tho other day, that tl?., tyrauny ol'
the many was worse than the tyrauny ot'
one. The axiom is not new in pol?tica,"but
it sounded strangely in tin; mouth of a re?
publican magistrate. To all appearance?,
however, there ar?' many in the United
States who feel it" force, and the impend?
ing strudle will allow us how opinions are
At the outset, and un tho surface of
things, the new political conflict just for?
mally inaugurated in America is but tho
revival of old party strife. * *
The prospects of the conflict, it is baid,
aro pretty evenly balanced. Tho Republi?
cans have tho advantage of a mature or?
ganization', .1 successful policy and the
possession ol power. They, and they only,
brought the civil war to a t riumphant issue.
They prevented the division of the Union
into'two States, not only without much aid
from the Democrats, but, as was suspected,
in spite of their clandestine opposition.
This naturally K?V(,w them favor and influ?
ence now; nor would it, perhaps, have been
possible to construct any strong party
against them, except by tho aid of their
own principles. The Democrats now charg?
tho Republicans with attempting a revolu?
tion resembling that of the South itself,
and with desiring to establish a division of
tho Union fur their own political benefit.
They say that, tho war is over, that slavery
is extinct, that the people of the Southern
States are willing to accept all the obliga?
tions of citizens, anil that to exclude them
from representation for the mere purposes
of a party in Congress is to maintain and
perpet?ate a disunion nf the republic.
Nor can these imputations be rebutted by
the Jtepublicaus, who aro undoubtedly
keeping tho Southern States from repre?
sentation by imposing upon them such
conditions of re-admission to Congress as
il is well known will not be accepted. Their
only pretext for this conduct is, that it
would be unwise and hazardous to re-invest
so quickly with political power those who
have just turned it to the purposes of civil
lt seems, however, to bo ?fliticipated t hat,
at this, as at some previous conjunctures,
a large mass of Americans, who side ac?
tively with neither party, will emerge from
their comparative neutrality and take part
in the struggle on behalf of the Union.
The Democrats are now Unionists, and,
considering how many States are still out?
lawed, there is obvious reason in the argu?
ment that they who wish to keep them so
must he enemies of the Union. We are
told that, whenever cithcrparty in America
goes too far, there is a mass of sober feel?
ing in tho body of the nation, powerful
enough to recall it to order. On tnis occa?
sion, it is said, the Republicans will have
the benefit of this political reserve. Many
Americans, staunch friends of the Union
and enemies of slavery, have yet no inclina?
tion to abet the extravagance of those win
abolished slavery and preserved the Union,
The Republicans have done their work,
and must not. he allowed to neutralize il
by the maintenance of a fatal division. Or
this feeling much reliance appears to bi
placed, am! the Democrats will have tin
powerful assistance of the President int Wc
approaching campaign. Rut the Republi?
cans, on the other hand, have the perfect
organization which carried them through
the trials of tito war, and they hold, ii:
streugtl% the positions from which thence
party must dislodge them. The contest,
therefore, is expected to be hftlg and des?
perate, and the issue is so doubtful, thal
no politician will venture to predict it.
[London Times, Sept. 1.
In the National Union Convention, whicl
assembled recently at Philadelphia, there
is thc best proof that whatever is jnst'oi
manly in Northern sentiment opens it:
arms to give a brotherly welcome to tin
Southern States. There ia much blustei
in the American character-far more of tin
fort Uer in rc, and less of the sua viler ii
nu'do, than at times is agreeable. Bu
there is a genuineness about it, toy, by ni
means insensible to emotions of generosi
ty. Thus, thc best Americans, the mei
who most truly understand and appr?ci?t
their Constitution, and not that only, bu
their national interests as well, say: "Th
war is at an end, thc Southern States hav<
accepted the situation, the Union is ve
stored, and all is as it was before the firs
fatal shots were fired upon Fort Sumte:
Tho Union is now more powerful than i
ever was before, and the great blot o
slavery has been removed from it. th
South heartily consenting, forever. Wha
is io prevent its resuming its old course
Why should not the representatives c
Massachusetts and South Carolina sit, am
speak, and vote in tho same Congres.-V
This is the President's view, hut it is no
the view which Congress takes of the mai
ter. There are, however, ai^us of a comm
triumph for Andrew Johnson over his ra
dical Parliament. There ia, above all, th
meeting ot the National Union Convention
at which, in the presence of 17,(KH) peoph
assembled under the roof, tho delegation
from Massachusetts and South Carolina
tho representative States on either side i
the civil war-tiled into the main h ?til arr
in arm, amid such demonstrations of d<
light at this symbol of re-union that th
beholders shouted, and even wept, wit
tho thrilling enthusiasm such a spectacl
was calculated to excite.
In a word, the Union stands in statu <?u
ante bellum. * * * *
In this Convention-whose member
style themselves tho "National Unio
Party"'- President Johnson receives a mo:
important accession of strength. So d
tho Southern States; but the Union itse
receives it above all. Wo confess, howeve
we ar.- for the moment moro concerne
with tho chivalrous than tho utilitaria
side of this question. Since the Conf'edi
rato States have failed to realize tho aase
.II f Mr. Gladstone that they had mai
ii: niselves a nation, all who are ali^o I
tho claims of a heroic resistance, and
patriotism which fought to the very defea
will rejoice when the Confederates, denk
their independence outside tho Unioi
.??hall at least bo restored to liberty with:
it. They have made infinito sacrifice
They have given up everything that civi
ized men value in order to establish then
solves as a free nation. Their suffering
have been such that at the late Convei
tion, and in the afreets in Philadelphia, tl
Southern delegates could be known by ti
deep furrows of caro marked upon the
face?! But they have made even a great?
sacrifico than all, in the frankness in whk
they have accepted their fate, and liai
bowed to it. Such men are not to be tran
pied upon. And the Government or pe
pie who would prolong tho bitterness
their misfortune, would be marked eithi
by political decay or dishonor.
[Varis Times, Sept. 8.
?Staple products of Vermont-su#i
and girls, horses and sheep, butt
and wool, school-houses and men, bi
unfortunately no "policy."
A New Orleans lady lost her Ii
last week, by inhaling chloroform &<
ministered by au unskillful dentis
. He has been indicated for murde
Tho attention of out friend?! and others
wishing a fashionable as wi ll an a closc
fitting suit <>f clothes, is invited to the
caril of Mr. Yglcuias, luercbaut tailor, 52
br a?l stn et, Charleston, S. c.
; ?TSCRANOE AOEXCIES. Comptroller-Gen?
eral Lestphart has handed ns a list ut' tho
agents of insurance companies u lm have
complied with the law in relation to such
companies, .and have been licenced lu
transact business in t?I?H State. Owing tu
tho liberal patronage "f our advertising
friends, it has been laid over until our
MAIL AIUSANOKMUNTS. Until further no?
tice, thc mails will open and Closo as fol?
Northern mail opens ll A a. ru. ; closes i '^febi?
p. m. Charleston and Western mail o pi-ifs^^
3p. m.; closes 'J4 a. m. Greenville mail
opens SA i>. m.: doses s p. m.
Nr.w AnvEKTisisMKNTs. Attention ie. OHIJ
ed to tin- following adv(!rtiseincuts, which
aro published this morning tor tin- first
Y. Yglesias -Merchant Tailor,
bevin ?V Pt-ixotto Patterns.
True Brotherhood bodge -Meeting.
A. ll. Phillips Wi ll-kept Furniture.
Apply at tin? Onice-Veil Lost.
" " -Itooms to Rent.
To Travelers going North.
J. c. Jannev List of Letters.
J. S. McMahon City Tax Notice.
A tiru y !5ftin-cn Gamblers.
Tho Chicago Times says: ''A shoot?
ing affray occurred in hont ol' tho
Varieties Theatre, a few evenings
since, between two well'kuown gam?
blers, named David Stanton and
James Leary. The former is a per?
manent resident of Chicago, and the
latter, it is said, hails from Memphis.
They had been engaged in a friendly
"contest of skill," in the gambling
rooms located in tin; Varieties build?
ing, and there a dispute arose con?
cerning the wager. The precise na?
ture of the dispute could not be
ascertained at the time, but it is rep?
resented to have been of a very tri?
vial nature. From tho gambling
room, Stanton and Leary proceeded
to the street, and seated themselves
on some barrels, in front 'of an ad?
Here they discussed their differ?
ences for some time, in a frame of
mind which did not appear to threat?
en serious consequences. Finally,
Leary took from his pocket a re?
volver, quickly presented it to the
head of Stanton, and fired. Tho
latter, tis soon ?is he saw the weapon,
attempted to evade the shot, and par?
tially succeeded, ' by dropping his
head, ?md by sonic unaccountable
and inexplicable process, placing
himself in such a position that thc;
ball struck just over the left, eye,
glancing upwoi'ds, and only producing
a flesh wound: Stanton, supposing
himself to be mortally injured, rush?
ed into a saloon near at hand, and
exclaimed "I'm lixed"-words which,
when interpreted, conveyed the idea
that he was mortally wounded.
After his head had been examined
by ii physician,'and it was ascertain?
ed that he was not, after all, in a very
critical condition, he becamo imbued
with a spirit of retaliation, and in an
excited frame of mind sought for tin;
man who attempted to take his life.
Leary, as soon as he had committed
the bloody deed, walked leisurely
away, and was found by Stanton on
Washington street, opposite the Ope
I ra House. A scene here presented
iself which beggars description. The
wounded man, covered with blood,
and with the crimson fluid streaming
from his forehead, furiously assailed
his fellqw-gambler and wouid-be-as
sassin. With one terrible blow, ho
felled Leary to the pavement, and
then continued his blows with renew?
ed fury, finally culminating the fu?
rious assault by jumping into his
face with his heels, and mutilating
the body and face of his opponent
io chocking manner. Had not by?
standers interfered, it is believed
tha* Leary would have been killed
on the spot, so great was the rage and
so blind the fury of the maddened
man who was befiting him. After
this second phase of the affray. Stan?
ton was placed under arrest and taken
to the armory.
HOPEFUL.-Writes "P. W. A," the
New York correspondent of a Geor?
It is hoped and believed that the
conservatives will make largo gains
in the interest of tho South at the
approaching f -ongressional elections,
in spite of Northern radicals and
Southern critics. The tide is now
setting strongly in that direction.
The mechanics and laboring classes,
who claim Mr. Johnson as one of
their own fraternity, no less than tho
solid men of the country, are gather?
ing around the President with u spirit
of determination that is full of en?
couragement. If the South will only
bo patient and silent for a season, all
will yet go well.
Andrew Johnson is a great power
in this land. There is no niau in the
United States who possesses a tithe
of his popularity, wen in the North.
The whole Democratic party, includ?
ing war Democrats as well as copper?
heads, "so-called," with that large,
intelligent and wealthy wing of the
party which elected Mr. Lincoln,
known as the moderate Republicans,
now stand at his back, and are doing
battle under ins lead for our rights.
In this State, ?md, indeed, through?
out the North, the followers of Mr.
Seward are wheeling into line in the
most gratifying manner.