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ITItl !S!IK.! IIV
HlPaOOD &. ASAAX5.
VOL-. 39, XO 5 I
amihj Souninl, Druotrb
irulturr, liirratiirr, (Bbiirntion, loral
Sntrilirnrr, iv.ti I'jr slms
AUGUST 8, 1855
of iljc Dnij.
ONE DOLLAR AND FIFTY CEXTS
FEB AHHUM. IB ADTABCI.
WHOLE NO. 2027
[From the Western Literary Messenger.]
THE LOVED ONES AFAR.
BY FLORUS B. PLIMPTON.
When nielli wind are trailing.
Like spirit in thrall.
And Death walks in darkness
Tbion'h hamlet and hail ;
Kind Angftis of Mercy,
WhereTer they are.
Watch over the 8lumlers
Of loved ones afar
Oar hearts dearest treasures.
The loved ones afar.
Whe'er they may ander.
O'er land or o'er sea,
Thoa father of Angels
We trust them with thee !
Be thoa to earth's pilgrims
The day )eam and star,
The staff of the weary
The loretl ones afar
Oar heart's dearest treasures.
The loved ones afar.
While life hath a pleasure.
Or hope hath a cheer ;
While the heart can feel kindness.
Or sorrow a tear ;
I cannot forget them,
Nor fail in the prayer.
That (rod will watrh over
The loved ones afar
Oar heart's dearest treasures.
The loyed ones afar.
The winter of lifetime,
Hay close round in gloom,
And spring flowers may scatter
Their lea.es oVr my tomb ;
Xet, still through the darkness,
Like evening's pale star.
The spirit will hover
OVr loved ones afar
Our heart's dearest treasures,
The loved ones afar.
Mother ! watch the little feet
Climbing o'er the garden wall.
Bounding thieagh the busy street.
Banging cellar, shed and hall.
Never count the moments lost.
Never mind the time it costs.
Little feet will go astray.
Guide them, mother, while you may.
Mother ! watch the little hand
Picking berries hy the way.
Making houses in the sand.
Tossing up the fragrant nay.
Never dare the question ask,
Why to me this weary task ?"
These same little hands may prove
Messengers of light and love.
Mother ! watch the little tongue
Prattling, eloquent and wild.
What is said, and what is sung,
By the happy, joyous child.
Catch the word while yet unspoken,
Stop the vow before His broken ;
This same tongue may yet proclaim
Blessings in a Savior's name.
Mother ! watch the little heart
Beating soft and warm for you ;
Wholesome lessons now impart ;
Keep, O keep that young heart true.
Extricating every weed, .
Sowing good and precious seed ;
Harvest rich you then may see,
Bipening for eternity.
THE YOUNG WIDOW.
BY VIRGINIA DE FOREST.
Florence!' cried Jessie Lawson, burst
ing into her cousin's boudoir, one mom
ing 'Florence Emerson, Harry says you
are engaged to George Langford.'
Well, cousin, if I were, Lave you any
Just thirty-nine, cousin Jessie.'
Thirty-nine! and a widower with two
children! But it is a mistake of Harry's;
you are really going to marry him, are
I expect so,' said Florence, quietly.
'Well, I give you up. You, Florence
Emerson, the belle of the season, with a
large fortune; you, the beauty and heir
ess, with lovers, beaux, offers without
end or number, to throw yourself away
.upon a poor widower with two children,
and no fortune except in his profession.
Oh, Floy, I thought you had more sense.
What are you thinking of ?'
Why, Jessie, you are wasting your
eloquence. George Langford is hand
'He loves me.'
'So do fifty others.'
'And, last of all, my strongest argu
ment, I love him.'
'Well, I suppose you will marry him
in spite of my disapproval, so I wish ycu
joy, and hope he'll never hold up Mrs.
Langford first, as a pattern to Mrs. Lang
ford second. '
If Mrs. Langford first, was a model
for me, I will follow her footsteps.'
Well, well, there's one comfort, Wil
lie and Edith are very preity children,
and too young to rebel at a new mamma,
I believe. How old are they, exactly,
Willie is four, Edith three.'
Keep you busy, the care 01 two such
.. Florence Emerson and Jessie Lawson
were cousins, and had, until Jessie's mar
riage, been almost like sisters. Jessie,
who was two years the elder, was a gay,
lively blonde, vain, and pretty. "Flor
ence was a tall, stately beauty, with large
lark eyes, black hair, and features like
a Grecian statue, She was an orphan,
and, as Jessie said, an heiress.
George Langford was a lawyer of some
standing. Handsome and talented, but
grave and quiet in his manners: devoted
ly attached to Florence, but he was ihir-ty-nine,
and a widower! Jessie's senti
ments were echoed by all Florence's cir
cle of friends, when her engagement was
known, She, so beautiful, young, talen
ted, and wealthy. She always was dif
ferent from other girls, they said. So,
af cr a fejiv days, the matter ceased to
be discussed, and some new wonder of
the fashionable world took its place.
Florence had been married just two
years, when it became necessary for Mr.
Laugfc-d to go to Paris; his stay was to
be very short, so he concluded not to take
Florence. She was fond of home, had
won the love of both children, and in re
turn loved them lond'y, and with their
society, her home duties, and a promised
visit to Jessie, thought the time of her
husband's absence rriight be made to
pass pleasantly. But when the hour of
departure came, when his tiuuk stood
waiting in the hall, and he came to say
farewell, the whole aspect of things seem
ed changed. Florence felt that her dear
est treasure was leaving her; all looked
dark, and a vague presentiment of evil
filled her soul.
'Why, Florence, you are white as a
corpse,' cried George, in a frightened
tone. 'I thoughtyou had arranged gay
eties without number to occupy you while
your grave old husband was away.
Cheer up, Floy; I shall be gone only a
'Oh, George, I did not realize it till
now. What can I do without you?'
'You will visit Jessie, take Willie and
Edith into the country, and and oh,
you have a whole list of pleasures ar
ranged. The carriage is here. Good
Florence tried to speak, but the words
died on her lips. She grasped his hand,
while her eyes filled with tears, and then
lei him go.
All her pleasures were forgotten as she
watched the carriage rolling from the
door, and she only remembered how
lonely she would be without him ; she
looked back upon two years of such per
fect happiness that it seemed less like
reamy man a pleasant aream. .Long
she stood at the window, watching, as if
she expected him to return, but the voi
ces of the children roused her, and she
stifled her own grief, and went to amuse
and comfort them. Willie thought papa
was 'real unkind' not to take them with
him, while Edith clung close to Florence
and hoped papa would be safe on the
Jessie Lawson and Florence Langford
were seated in the piazza of the pleasant
country house they h?d hired for the
season, conversing. Edith and Willie
were romping with Rover on the grass,
while ever and anon their clear, joyous
laughter would make the ladies turn and
'I forgive you now, Floy, for marrying
George,' said Jessie, fondly. 'I think
that, if he bad asked me, and I could
look into the future, I should have done
just as you did.'
At that instant, Jessie felt a hand laid
on her shoulder, and, looking up, saw
her husband; his face was very grave,
and his whole manner betokened that
something serious had troubled him.
'Jessie,' he said, in a long tone 'come
into the parlor ; I want to speak with
'He is Jealous,' whispered Jessie to
Florence, as he rose to obey. 'Now for
a matrimonial lecture !
'Close the door, Jessie,' said Henry,
when they entered the parlor. 'I do not
wish Florence to hear what I have to say
now. Poor Fioy! we must break it gen
tly to her.'
'Why, Harry, what is the matter?
'Yes. 'The Eagle,' the vessel he sail
ed in, was wrecked, and but few escaped;
a vessel going to Calcutta took a few ol
the passengers, but the rest were lost.
George Langfoid's name is among the
Harry had forgotten the open window
and was startled to see Florence now
standing in the front of it. She was cold
and pale as marble, her hands were tight
ly clenched, her teeth set, and her whole
frame rigid and motionless. Harry t-prang
to her side, and took her hand to lead her
in. The touch broke her stupor, and,
with a slight shudder, she fell fainting to
For weeks, Florence Langford lay be
tween life and death; fever and delirium
succeeded her death-like trance, and her
life was despaired of. A strong consti
tution, however, triumphed, and she re
covered; but oh, how altered! Ti e pale
thin face, seen now under a close wid jw's
cup. was so wan and sad, that few would
have recognized the once Mourning Flor
ence. Her sole comfort, now, sctmed to lie
in the children. She would hardly al
low them out of her sight, ami her whole
time was spent in instructing and amus
Florence Langford ha:l been a wid w
just one year. It was a bright summer's
daj , and she sat in the same little parlor
where she had first heard of her hus band's
loss. Willie and Edith were sea
ted on the floor beside her, blowing soap
bubbles. Florence sat watching their
innocent delight as the sun shone on the
pretty globes, and reflected prismatic
colois in them, and then her thoughts
flew back over the last three years.
Sadder and sadder grew the pale facet
until Willie noticed it, and leaving his
play, went softly to her side; Edith knelt
beside him, with her face laid caressing
ly against Florence's hand.
. 'Tell us about, papa,' whispered Wil
lie. ' When is papa coming back ?' asked
Edith. He stays so long.'
Hush, Edith,' said Willie. 'Papa
can never come back ; he is dead.'
But Edith shook her head. She had
always maintained that, as papa went
away in a carriage, and said that he
would come back, and bring them pietty
toys from Paris, he could not be dead.
Florence drew Edith on her lap, and,
throwing her arm round Willie, the three
talked about papa for an hour; how much
longer they would have remained in that
position I canni I tell. Jessie interrupt
ed them; her whole faco was beaming
Floy!' she whispered, kneeling on the
stool at her cousin's feet, and untying
her cap, 'take this off for a minute.'
'Why, Jessie?' asked Florence, suffer
ing her to remove it.
'Because it is stiff and unbecoming,'
said Jessie, who was loosening Floy's
hair, and twisting it over her fingers in
to its curls. 'You mnst never wear it
'Dear Jessie, give it back to me. I
shall always wear it.'
But I say you shall never put it on
again. Dear Florence, a widow's cap
is needless now.'
Jessie,' cried Florence, starting up,
and . looking eagerly into her cousin's
face, while she trembled violently, 'what
do you mean ?'
'Can you hear the best of news, Floy?'
said Jessie, soltly, 'George'
Jessie in answer threw open the door,
and said, gayly : 'Come in!' and, in ano
ther moment, Florence was in her hus
All was soon explained. George
Langford had been among the passen
gers taken to Calcutta and had from
some mistake of the reports, been put
in the list of missing. Cold and expo
suie had brought on an attack of braiu
fever. As soon as he was able, he had
started for home. He was there at last, .
and a happier party never met than the
one that evening at Oak Lodge, Mr.
HON. HENRY WILSON,
OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN THE
NATIONAL COUNCIL AT PHILADELPHIA,
I rise, Mr. President, to rebuke the
insolence of the member from New York
(Mr. Squires) to repel the unprovoked
and wanton assault he has made upon
my State. I came not here, sir, to as
sail any man by word or act I shall
permit no man from the North or the
South to assail me by word or act, with
impunity. Every member of this Na
tional Council will bear witness that I
have uttered no words of unkindne'ss to
wards any member during the sittings
of the Convention ; and all of you will
notice that the wanton assault just made
upon me, has not been provoked by
word or act of mine. Fio:n gentlemen
of the South, with whom I widely differ
in sentiment and opinion, I have receiv
ed acts of courtesy and kindness I shall
ever remember with grateful recollec
tions, whatever may be the results of
our deliberations. But the member from
New York has not only followed the ex
ample of his colleague (Mi. Barker) and
assailed my Stale, but Le has made a
charge against me that I here and now
before this Convention, and to his face,
pronounce utterly false. He charges
me not only with a determination to
break up this National Council, but he
charges me with having declared this
to be my purpose. I hold him responsi
ble here and now for this charge, and I
defy him to prove the truth of his asser
tions or to wear the brand of falsehood
I shall write upon his unblushing brow.
Sir, the member from New York as
sumes the oracular style he pronounce:;
his opiuioas with the air of one compe
tent to pronounce an opinion entitled to
consideration. He the blustering mem
bei from New York announces to this
Convention that the anti-Slavery move"
meat has thrown up many small men.
He forgot to tell us that it has thrown
c'own manv little mean men. The ex
hibition he made of himself last night
and tin's morning, will convince all ol us
here that he is the last creature that
breathes God's air or walks God's earth,
to sneer al any one, however humble,
for want of ability, temper or maimers.
With a swaggering and blustering air
he threatnened to go over to the De
mote .cy, if the platform t Restoration of
freedom to Kansas and jcbrasK is
adopted. Let him go. Let his b!u
tering associates (Barker and Lyon go
bag and baggage ; e snail lose lime
of power, talent or character; they might
find more congenial spirits among the
camp followers of the chiefs of Tammany
Hall. The member assures us that he-
is tired of pl 1 ing the ' hypocrite"! 1
am triad to hear this contession ! lie
assures us that he will be a " hypo
ctite" no longer, if you will only give
him this NYw York pro-slavery platform
to stand upon. 1 have but little hope of
defeating the adoption of tins plaltorm.
I wish 1 could say that I hope the mem
ber will cease to be a "hypocrite" after
it is adopted.
Sir, the member of the committee from
New York (Mr. Lyon) avows the pater
nity of this pro-Slavery Platform. It is
ins by adoptiou ; he is the reputed lath
er of this deformed monstrosity ! Yes,
sir, New York is responsible, and she
shall be held responsible for tins plat
form. The member of the committee
(Mr. Lyon) claims it as his own his
own by adoption ; the member over the
way (Mr. Mallory) undertakes to pledge
us to it even before he will allow us to
discuss its provisions ; the member be
fore me (Mr. Barker) has mounted it,
uttering the parrot like, phiase "No
.North, no south, no .Last, no West
and now the member who has just taken
his seat (Mr. Squires) threatens to bolt
to the Democratic camp, if we do not
adopt it, and relieve him from the tern
ble affliction of playing the "hypocrite"
the rest of his days ! The New York
member assumes to utter the voice of
that great State. Standing here to-day,
with i-O.OOO Massachusetts freemen at
my back, aye, Sir, with fifteen sovereign
States, and one and a half millions of
Northern men pledged to the policy of
freedom, 1 tell you, toir, 1 tell tins na
tional Council, aye, Sir, I tell these re
cusant delegates to their faces, that they
do not represent the sentiments of the
people ot the fcmpire fetate. lialpn v at
do Emerson says that, "the weight of a
sentence depends whether a man is be
hind it or not." These delegates stand
here unsupported by the people of New
York. They are the insignificant chiefs
of a baffled and defeated faction, in the
city and State of New York their fol
lowers are mere men in Buckram, Fal-
staff's heroes ! William H. Seward
stands this day, with his heels upon the
necks of these rampant delegates. Adopt
this platform which they claim as their
own which they with idiotic folly as
sure us will be we'eomed with booming
guns from Moniauk Point to the waters
of Niagara and William H. Seward
will gaze down into the fathomless po
litical graves dug for them by the be
trayed and indignant people of New
The member who undertook last night
to rebuke the delegates from Massachu
setts (Mr. Barker) who wanted to be
Mayor of New Yoik and could not win
the prize who aspired Ic be re-elected
President of this National Council, and
we would not consent to allow your
chair. Sir, to be filled by one who blas
phemously sneered at "the Higher Law"
of that Being "whose hand moves the
stars aud heaves the pulses of the deep'
boasted of their victories. He tells us
that they carried the Legislature of the
State. Sir, this same Legislature elect
ed William H. Seward to the United
States Senate by a decisive majority, in
spite of the petty tricks and agonizing
shrieks of that member and Lis associ
ates, the Silver Greys. Yes, Sir, the
Legislature the member claims to have
chosen, passed by an immense majority,
resolutions in favor of the restoration ol
Freedom to Kansas and Nebraska.
With both of her Senators aud twenty
eight of her thirty-three Representatives
in Congress, with the Governor and
Lieut. Governor and majorities in both
branches of the Legislature, with all
these evidences of th'j sentiments of the
people of that great State before us,
these delegates have the brazen hardi
hood to rise here and assure gentlemen
of this National Council that New York
does not demand the restoration of
Freedom to the territory covered by the
Compromise of 1820. Will you, gentle
men of the Council, believe these idiotic
Mr. Barker The member from Mas
sachusetts Mr. Wilson No interruption from
you, sir, no interruption from that quar
ter ! If any gentleman wishes to put a
question to me or to demand an expla
iia.iou of any remarks of mine, I will
cheerfully yield the floor, but no inter
ruption from that quarter !
Mi. President, we of the North will
hold these members from New York re
sponsible for the defeat of the proposition
to restore Freedom la Kansas and Ne
braska. If that great State had a dele
gation here that reflected the sentiment
of the people, we should have received
the support of the liberal men of the
South, who would have agreed to do
us justice. Many distinguished sons of
the South admit the repeal oi" the Mis
souri prohibition to be an outrage upon
the rights of the North a violation of
the plighted faith of the nation. Honor
and good f.tith. Freedom and Public
Order, all demand its lesloiation. But
the men of (ho South who would have
stood by us have been stricken down by
the treacherous action of these members
of New York. Upon their heads be
ihe renoa-i;jili:y of the defeat of the
cherished wishes of the people, and the
litumnti of the policy t shivery.
1 l'.-!l you, libi-r.il i:i.-;t of the SjT.'.i,
int-n of Di'leware, Noitn Cartdina, Ken
tucky and Tennessee, you. who ar.- rea
dy to resist at home the finatieism nf
slavery, to stand upon a real national
platform.-, to demand your own rights
and to fii justice to us I tell you, that
these men of New York ; these mt-u,
who betray us and deceive you ; who
are fi'so to the Noith and not true to the
South, aie your enemies ! Thev put
clubs into the hands cf the slavery la
natics of the extreme South to smite you
down. Our mission is to hunt down
this race of politicians ! I tell you, men
of the South, that we mean t hunt down
to exterminate this breed of Dough
faces those fawning, creeping, cringing
creatures, that a merciful Pro ideuce in
his infinite mercy permits to crawl round
among men' For the past fifteen months
the people of the North have been cha
sing down this race of politicians. You
will see that this race is "growing small
by degrees and beautifully less." When
we have hounded down this breed, rep
resented iierc to-day by the member
from New York, (Mr. Squires) then you
of the South, and we of the North may
meet in National Convention, each of us
ready to demand our own rights, and
willing to 'oncede the lights of the oili
er. But that time is not yet. I hope,
however, that we shall soon stand by
the political grave of the last of Ihe
Doughfaces ! I hope to have the pleas
ure ; and Sir, it will be a pleasure, to
walkimong a:id to gaze down into the
political graves of these apostate politi
cians, who have betrayed the people of
the State of New York.
Sir, the members from New York now
before me (Messrs. Barker and Squires)
have blurted into the unwilling ear of
the Convention their love for the Union;
they have boasted of the enlarged views
and comprehensive pol'r-y of themselves
and I heir followers. They have osten
tatiously paiaded their virtues before us,
in c -intra t to the views of the delegates
from Massachusetts, and their fi iends at
home. I apprehend, sir, that these del
egates have nbout as correct views of
the sentiments and actions of the people
of Massachusetts as they seem to have
of the sentiments and opinions of the
people they misrepresent. When Mass
achusetts pleads to any arraignment be
fore the nation, she will demand that
her accusers are competent to draw the
bill. She has no answer to make to her
New York accuseis but the answer of
Genilemen of talents and of character,
have undertaken here to arraign Massa
chusetts. To those gentlemen 1 have to
say, that Massachusetts means to go to
the very verge of herconstilutional rights,
for the security of the liberties of her
people, against what she deems to be
unconstitutional, inhuman and unchris
tian legislation ; and I tell you frankly,
f any constitutional powers are in doubt,
she will construe them in favor of liber
ty ; not in favor of slavery. In the fu
ture, if she errs at all, in the interpreta
tion of her reserved rights, as a sover
eign State, I trust she will go a little be
yond the limits of State sovereignty,
rather than fall short of inarching up
to those limits. The personal liberties
of her peop'e demand that she should
Massachusetts has the right, if she
chooses, to remove from her Judicial
Bench, any officers, who shall consent
to perform the duties imposed upon Uni
ted Slates Commissioners. She denies
your light, gentlemen, to arraign her
here or elsewhere foi the exercise of her
own coi stitutional powers. By the de
cision of the Supreme Couit of the Uni
ted States, Massachusetts has a right to
forbid the use of her prisons sir - has a
right to forbid her officers from enga
ging in the exttadition of fugitives from
labor. She bejercs that every human
being w ithin her limits, has a right to
the benefits of the writ o(IIakas Corpus,
and a jury tiial. She proposes to test the
question by the judicial authorities. Her
"offence hath that extent no more."
Massachusetts stands upon the State
Uiglits doctrine of Virginia and Ken
tucky, of 179- and 1790. She raises no
standard of Nullification or Rebellion
she will submit to tne decisions of those
Uibuiials authorized to exptiund the ju
dicial powers of the Government.
The gentleman from Alabama, ( Ju Jge
Hopkins,) has hinted to us that the
Sou: hern States may find it necessary to
protect themselves against this action of
Massachusetts, by legislation that shall
touch her material interests. Threats of
that kind sir, have no terrors for Massa
chusetts. Her people will laugh to
scorn all such idle threats, by whomso
ever made. Massachusetts, with one
million of intelligent people, with free
schools, free churches, free labor, is
competent to take care of her material
interests. " Her goods are for sale
not her principles." If any gentlemen
from the South expect to intimidate Mas
sachusetts by such "threats, I tell them
here and now, that we scorn, spurn and
defy your threats.
The gentleman from Kentucky told
us ye.steiday that, he " was here to save
the Union !" "Save the Union !" I am
not here "to save the Union!" Does
Kentucky intend to go out of the Union?
Massachusetts does not. She does not
raise the question of the safety of tne
Union. Sin; means to remain in the
Union, and if any Siate raires the ban
ner of Disunion, she will sa-tain the
Federal Government now, a she did in
the days of Anlrew Jackson, under the
lead of Daniel Webster tvilh her treas
ure and blood, in defending, the integ
rity of the Union, an I the indivisibility
of the republic. M-tss'iehu-tts believes
the Unun to Oj sac. .Vie believes
Liberty to be in dinner. S:ie is for
" Liberty and Union, now and for.-ver,
one and inseparable." Tii.: app-alif
the distinguished gentlem tn iiu-.v i:t mv
eye (Mr. Iliyner) will mr.-t a resp-m e
as hearty in M.t -s urliu-e.is .is thev i!f
meet in his ow.i na-.iv- l".u .'.n : I
here, sir, to save the Liberty which is
safe in the hearts of the people.
Sir, this niajoii y p.attorni this New
York platform was adopted in committee
by seventeen votes to fourteen. Two of
these votes are from Minnesota and the
District of Columbia, that h ive no elec
toral voles 'c give, and in all tiic other
S.ates the American party has betn de
feated whenever its banner has been
raised. The friends of that majority re
port have not an electoral vote now se
cured, and they cann :t pk-dge us one
with any degree of certainty. The mi
nority platform, in favor of the restora
tion of freedom to Kansas, and Nebraska,
received fourteen votes from fourteen
Slates having one hundred and twenty
six electoral votes, all now secured.-
Iowa is not here, and now New York
can easily be ours upon that minority
platform. Adopt the majority pl itform,
and these one hundred and twenty-six
votes are lost ; Iowa and New York y.o
with them, and the States that impo:e
this platform upon us will nearly all be
swept by the Democra3y. Adopt the
restoiation policy, and we sweep every
free State like a whirlwind. Adopt the
majority report, and defeat is inevitable
This majority platform expressly de
clares that "the American party cannot
be held in ny manner responsible for
the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of
either the Whig or Democratic parties."
Having made this declaration, what does
it propose the American party shall do ?
It proposes that the American party
shall sanction these "obnoxious acts and
violated pledges," by avowing its pur
pose to be, "to abide by and maintain
the existing laws upon the subject of
slavery, as a final and conclusive settle
ment of that subject inspiiitand sub
stance." It proposes not only, to sanc
tify ihe legislation of the past, but to ig
nore all action in the future. It de'clares
that Congress has no constitutional pow
er " to exclude any State from admis
sion into Union because its constitution
does or does not recognize the institution
of slavery as a part of its social system;
and expressly pretermitting any expres
sion ol opinion upon the power ol Con
gress to establish or prohibit slavery in
any territory, it is ihe sense of the na
tional council that Congress ought not
to legislate upon the subject of slavery
within the Territory of the United States,
and that any interference by Congress
with slavery as it exists in the District
of Columbia wculd be a violation of the
spirit and intention of the compact by
which the State of Maryland ceded the
District t i the United States and a breach
of the national faith." The adoptiou af
this platform commits the American par
ty unconditionally to the policy of slave
ry to the iron diminion of the black
power. I tell you, sir, I tell this con
vention, that we cannot stand upon the
platform in a single State of the North.
The people.of the North will repudiate it,
spurn it, spit upon it. For myself, sir, I
here and now tell you to your faces, that
( will trample with disdain on your plat
form. I will not support it. I will sup
port no man who stands upon it. Adopt
that plaiform, and you array against you
everything that is pure and holy eve
thing thai has theelements of permanency
ia it the noblest 'pulsations o! tht tu
rn an heart the holiest convictions of the
human soul the profoundest ideas of
the human intellect and the attributes
of Almighty God ! Your party will be
withered and consumed by the blasting
breath of the people's wiath ! There is
an old Spanish proverb, which cajs thai
" the feet of the avenging Deities are
shod with wool." Soltly and silently
these avenging deities are advancing
upon you. You will find that "the mills
of God grind slowly, but they grind to
Of one hundred and forty-two repre
sentatives of the free States of the North,
one hundred and twenty, elected by moie
than 300,0. ;0 majority, are pledgid
against the Kansas-Nebraska iniquity.
lour platform requires tneso represen
tatives to violate their pledges to the
people, to smother their own holiest con
victions, to abandon your party or resign
their seats. Do you, sir, btlieve these
representatives will obey your unholy
decrees? Do you believe thev will be
tray a free and generous people at your
bidding? 1 tell you nay ; Ihey will
trample with disdain upon your platform.
They will spurn it, and spurn you. The
people will sustain them, and trample
your platform aud you in the dust.
S:r, the gentleman from Alabama
(Judge Hopkins) takes exception to the
declaration made by mo the other day,
in reply to the gentleman from Virgini?
(Mr Boiling) that "the past was yours
the future ours !" He objects, he tells
us, to my assuming the functions of a
prcphet. Sir, I make little pretension lo
the gift of prophecy but it requires but
a slight knowledge of the aspects of the
slavery question in America, to pro
nounce the opinion, that the past of the
Republic belongs to Slavery the future
to Freedom. Perhaps the distinguished
gentleman from Alabama believes that
we of th'j North ae mere conquered
provinces that the people will obev
your decrees and " conquer their preju
dices." Oae year ago, when ihe slave
propagandists proposed to repeal so much
of the Act of the 5:h of M ireh, 10. '0, as
prohibited slavery in Ihe vast territory
lying in the heart of the Continent, these
slave propogandists laughed to scorn the
predictions of the friends of free lorn, lhat
liie repeal Would meet the Mern resist
auee of tiie people of the North. The
haughty chiefs of the Black power, and
the Administration, and its Northern
tools in Congres.s, have gone don be
fore the stormy wr.ith of the people !
The predictions m-idu by us in the spring
of 1351, are now historical d-.-ods "con
summ ite l facis." So it wi I iie now. The
d;:ed yon are about to perform will sea!
your doom forever.
luu ie I u !h.tt we :i ht t i .-huke
the fanaticism of our people. Sir, I tell
you the people of the North are in earn
est they are not fanatics or bigots. I
know something of the people of New
England. I have sat at the tables and
slept beneath the peaceful roofs of many
of the mechanics, farmers and tradesmen
of Massachusetts of New England ami
I tell you the men who read their op-Q
Bibles around their firesides, when they
rise in the morning and retire at iihjht,
ara the men who will spurn your unhal
lowed decrees ; they will rob you of none
of your rights but they will inflexibly
demand their own. The anti-slavery
sentiment of ti e North is a profound re
ligious conviction, resting upon the com
mands of Almighty God, " to do unto
others as we would that others should
do unto us," "to loe our neighbors as
ourselves," "to undo the heavy bur
dens and let the oppressed go free !" Sir,
do you think that the deceudants of that
sturdy old Puritan race, that met Ihe
demands of priests, nobles and Kings
with the stern " Thus saith the Lord,"
will smother the holiest convictions of
their souls, and obey the decrees of a
body of men like this ? I tell you, sir,
lhat they will do so never.
I ask those gentlemen who think the
Ameiican p irty can be organized suc
cessfully upon the basis of these resolu
tions, to turn back for only seven years
ago this very month, in this city, the
great Whig party, led by Clay, Webster,
and some of the most gifted statesmen
of the Republic, hooted out their Na
tional Convention the grand doctrine of
Slavery prohibition in the Territories
On that day the Whig party began to
die. It staggered iutj power, and with
its palsied and withered hand it signed
the Fugitive Slave Act, and wifli its fee
hie expiring voice it declared that, the
Compromise Act of 1850 should be " a
final settlement of the Slavery question,"
and then it sunk into a dishonored grave.
Such was the fate of that once powerful
party, which sometimes contested suc
cessfully with its great rival for power.
The Democratic party went down in
1 843, because the people believed it more
fully pledged to slavery than its rival.
It went irto power in 1852 not because
the people loved it or had confidence in
it, but because the people hated and dis
trusted its rival. It laid its victorious
hand upon the auti-slavery movement,
and lo-day it floats upon the waves of
the political sea, a shattered, rudderless
wreck. I warn you sir, not to attempt
to accomplish with this organization what
the Whig and Democratic parties, with
a million and a half of voteis each, led
by old chieftains and accomplished
statesmen, ignominiously failed to ac
complish. Perhaps these modest New
York champions think they can do what
Clay, Webster and Cass could not do !
The gentleman from Alabama (Judge
Hopkins) brings into this National Coun
cil ihe reputation of a learned jurist and
able lawyer. 1 listened with attention
to his elaborate speech of nearly two
hours, and I must say with entire respect
for the distinguished gentleman, that he
most skillfully avoided judicial decisions
and historical facts. His positions were
mere unsupported assertions, in face of
the uniform decisions of the United States
Courts, from the organization of the ov
eminent to the present moment, and of
the action of the National Government
from the inauguration of Pierce. His
theories came from the prolific brain of
Mr. Calhoun, and like most of the schoo
to which he belongs, the gentleman paid
little deference to f icts, when they come
in conflict with his theories. To estab
lish his theory of constitutional construc
tion, he went so far as to interpolate the
word "white" after the word "free," in
the second section of the constitution.
The gentleman asks, with a tone of re
proach, why we of the North are not
villing to live up to Ihe Constitution as
our fathers made it why we are not
willing to stand in the relation to Slavery
the framers of the Constitution placed
ns ? Sir, I am willing to stand by the
obligations imposed upon us by the Con
stitution, as I understand Jt as our fath
ers made it not as it his been interpre
ted by their sons, under the aggressive
policy of the slave powr. The illustri
ous men who framed the Constitution
found slavery a State institution. They
believed it would soon pass away under
the influences of the ideas they had pro
claimed and the institution they had
founded. To prove their sinceiity they
prohibited slavery forever in all the ter
ritorial possessions of the Republic.
When the Constitution of the United
States was framed and adopted, slavery
existed in twelve ol the thirteen States,
but not a single slave existed by the au
thority of the Confederacy. The fra
mers ol the Constitution inaugural ed the
national policy of freedom. North Caro
lina so inierpieted the policy of the Na
tion, fot in 1790, when she ceded Ten
nessee to the United States, she express
ly stipulated lhat "no regulation made
or to be made by Congress should lead
to the emancipation of slaves. Congress .
accepted the grant upon that condition,
and thus made the nation responsible for
the crime of sUvery.
Mr. Cunningham, of South Carolina
Mr. President, I own a slave, and the
gentleman Iro n Massachusetts owns -a
hot sc. Does the gentleman believe that
the federal gjveriiinen: has any more
right to exclude my slave from the terri
tories of the United Stales, than it has to
exclude his horse? Will the gentleman
give me an answer ?
Mr. Wi.son. I will answer by saying
that if my horse belongs to a breed thai
blasts the earili wherever it puts down its
hoof, so tlmt a blade of gras will never
grow where it treads, the governmtnt
has the right to keep my horse out of the
territories. Whie the slave plants his
heel, the ear ill withers. By the decis
ion of the Supreme Court ol the United
States, " the state of slavery is a mere
muuiciftul legulation, founded upon and
liuiie(l to the v-ig of the S ate law. '
Slavery does not exist by any municipal"
law in the territories. Congress has no
constitutional power to establish it there,
therefore the local law of the States au
thorizing slavery can not be transported
to the territories, and the slave becomes
a freeman when he w carried beyond the
authority of the local law of the State.
The slave in Kansas is not held by the
authority of the law, but by the force of
The views of the anti-slavery men of
the North are studiously misrepresented
by the pro slavery presses of the North,
and by the slave propaganda of the South.
This question of slavery, overriding as it
does every other question here and in
every section of the country, must be met
by the statesmen of the country, by the
people of the conntry, aud discussed in
tb light of humanity and Christian pa
triotism. Northern men and Southern
men must bring to the discussion of this
transcendent question something beside
hard words and rash acts. We want
calm, dispassionate discussion in the
North and in the South.
I desire here and now to state precise
ly and exactly my views upon the slave
ry question, and I desire to do so because
1 know my views have been misrepresen
ted at home and abroad.
I am opposed to slavery everywhere. -I
believe it to be a crime against man
and a sin against God. I am in favor
of its abolition wherever it exists, by those
who are legally responsible for its exis
tence. I believe the federal government has
no more right to make a slave than to "
make a king no more right to permit
slavery to be established where it has ex
elusive jurisdiction thaii it has to permit
an order of nobility to be established
I am in favor of relieving the Federal
Government from all connection with, and
responsibility for, the existence of slave
ry. To effect this object I am in favor
of the abolition of slavery in the district
of Columbia and the prohibition of slave
ry in all the territories. . )
Mr. Mallory of New York Mr. Pres
ident, if the gentleman will allow me, I
should like to ask him if the power to
abolish slavery does not carry with it the
power to establish slavery by the Feder
al Government ?
Mr. Wilson I think noL Freedom
is the rule slavery the exception.. Sla
very can only legally exist by positive
law. There is no power expressed oe
implied in the Constitution of the United
States to institute slavery- The Consti
tution was ordained and established " to
promote the general welfare and to secure
the blessings of liberty ;" not to establish
slavery. The Supreme Court of Mass
chusetts, under the authority of her Con
stitution decreed the abolitionofslavery
the power to abolish if, would not author
ize the Court to re establish it.
Mr. Boteler of Virginia Wil! the gen
tleman from Massachusetts read the re
mainder of the sentence of the Constitu
tion which says that the blessings of lib
erty are to be secured " to ourselves and
our posterity." Negroes are not our
selves" or " our posterity !"
Mr. Wilson Seven States have abol
ished slavery since the adoption of the
Constitution, and these Negroes are a por
tion of" ourselves" and " our posterity."
I accept the Declaration of Na tonal Inde
pendence rnd the Constitution of the
United States, as the political charts of
the American citizen and they impose
upon every American citizen the impera
tive obligation so to exercise his national
political rights as " to secure the blessings
of liberty," and to maintain inviolate the
self-evident truths that all men ara
created equal that they are endowed by
their critter with the inalienable right of
. Standing by William's slave pen nine
teen years ago, and gazing upon men,
women and children, collected for the
Southern markets, I pledged myself to
liberty, and have nev.r, in public or pri
vate, at home or abroad, spoken or writ
ten one word inconsistent with that pledge,
and I never will do so to save any party,
at the command of any body of men on
earth. When I united with the Ameri
can organization in March, 1854, in its
hour of weakness I told the men with
whom I acted that my anti slavery opin-
ions were the matured conviction of years,
and that I would not modify or qualify my
opinions or suppress my sentiments- for
any consideration on earth. From thai
hour to this, in public and in private, I
have freely uttered my anti-slavery senti-
meats, and laboied to promote the anti
slavery cause, and I tell you now, that I
will continue to do so. You shall not
proscribe an:i-slavery principles, meas
ures or men, without receiving from me
tiie most determined and unrelenting hos
tility. It is a painful thing to differ from
our associates and friends but when du
ly a stern sense of duly demands it, I
shall do so.
Reject this majority platform adopt
the oroposition to restore freedom to Kan
sas and Nebraska, and to protect ih; act
ual settlers from violence and outrage
simplify your rules make an open or
ganization banish all bigotiy and intol
erance from your ranks place your
movement in harmony with the humane
progressive spirit of age, and you
may win and retain power, and elevate
and improve the political character of the
country. Adopt this majority platform
commit the American movement to the
slave perpetualists and the slave propa
gandists, and you will go down before
the burning indignation and withering
scorn of American frotuiea. .
A Tlnxel Uxo& Niagara River. .
It is proposed to dig a tunnel for a rail
road track under the Niagara River at
Black Rock, near Buffalo, N7 Y. Its
length will be 2,4 J feet, descent of
grade on oa:li sid.; 75 feet par mite, cost
s5J J.00 ). Thf river is 2 ) feet deep at
tiie tr..oo.icd loo ility, and its bed of solid