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True American. (Steubenville, [Ohio]) 1855-1861, August 29, 1855, Image 2

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X. JtAQAjr, Witor
WEDNESDAY, AUG. 29," 1855.
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VL.. ,K.a 14 nil enfkirtet madan mil tba OVID
br of intcrtiooa ! not markd on th curd or
dt (rtiwitsnu at lha tlina they ar handed in
for publication, they wilt beeoft inued in until
I hay are ordered oat, and charged by the tquare,
EE?T7BLX0AB STATE TICKET.
ro ooverkor :
SALMON P. CHASE, of Hamilton.
in tORMlVT- OOVIRXOR!
THOMAS H. FORD, of Richland".
TOR ATOITOR OT STAIR :
FRANK M. AY RIGHT, of Champaign.
ton bkritart or btats :
JAME8 H. BAKER, of Ross.
TOR TREASURER OT 8IATE :
WILLIAM H. GIBSON, of Seneca,
roa jrnot or ths suprrmr court :
. I For the Full Term,)
JACOB BRINKERHOFF, of Richland.
(Fur the Yucancy.)
CHAS. 0. CONVERS, of Muskingum.
TOR ATTORNET GENERAL t
F. D. KIMBALL, of Medina.
TO MEMBER Of BOARD OP PUBLIC WCRK8:
ALEXl Q. CONQVER. of Miami. ,
AHERI0AH COUNTY TICKET.
. TOR RCTREBESrATITM.
P. VeCURDY,
C MEND1 NHALL.
' tor Sheriff.
JAMES R BLINN.'
For Trtmrer.
JOHN McADAMS.
Fur County Recordtr.
GEORGE BE ATT Y.
Tor Proeecuting Attorney. '
JAMES M. SHANE.
Far County Commisrioner.
JOSEPH B. McGREW.
For Surveyor.
WILLIAM S1MERAL
TOR CORONER.
ROBERT McINTYRE
TOR DIRICTOR OF INFIRMARY:
JOHN HARTFORD.
THE AMERICAN PARTY OF OHIO.
At the Annual Session of th Slate Council,
held in Cleveland, June 5th, 1355, the follow
ing Platform of Principles a exprewiveof the
otimntof IheOrdurin thiu State, wai adopt
d and ordered to be published to th world
iter the slgnaiare of iw.eincer :
Vft proclaim to Hie world the following
PRINCIPLES OF TUE AMERICAN
PARTY OF OHIO.
I. Th unlimited freedom nf Religion die
connected wl:u politics hostility to ecclesias
tical ii.fluence opou th otfrnru of government
equality of right to ail naturalixed Eiui
grant who aw thoroughly Americanised, and
iwv no temporal allegiance, by reason nf their
religion higher than that to the Constitution.
II. So interference with the right of eiti
tconhip alsndv acquired by Foreigner, and
tb prufction of Iw to all who honestly eroi
grate from love of liberty ; but the exclusion of
foreign pauper and fKiou, and a refusal to
eitenJ the right of luffrage to all who come
hereafter until tliey shall ha resided 21 year
lit the United State and complied with the
cattiralitation Law.
III. Opposition to all political organization
composed "exclusively of Foreigner, aud to
Forela Militar Compauie, aud to all attempts
to exclud th Bible from School mpportod by
the government,"
lv. 81avery i local not national : we op
poi it extention io any of our territories, and
th iucreaie of it polilicul power by the ad
tninion into the Union of any Slate State or
otherwise; and we dein.iud of the General Gov
ernment an immediate redress ot the great
wrong which have been inflicted upon the
cause of Freedom aud the American character
by the repeal uf the Missouri Compromise, and
the introduction of Slavery into Kausae in vio
lation of law, by the force of arm, and the dt
traction of the elective franchi:.
V. In humble imitation of the witdom of
Washington, we oppose all intervention in the
affiir of Foreign States ; yet on ill proper oc
aion, we wiU not withhold our sympathy
from any people aspiring to ho free.
VI. Me support American Industry and ge
nius against the ad veme policy of Foreign na
tion aud facilities to internal Jund external
commereo by the improvement of river and
harbor and the eonatructiou of national roads
uniting the various sections of the Uuion.
VII. The Union of these State should be
made perpetual by a faithful allegiance to the
Constitution.
VIII. In State policy we lealously advocate
Retrenchment and Reform a modification of
the present opres-tive system of Taxation and
liberal sytsU'U) of Public Schools.
THOS. SPOON ER, President,
John E. Ktrs, Secretary.
Speeches' at the Market Honie.
We have not time this week to say all
tint in justice is due to the meeting and
ptecbes yesterday. The crowd which
lad gathered in town, being too great for
any of the public Halls, assembled in the
Market House, and were there addressed
f jr several hours by Hon. 8. P. Chaee, tan
didafe for Governor, Thomas Ford, Esq.,
candidate for Lieut. Governor, and Hon.
John' A. Bingham. The earnest attention
" given to enoh of the speakers, by the crowd
assembled, is sufficient evidence that they
were no ordinary efforts.
Mr. Chase took decided grounds sgninst
ifee present unjust Democratic taxation.
Every man should pay taxes upon what
ho ie worth, not upon his debts. The
jroanner iu which Ohio is interested in the
Slave question was clearly set forth by the
able speaker. Ohio consumes, and there
fore- pays tlio duty upon onetnth of the
nnttre importations into the United States.
This umkos her national taxation amount
to about seven .millions of dollars annually
This money wo find is used by the nation.
tl administration for thb improvement of
Southern rivers and harbors, wiien, on
account of Southern influence, like appro
, jiriativui cannot" be secured for improve
jueut.of (lit Ohio river and other Northern
rivers and harbors. It is also used for the
luroh
We of nKh Pnu'hfrn tmitorr ai
tba Meeilla Valley, to accommodate Tex
as and Southern railroad. If the admin
istration could succeed in the necessary
negotiations, it would be used in the pur
chase of Cuba, and for the perpetuation in
it of another Slave State, with its undue
politioul influence ia the affairs of the na
tion. Oar money is alsd used for the cap
ture and returuittg to slavery of poof over
whipt men, women and children, who had
fled from the Southern tab, in the vain
attempt to find peace and .liberty in the
fr North, Our money ie also used in
paying, the expenses of roeo who are la
boring hard to permanently establish sla
very in Kansas and Nebraska. At the
same time the appeals of honest settlers,
who have emigrated from Ohio and other
Free States, to those territories, find no
bearing in the administration's cars, for
adequate force to maintain the dignity of
the nation and its laws, and suppress ma
rauding Missouri Slave owners, who in
vade those territories, abuse, threaten and
mnrdcr peaceable settlers, and by force
would introduce and curse those beautiful
territories with slavery. Thus in every
aspect, has Ohio, not only a moral but al
so a pecuniary interest in the slave ques
tion. ; But we forbear further allusion to
the able speech of Mr. Chase. This speech,
and his dignified deportment, will secure
him many votes in this county.
Of Mr. Ford's wit and sarcasm, we shall
not pretend to give even an instance, and
thus do him injustice. Every stroko was
weir made. His exposition of the aims
and objects 6f Americanism was clear,
and such aa should forever" cl.ee the cars
of truth-loving men, against the vile slan
ders and misrepresentations of unprinci
pled politicians. True Americanism wo'd
make our America, not only the happy
home of the native free, but also the asy
lum of all ovpmsed. W maintain and
contend for the manhood and liberty of
all men, At tanght by Jefferson, our car
dinal maxim is that all men, of whatsoev
er clime or color, have natural unalienable
rights. America is the home of the free.
Hither they come from all parts of the
world, with outstretched arms we receive
them, and with warm hearts welcome them.
We proscribe the incoming of none but
vagrants and folonB, who would be fitted
upon us by their government. We say to
the foreigner, whohoncstly seeks ourshores
for love of freedom, corao in and dwell
with us, and partake of the blessings and
comforts of our free and extended coun
try, and our just laws. And after you
shall have been with us long enough to be
come thoroughly atsimiluted with us in
habits, acquainted and indentified with
our peculiar popular government become
thoroughly Americanized then shall you
become invested with tho privileges of a
citizen. This rule, which has been prac
ticed from the beginning of our govern
ment, is necessary not only for tho native
but also the foreign born, for the faith
ful perpetuation of our free government
fcr the benefit of our children and. theirs.
Roman Catholics are opposed because A
mericans think that citizens of thi3 Re
public should acknowledge allegiance to no
princo, potcntato or power whatsoever.
True every man should worship God ac
cording to the dictates of his own con
science. But it is dangerous to allow cit
izens, especially men high in office, to ac
koow'edge any temporal powr, higher
than our own government, We believe
that members of the Roman Catholic
ohurch so acknowledge the Pope of Rome.
IIcDce we consider it unsafe to trust them
with power, especially foreign born Ro
manists, who by education and habit en
tertain greater reverence and submission to
ecclesiastical powers than native Ameri
cans. ,
Mr. Bingham delivered one of his usu
al brilliant addresses, in characteristic for
cible style. He traced the growth of the
liberty sentiment in this country, from the
first Puritant. The same great question
of I reedom still demands our attention.
The American Republican claims liberty
not only for tho white race, hut also forthe
black. The two great political parties of
this country are now so arrayed. The ad
ministration party favors slavery. The
mags of the people oppose slavery and its
extension. But our space and time warn
us to slop. We have already said more
than we expected. But have given a very
imperfect idea of the three great speeches.
Tbey were good seed, and well sown. Their
abundant fruit will be roaped the second
Tuesday of October next.
The Union Again-
Stuart, in his paper of tho 28th inst.,
says: "Mr. Merideth having declined the
nomination tendered to him by the Re
publican Convention, there being no other
lawyor belonging to the Know Nothings,
as a last resort the Convention nominated
James M. Shane.
We quote from memory.
We would most recpcctfully say to Mr. 8.,
that if iie will take tho trouble to poll the
Bar in Steubcnvillo, he will find a number
of members who would be prepared to in
form him that they are 'right on the goose
question.' Does he desire- to institute
comparison between the moral standing
and legal qualifications of the' two candi
dates now' in tho field for the office of
Prosecuting Attorney? We pparo his
man, unless we are pressed into this mat
ter, and then we pledge oursclf that we'll
mke the fur fly. It is sn onsv hsk we
harp data l go upon.
The American Ticket
We this day hoist in the columns of the
True American the County ticket as indi
cated by the popular vote of the American
party of Jefferson County, to be support
ed at the approaching election. In two
cases the ticket ia varied from the'majority
of ballots, by declination on the part cf
the candidates selected. For Representa
tive, Mr. Abner L, Frazcr had a decided
majority over any other candidate, and was
aW well supported in the Republican con
vention yesterday, notwithstanding his let
ter decliuiug any nomination, as heretofore
published jn the True American. The
Coroner, Mr. McElroy received the popu
lar nomination, but his personal arrauge.
ments forbade his accepting tho nomina
tion. In both the above coses of deeli na
tion, the candidates next highest on the
ballets are given.
In supporting this ticket we feel great
pleasure in being able to point to oyory
candidate, not only as good Americans,
but as men of ptcrling worth, and well
qualified to discharge the , duties of the
various offices assigned to them. In this
respect the American party had excellent
timber to select from. Not a name was
mentioned at any time for nomination but
that would have been creditable to any
ticket. The American party has shown
its dispositon for needed reform, by pre
senting for election to office, an array of
men bo well qualified as those named iu
our ticket. We therefore enter the con
test with renewed assurranccs, that in a
good cause even our country's under
good men, a glorious triumph is already
secured. ,
!
A&rThe Daily Union of Saturf" the
25th, contains an article, purporting to be
an acoountof tho Republican meeting held
in the office of John Shane, Esq., on tne
previous evening; in which the Editor
gives us an additional display of his ten
deuoy to vary from the truth. The fol
lowing is a true statement of the facts, as
they occurred : We were invited in;o the '
meeting by John Shane, Esq; at that
time there were some ton or eleven per
sons in the room. After we had been in
some time, it was moved that we should
tako tho chair ; Mr.' Allison after some
consultation, seconded the motion, which
was then negatived. Abner Andrews then
moved that the former motion be consider
ed an insult to the meeting, which was
carried. We then made some remarks to
the effect that wc considered tho last mo
tion as an insulr, such as no gentleman
would offer us in a publio meeting. These
are facts, and the whole course of some
persons, indicated that it was, on thoir
part, a preconcerted affnir ; and they made
a "cats paw" of a verdant youth, in order
to shield themselves from the infamy they
knew they would otherwise incur. This
boy, we believe, has no sympathy with the
Republican party, aud is ho far devoid of
the feelings of a man, as to become a will
ing tool, to do the dirty work of the Mc
Cooks. Tho Editor of the Union in glo
rying over this uffair, makes a new draft
upon a brain that is ever fertilo in coining
fahthoodt; aud says that we renewed the
quarrel with the Editor of the Herald in
the street, and after mutual crimination
and recrimination, invited him out to set
tle the matter in old Kentucky fashion.
This Stuart knows to be false ; yet, bis
petty malice could not forego the opportu
nity of manufacturing slander--(in which
practice has made him perfect) for the
purpose of gratifying his predominant pro
pensity, We have heard of no person havinc any
claim to the character of a gentleman, who
does not pronounce the motion of the boy
Andrews, in good keeping with the char
acter of his logal instructor.
The manner in which the Herald notices
the matter in tho Daily of Saturday the
5th, is not very creditable, either to the
heart or the head of the Editor. While
there is no untruth stated, the style in
which the facts are given, shows that the
Editor indorses the proceedings in rela
tion to us, and is rather pleased with the
result. In the Daily Horrid of tho 27th.
Mr. Allison purports to rive a more de
tailed account of the affair, in reply to
Stuart. In that article Mr. Allison, either
intentionally or otherwise, makes a false
impression in regard to onrself. He knows
full well that the severest term we used,
was that no gentleman would attempt to
past; such an insult upon us under those
circumstances. He also knows that when
we met him upon the pavement, after tho
crowd had passed down stairs, we spoke to
him in the most pleasant manner, assuring
him that wa entertained toward him the
kindest feelings, and that nothing in the
shape of a threat, by word or gesture, es
caped u?. Yet, with all these facts star
ing him full in the face, he has the mag
nanimity, virtually to endorse, by his
"Delphio style," the vilo slander of the
Unioq. We have lived for fifty years,
and never to this hour have we "invited"
man or boy to try their manhood in a dis
graceful fight. It would bo passing strange,
if at tbis time of life, we should become
so far lost to a sense of propriety, as to
make such a proposition to Mr, Allison.
We shall say nothing upon our right to
participate in the deliberations of Friday
evening. We leave it for the public to
determine, whether or no, as an opponent
of Slavery, and a tupportcrof thb Repub
lican State Ticket, we should be' deprived
of a scat in a Republican meeting.
AaTUut aecMwities acam eompell aa
to call upon our . subscribers to send in
their subscriptions. . Uur fame is con
stantly occupied in editing and publishing,
and we cannot afford to employ an agent
to travel and collect. We need money
with which to pay our bands; why then
do those who are in our debt, withhold from
us our just dues ? Our political enemies
are doing (11 they can by day and by night
to put our paper down, but if our patrons
do not trash us, by withholding from us
their subscriptions, we are safe. The
promptness " of oar Waynesburg, and
Uuiontown friends' is gratefully acknowl
edged. Wo had intended to reply to Mr.
Larimer in . our editorial columns in this
issue, but have been happily relieved by
our correspondent "Visible."
At one time we were under the impres
sion that we had perhaps erred in our first
notice of the conduct of Mr. Larimer, arid
had actually written an apology, when lo !
his article published in the Daily Union
of the 14th inst, deprived us of the
luxury of confessing an unintentional er
ror; and threw us back into the middle
of the prcoeding w&k. In that artiole,
by a garbled quotation of our foot-note to
the communication of a correspondent, on
the Bubject of conscience, he makes us to
say precisely the reverse of what we did
say.- We had not noticed that trick when
we said in a former number of our paper
that Mr. Larimer's Btyle was that of a
Christian gentleman. Wo now say that
we never have detected in any political
trickster a more dishonorable act, in con
troversythan the one above referred to.
With this remark we dismiss the gen
Umap, and hope not to have occasion to
refer to him again.
For the True wcricu,
MR. RaoaN : In the American Union
of July 8, we see an article headed "Rev.
Larimer on Ragan." . This wo thought a
strange caption, but after reading the ar
ticle through, we thought it equally so.
But we design to notice only a few things
in this communication, aa they mostly re
fer to yourself, and you may dispose of
them as you think proper. We will first
notice the following Article of the A. R.
Churches' creed, as given by Mr. Larimer.
"All associations whether formed for
political or benevolent purposes which bind
their members by oath to obey and keep
secret lavs and principles tho nature and
tendency of which are not known to them
when they take such oath are inconsistent
with the spirit and genius of Christianity,
and arc to be avoided as ensuaring and
dangerous."
After Mr. L. giving this article as above,
he asks the question : Did I take higher
grounds on that subject than our church
has done ? We answer this question affirm
atively. For this article can have refer
ence to noue but secret oaths taken by per
sons who are unacquainted with the prin
ciple, nature and tendency of the Bame.
If we are not very much mistaken, Mr. L.
did not read this artiole to his congrega
tion ; but stated that he had the Rituals
of the Know Nothing order in his posses
sion. This unqualified declaration came
from Mr. L. in the pulpit: "Yes, my
Christian hearers, perhaps some of you
have sworn to keep the secrets of this Or
der, without understanding its objects, its
nature and tendency. Not that any of its
objects are in themselves sinful ; but it is
a secret society I have their Rituals.'
But Mr. L., as Invisible said, was pleased
not to exhibit them to his congregation.
For well ho knew that his author would
have disgraced him, therefore he passed
the assertion on the strength of his own
veracity. If there are any such Rituals
in existence, Mr. L. must have been the
depository for some society and betrayed
his trust, and violated a solemn oath by
revealing things which he had sworn most
solemnly not to reveal, or he has taken his
ritual, which ho has published in the
Union, from a perjured scouudrel. Any
one can see by Mr. L.'s Ritual, if it be
true, that no member haa a right, or can
expose any law of the Order without
violating a solemn oath. Now one of those
tliliige io evidently true, viz : Mr. L. or
the author of his ritual have perjured them
selves, or the said ritual is talse. Which
of these things are true, we will not take
the responsibility of deciding. But make
the best of it, and Mr. L.-could not have
been in possession of facts sufficient to war
rant him in making tho declarations he
did make in the pulpit, for he did not know
them to be true. If ho had said that hn
was in possession of a ritual purporting to
be the ritual of tho order commonly term
ed Knrw Nothings, which ritual he be
lieved to bo true, and if true, persons be
longing to said order could not enjoy the
privilegos of tho church, the case would
havo been quite different. From issuing
a Bull that any person belonging to the
order designated or called Know Nothings,
could not enjoy the privileges of the church,
we cannot but think Mr. L. was in this
case acting tyranical, and that the rules of
the church of which he is a minister did
not require such action at his hands.. This
we think is just as plain as the fact that a
ritual, or any, thing else, cannot bo secret
and at the same tiino public. ,
We would uot wish to dictate a course
for our Rev. friend to pursue, but only to
drop a few ideas, hoping they may prove
useiul to him, if not here, when he goes to
the West to form a new acquaintance and
give an example of truth, houor and hon-
esty to a confiding people. 1st Never
state anything as truth which you do not
know to be true. This, Wayland says, is
speaking falsely. We may give our opin
ion but we must give it as our opinion and
not as the truth. .
For instance, you say in your commu
nication of July 8, in the way of self-com-meudation,
that many have been intimate
ly acquainted with yon for near a Score of
years, as a man and as a minister and have
thought you honest Now friend L., every
one who has ever read your article knows
that you did not know what these men
thought of you ; they may have thought
you honest r dishonest. '" .They may have
said they thought you were honest, or they
may have entrusted matters to your care
which would cause yon. to believe they
thought you honest. But I doubt very
much whether any of your numerous friends
or acquaintances will say as much for you
as you have said for yourself. ' ;
Again, Mr. L. says in regard to Mr.
John M'Laughlin and Hon. Samuel Mc-
Nary, who were present on the occasion,
"men of known intesrrity, known as men,
as christians, and as politicians in Jeffer
son county long before Brother Ragan or
his upstart American party was ever heard
of, and whose names will b e held in grate
ful remembrance long after Sir. Ragan arid
his invisible ' Know Nothing (which I
know all about) shall have gone to ashes."
Now we do know that Mr. L. did not know
that the names of these two men will be
held in grateful remembrance long after
Mr. Ragan and his upstart American par
ty. This party has been effectual in the
destruction of the two old parties, which
wo think will cause it long to be remem
bered. And I doubt not its stand ajpiinst
the monster Slavery will be recorded on
our country's history and read by her lib-
I crty-loving sons for ages lo com?, I have
no doubt but, tho principles of this party
will be the prevailing principles of the pre
vailing party, long after we who are now
engagod in their advocacy, together with
all who oppose freedom, shall have bid a
final adieu to this earth and all cares. We
feel a delicacy in saying anything about
the actions, either religiously or politically,
of the meu whoso names are introduced
by Mr. L. as references. Perhaps ho has
taken this liberty without their consent.
The name of Mr. M'Nary is identified, I
believe, with the passage of the law known
as the Black Law of Ohio, which was so
odious that, if wo mistake not, it was never
executed, but decided to be unconstitu
tional and repealed, now many men in
Jefferson county would hold in grateful
remembrance any name associated with
the disgraceful Black Law of Ohio ? We
would not have referred to this fact, were
it not that the subject of these remarks,
still adheres to, and acts with the pro-sla
very political party ; yet is claimed by Mr.
L. to be a Christian, which we will not
say is impossible, but if so, it is surely
strange. Mr. M'Laughlin acta with the
anti-slavery party, if we mistake not. We
say in conclusion, that we do not believe
Mr. L. ever saw the Rituals of the Know
Nothing Order, or he would have produced
them when promised, instead of the tiling
whieh he put out in the Union. He de
sires his friends to believe that he tells the
truth. We' would say to Mr. L., if he
wishes to be gratified in this respect, he
should always speak the truth ; and when
ho says to thorn that they may expect the
Knotf Nothing ritual at a certain time,
give it to them ; and uot disappoint them
even if he should make an improved edi
tion of the thing he put out in the Union.
VISIBLE.
For the True American
Native Americans Should Rule Amer
ica. As we have two classes of citizens cit
izens by birth and citizens by adoption, it
is evident from the caption of this article,
that we affirm the propriety of withholding
from ono class the further exercise of the
privilege of joining with the other in the
capacity of rulers. All persons that come
to this country from foreign shores, after
complying with tho naturalization laws,
are us eligible in the eye of tho law to hold
offices as the nativo citizens. But we do
not affirm the necessity of embodying the
sentiment of our caption in any of tbo or
ganic laws of our country, for an ample
remedy is at our command ; but we assert
the necessity of correcting public opinion
as to the propriety of indiscriminately elect
ing citizens of foroigu birth to officos of
trust und profit, or in other words making
them our rulers to tho full extent contem
plated by the law in prescribing tho duties
of tho persons holding those offices. And
wo havo too long allowed party prejudioe
lo bliud us to the fact, that our adopted
citizens, through the servility of office seek
ers to this class for tho purpose of obtain
ng their votes, have acquired an undue
and injurious influence in tho election of
onr officers. It is well known that con
ventions charged with tho nomination of
candidates, have too frequently discharged
the duties of that important trust, more
with a viow to their availability, than their
compcteucv : for thev well knew . that
whilst voters would run in the party tra
cos without kicking or backing or in oth
er words, would allow wire-workers to cut
out the job and tell them what to do, their
nominees would receivo the strength of
their party. If one party greatly exceeds
the other, a nomination by that dominant
party, was considered ,by an aspirant for
office, as almost equivalent to being cleot-
ed, but if, ' as was the oase in most coun
ties or districts, the vote was a close one
the political strength of both parties near
ly equal then comes the tug of war, for
if one set of nominees could succeed in out
jockeying their competitors so as to secure
the votes of adopted citizens, end the float
ing vote that literal course of election
eering could always procure they could
then rest certain of ultimate euceess. As
before stated, conventions frequently nom
inated candidates with the special - refer
ence to'their, popularity, gained by a knack
of doing tho handsome which we need not
describe and hence thb plea of availabili
ty, so leng and sa often , used by .calcula
ting politicians--and hence the truckling
of aspirants' after office, to the whims and
interests of this class of voters. And
a largo majority, perhaps all of this class,
are opposed to the reformatory and enlight
ened legislation, which the welfare of the
country and Bpirit of the ago demand, and
seek the enactment of measures at variance
with our common good, and subversive of
our republican institutions, and it matters
but little to us whether they oppose the
one or secure the performance of the o'thor
by their own hands or with the tools that
the promise of an offico was pretty certain
to procure, forthe injury to the interests
of our common country is the same. But
the injury that we have received from their
opposition is not so great and that which
we might yet receive would not, perhaps,
be greater than what we have and are re
ceiving by having our offices filled not by
men eminent for their capability and mer
it, but by a class of unqualified and un
principled office seekers, which this policy
has too long given us. We do not assert
that all our officers have been and are of
this class, but this has been the rule, and
good officers the exception. And it is ea
sy to oeo that whilst this policy is pursued,
wo C!5fl9t advance in pro3perity-(?antiui
obtain the reformation of abuses so much
needed at present, nor secure the enact
ment of equal aud just laws instead of the
partial and inefficient legislation that haa
so long disgraced our country, for men of
reliablo principles, sterling integrity and
eminent capability will not pander thoir
principles nor clog their hands by the
shackles sought to be imposed upon them,
aud bccaupc they will not do so, and
stoop to court the popularity before men
tioned, they are not available. In too ma
ny instances, when a convention lost sight
of this important policy and had the satis
faction of presenting Candidates of unex
ceptionable character and eminent capabil
ity, but unskilled in the tactics alluded to,
its members had the additional satisfactson
of seeing them defeated. The people gen
erally begin to think that we have gone far :
enough on tho downward road that it is
time to bring the team round and try to
get up hill again. And the remedy being
in our own hands, it is iucumbent on us to
apply it ; and as it is the best to begin at
the foundation of the evil, we say firmly to
those desirous of getting offices, if you con
tinue to seek for popularity with foreign
citizens with a view to obtaining their in
fluence and votes, you cannot receive ours
but with tho leave of the Editor, we will,
at a proper time, tell what we think of el
ectioneering and office seeking. On the
other hand we say respectfully but firmly
to our adopted citizens : you have helped
us to hold the lines about long enough
you have pulled one way and we have pul
led another till the team is getting rather
baulkv, and wo can't possibly trust all the
reins in your bauds, though like some of
our little boys, you are overly willing and
mighty conceited; so, ns we don't drive
well together, "by your leave" wc will just
take tho reins in our hands awhile. The
wagon and team are ours, and you are very
wolcome to ride with us if you wish, but
we must drive.
The emigrants that have long thronged
and yet throng our shores, do not all comtw
from one country, but from many, it fol
lows that they have various, and often con
Rioting notious respecting Republicanism,
and of what are their rights and privilo-
ges under it. As this is a free country,
they come hero with too much of a "we'll
do as we please" kind of disposition. They
have yet to learn that a truo republican
trovcrnmeut reoulres each individual to
O A
govern himself and refrain from trespass
inv on the rights of others, and that the
lawless, licentious freedom he wiBhes to
exercise, is not compatible with truo liber
ty. As they find that matters here are
not arranged as tbey "severally supposed
they would be, they are very confident that
they can mend things vastly, and soon be
come quite officious to advise and assist,
and the socialist republicanism of the tier
man, the red republicanism of the French.
and th' aristocratic republicanism of the
English, all have their earnest, zealous ad
vocates. And whioh shall we adopt, or
shall we experiment upon each by turns
or shall we cooly stand back and let all
these theorists and schemers take up our
tools and materials, and experiment on
4 tin tn aa f W nleaso or shall wo, with
buuiu J j- '
our own hands, continue to uphold the re
publioauism of our teverd forefather, and
say to the advocates of all those sohools of
European republicanism, tins is tne Amer
ican standard, reared by wiso men and
truo, and to thia standard you must all ap
proximate ? ' We assert the latter, believ
ing as we do, that it is the only thing that
can centralize and neutralize these various
conflicting theories. We assert the neces
sity of doing so, for unless they are thus
absorbed and rendered harmless, they must
remain a mnes of irrecohciliblo impractica
bilities, which will generate an antagonism
that must prove injurious, and may even
Jually prove fearfully destructive. And
this standard and its necessity we indicate
when we say that Americans should rule
America. And this privilege of ' right be
longs to us, for we are Americans,1 and
America is ours; and we, do our adopted
citizens no injury by asserting and exerci
sing it. It is ours by inheritance, for oar
forefathers fought for the liberty of exerci
sing tbis privilege they ejected heir for
eign rulers, because they believed that they
themselves were better qualified to rule,
than , strangers "possibly could be they
successfully exercised that privilege, and
bequeathed as an inheritance to their pos
terity. ' Tho' introduction to the'Constitu
tion 'decIarciP'We, the people of the Uni
ted States, in order to secure the blessing'
of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do
ordain &o." We, the citizens born in this
oountry, are undoubtedly the persons di:
rectly indicated bj the word ''our posteri-,
ty" we are the persons to whom the 'rkh .
inheritance won by the testators was more
immediately bequeathed than any others,
and it is therefore incumbent on us to watch
and guard the various aveuuos by . which
this right may lie invaded, in order to trans
mit it unimpaired to our posterity. And
if we have thus far shared, . with adopted
citizens the high privileges bequeathed t
us, even making many of our rulers, we
invade none of their natural rights by ma
king rulers exclusively of our own citizens.
And this we should do the common go od
of all, renders it necessary, and we can ia
it without illegally disfranchising a singl
individual. The bill of Rights asserts "that
all men are born free and equal, with cer
tain inalienable rights, amongst which ere
life, liberty and the nurauit of happiness,"
and iry others may be enumerated, aa
the right to perform divine worship accor
ding to the dictates of conscience, the right
to acquire property, 4c. And wo belicv
that all persons of all creed should havo
Lmplo and legal protoetiou in the eaercUo
of these rights that thene are rights of
which no man,, nor any association of men
can have any right to deprive their fellow
men, on any pretext whatever but tie
right to rule to tho extent of tho authority
conferred by an office, is none of these
unless indeed some have become so ambi
tious and selfhh, that they cannot be hap
py without an office. And we are inclia -ei
to think that this may be the case with
aew, for we have sceu some who appaar
ed to be really unhappy aimot misera
bio, when tbey failed to get elected to an
office. Tho monarchs and potentates of
of the world assort that the right to rule
is natural and hereditary that they were
born to rule and the prerogative is theira-
but our forefathers repudiated their doc
trine justly considering that the possessors
of merit aud capability, when iuvested with
official authority, by tho suffrage of thoso
who delegate that authority, alone have
the right to rule. And do tho emigrants
from other countries come here believing
that they have a natural right to bear rult
over U3, and that they are as well or even
better qualified, let ns surrender the reins
into their hands if not, let u rein them
and drive on. i If they come here ambi
tious and expectaut determined to seek
for offioe as a necessary constituent of hap
pine?s, it is time to curb their ambition,
and teach thuin to seek happiness in some
other direction ; but if they have no such
disposition, they will submit cheerfully to
the rule of Americans. If they come here
to seek homes for themselves and their
children to enjoy to a greater extent tho
rights of civil and religious liberty, these
rights are guaranteed by our constitution
and laws to them as to ourselves the instant
they arrive in our country. And for this
nnrnnao. we bplieve that a verv larze tnaior-
ity of them come here for, and compara
m.K J " V -
tively few would seek for office, if they .
were not tampered with ambitious aud un
principled men, who wish to use them as
tools with which to secure their own ag
grandizement. All the great avenues to
competency and wealth are open and free
to them the agricultural or manufactu
ring, the mechanical or professional, with
out uny embargo, await their choice. Ia
all these and in the exoroise of all their na
tural rights, they have as full and ample
protection, beforo they are legally invested
with all the privileges of citizenship, as
they have afterward. We shall now show
that the right to vote and hold office is not
a natural but a conferred right. Thnt they
must rcsido here a specified number of
years, and comply with the naturalization
laws, before they can excroise, it is well
known that we had fall right to enact
suoh laws sod require compliance with
them is not denied by any this therefore
proves conclusively that this question of
franchise is ene of national policy, anil not
of natural right, and as such iB subject to'
any revision and alteration that may ap
pear to be necessary. , But it is said that
as all legal enactmonts act positively, no
revision can effect any of the privileges ac
quired under existing laws. ; We are well
aware of that wo do not wish to disfran
chise any man, for we have so ample rem
edy, without doing so oue that wo can
apply without invading any rights or priv.
iloges, eithor natural or acquired.
The li w does not say that when they
hava acquired all tbo privileges, of citiion.
ship, that we must also make them our in-
CONCltfDED ON THIRD PAM.

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