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Ao Ult LIBERT AND HAPPINESS AS A NATION ARK H OUK OWN KEEPING, IF TflKY ARE EVER SACRIFICED IT WILL EE ON THE ALTAR OF PARTY SPIRIT, AT THE INSTANCE OF DESIGNING AMBITION AND BY I I'R OW N IXANPS. VOL I. YPSILANTI, (MJCH) THURSDAY MAY 16, 1844 NO. 22. ; THE YPSILANTI SENTINEL. t Will be published every Thursday by JOHN VAN FOSSCN. -Office orer C, Stock's Store, three doors - vvest of the Post Office, - Tsrms Two Dollars a year if paid in ad . vance, or Two Dollars and Fifty Cents if not paid in advance. ' . Advertising on the usual terms of weekly papers. - " ' POETIIY For the Ypsilami Sentinel. SONG. Tvxz "Sparllingvfidhrirkt ' KZafly and bright, as the soon day ligiit. Oar si w of hops is ruing ; . from fui ana ner, the shoot we hear. For Clay and Frrtinghuyaen. From great and small, wa hear the call. With hope and xeal sarprisin? ; , ' So clear the war for Henry Clay, And Patriot Frclinghoysen. The Locos wail, wi:h faces pale. About those golden dishes . -And roar like hail, without avail, ' For office, Loaves, and fishes. The spoils mea all, despair next fall. To kill ns with their poison ; So clear the way, &c. 'The difference clear, we'll make appear-, . They dread it worse than thunder ; When men for right, contend with might, Gainst thirst for public plander. Our patriot band ahal i clear the land. Of British hopes now rising-; s So clear the way, die. ' '- ; A sordid clan. Van Buren ran. . When flush'd with power and station ; And the people gored, with purse and swor3. Well nigh to ruination. . But since he fell, the people feel, Prosperity arising? So clear the way, Jcc - The fox of the Hook, no more by crook. The people's rights can ravage ? They'l leave him holed, in Lindenwold, '.Mong his Basswood trees and Cabbage. Our patriot band, will give the land. Prosperity surprising So cler the way, &c. There's Tyler too, a traitor olue, Immersed in crimes and treason ; .On Texas bent, we'l let him went, With quhe sufficient -reason.. Farewell to the past, we're one at last, That treason cannot poison ; " So clear the way, &c THE TREATY. IX SENATE OF THE UNIT E tTlTES. April 22. 1S44. Head the first and second limes, referred to the committee on foreign relations, and ordered to be printed in confidence jar the use of the Senate. A TREATY OF ANNEXATION. Concluded between the Uniied States of America and the Republic of Texas, at Washington, the 12th day of April, 1844. The people of Texas having, at the time adopted their constitution, expressed by an unanimous vote, their desire to be incorporated into the Union of the United States, ai.d being still desirous of the same with equal unamiuity, in order to provide more efeclually for their security and pros perity ; and the United States' actuated solely by the desire to add to their own security and prosperity, and to meet the wishes of the government and people of Texas, have determined to accomplish, by treat, objects so important to their mutual and permanent welfare. For that purpose, the President of the Uuited States has given full powers to John C. Calhoun, Secretary of State of the Uniied States, and the President of the Republic of Texas has appointed, "with like powers, Isaac V an Zandt and J Pinktiey Henderson, citizens of the aid Republic, and the plenipotentiaries, after exchangeing their full powers,have agreed on and concluded the following artielcs Art. 1. The Republie of Texas, acting in conformity with the wishes of the peo- :p!e and every department of its govern jnent, cedes to the United States all its territories, to be held in full property and -aovreignty, and to be annexed to the said United Stales as one of their territories, subject to the same constitutional provis ion with their other tentories. This ces- . oo includes all public lots and squares, vacant lands, mines, minerals, salt lakes and springs, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors, navv and na vy yards, docks, magazines, arms, arma ments and accoutrements, archieves, and puo nc documents, public funds, debts, taxes ana dues unpaid at the time of the exchange of the ratification of this treaty. Art 11. The citizens of Texas shall be incorporated into '.he Union of the United btates, maintained and protected in the free enjoymtht 0f iheir liberty and property, and admitted, as soon as may be consistent with the piinciples of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, privileges and immunities cf citizens of the United Stain. Art. 111. All titles and claims to real estate, which are valid under the laws of Texas, shall be held to be so by the Uni ted states ; and measures shall be adopt ed fur the speedy adjudication of all unset tled claims to land, and patents shall be granted to those found to be valid. Art. IV. The public lands hereby ced ed shall be subject to the law a regulation the public lands in the other Territories of the U. States, as far as they may be applicable: subject, however to such al terations and changes as Congress may from lime to time think fit to make. It is understood between the two parties, that if, in consequence of the mode in which lands have been surveyed in Tex as or from previous grants -or locations, tho sixteenth section cannot be applied for the purpose of education. Congress shall make equal provision by grants of land elsewhere.' And it is also farther understood, that, hereafter, the books, pa pers, and documents of the general land office of Texas shall be deposited and kept at such place in Texas as the Cou- gress of the U. States shall direct. Art. V. The United States assumed and agree to pay the public debt aud lia bilities o,f Texas, however created, for which the faith and endit of her govern ment may be bound at the time of the ex change of the ratifications of this treaty ; which debts and liabilities are estimated net to exceed in the whole, ten millions of dollars, to be ascertained and paid in the manner hereinafter s'ated. The payment of the sum of $350,000 shall be made at the Treasury of the U. States, within ninety days after the ex change of tho ratifications of this treaty, afollows;-$250,000 to FredeiickDaw. son of Baltimore, or his executors, on the delivery of that amount of ten per cent bonds of Texas ; $100,000. if so much be required, in the redemption of the ex chequer bills which may be in circulation at the time of the exchange of the ratifi cations of this treaty. For the payment of the remainder of the debts and liabili ties of Tela?, which, together with the amount already specefied, shall not ex ceed ten milliions of dollars, the public lands herein ceded, and thefcet revenue fromrho anrmrfsee hereby pledged. art. vi. in oraer to ascertain tne full amount of the debts and liabilities here in assumed, and the legality and validity thereof, four commissioners shall be ap pointed by the President of the U. States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, who shall tneet at Washington, Texas, within the period of six months after the exchage of tho ratifications of this treaty, and may continue in session not exceeding twelve months, unless the Congress of the U. States should prolong the time. They shall take an oath for the faithful discharge of their duties, and that they aro not directly or indircetly in terested in said claims at the time, and will not be during their continuance m of fice; and the said oath shall be recorded with their proceedings. In case of death or sickness, or resigna. lion of any of the commissioners, his or their place or places may be supplied by the appointment aforesaid, or by the Pres ident of the United States during the re cess of the Senate. Thev, or a majority of them, shall be authorized : under such regulations as the Congress of U. States may prescribe, to hear, examine and de cide on al! questions touching the legali ty and validity of said claims, and shall, when a claim is allowed, issue a certifi cate to the claimant stating the amount, distinguishing principal from interest. The certificates so issued shall be num bered, and entry made of the number, the name of the person to whom issued, and the amonnt, iu a book to be kept for that purpsse. They shall transmit the records of their proceedings and the book in which the certificaets are entered, with the vouchers and documents produced before them, relative to the claims allowed or re jected, to the Treasury Department of the United States, to be deposited therein ; and the secratary of the treasury shall, as soon as practicable after the receipt of the same, ascertain the aggregate amount of the debts and liabilities allowed ; and if the same, when added to the amount to be paid to Frederick Dawson, and the sum which may be paid in the redmpiion of the exchequer bills, shall not exceed the estimated sum of 810,00000, he shall, on the presentation of a certificate of the com. missioners, issue, at the option of the hol der, a new certificate for the amount, dis tinguishing principal from interest, and payable to him or order, out of the net proceeds oftbe public lands hereby ced ed, or stock of the U. States, for the amount allowed, including principal and interest, and bearing an interest of three per cent per annum, from the date there of; which stock, in addition to being made payable out of the net proceeds of the public lands hereby ceded, shall also oe receivable and payable for the same, In case the amount of debts and liabil ities nllowed, with the sums aforesaid to be paid to Frederick Dawon, and which may be paid in the redemption of the ex chequer bills, shall exceed the said sum often millions of dollars, the said Secre tary, before issuing a new certificate, or stock as the case may be, shall make in each case such proportionable and ratea ble reduction on its amount ns to reduce the aggregate to the said sum of ten millions of dollars, and he shall hava power to make all needful rules and reg. ulatious necessary to carry into effect the powers hereby vested in him. Art. VII. Until further provision shall be made, the laws of Texas, as now existing, shall remain in force, and all executive and judicial officers of Tex- as, except the President and Vice Presi dent, and heads of departments, shall re tain thsir offices, with all power and au thority appertaining thereto, and the courts of justice shall remain in all re spects as now established and organized. Art. HI. Immediately after the ex change of tho ratification of this treaty, the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a comm.ssioner.who shall proceed to Texas and receive the transfer of the territory thereof, and all the archives and public property and other things herein conve3ed, in the name or the U. States. He shall exer cise all executive authority in said ter ritory necessary to the proper execution ot the laws, until otherwise provided. Art. IX. The present treaty shall be ratified by the contracting parties, and the ratifications exchanged at the city of Washington, in six months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof, we, the undersign ed, plenipotentiaries of the United States of America and of the Republic of Tex as, have signed, by virtme of our powers the present treaty of annexation, and have hereunto affixed our seals, respect ively. Done at Washington, the twelfth day of April, eighteen hundred and forty four. J. C. CALHOUN, fSeall ISAAC VJLN ZANDT, . Sesl t J. PINCKNEY HENDERSONTSeal MR. CLAY ON THE TEXAS QUESTION. To the Editor of the National Intelligencer. Raleigh, April 17, 1844. Gentlemen. Subsequent to my de parture from Ashland, in December last, I received various communications from popular assembly and private individu als. requesting an expression of mv opin ion upon tho question of the Anexation of Texas to the United States. I have for boren to reply to them, becaus it was not very convenient, daring tfce progress of ; my jcurney, and for other reasons. did not think it proper, unnecessarily, to introduce al present a new element among the other exciting subjects which agitate and engross the public mind. The rejec tion of the overture of Texas, some years ago, to becomo annexed to the U. States, had met with general acquiescence. Nothing has occurred materially to vary the question. I had seen no evidence of a desire being entertained, on the - part of any considerable portion of the American people, that Texas should become an in tegral part of the Uniied States. During my sojourn in New Orleans, I had, indeed been greatly surprised, by information which I received from Texas, that, in the course eflast fall a voluntary overture had proceeded from the Executive of the U. States to the anthorities of Texas to conclude a treaty of anexation ; and that, in order to overcome the repugnance felt by any of them to a negotiation upon the subject, strong and, as I believed, errone ous representations had been made to them of a state of opinion in the Senate of the United States favorable to the ratification of such a treaty. According to these rep. resentations, it had been ascertained that a number of Senators, varying from 35 to 42, were ready to sanction such a treaty. I was aware, too, that holders of Texas land and Texas scrip, and spec ulators in them, were actively engaged in promoting the object of anexation. Still, I do not believe that any Executive of the Uuited States would venture upon so grave and momentous a proceeding, not only without any genera! manifesta tion of public opinion in favor of it, but in direct opposition to strong and decided ex pressions of public disapprobation. To the astonishment of the whole nation, we are now informed that a treaty of anexa tion has been actually concluded, and is to be submitted to the senate for its con sideration. The motives of. my silence, therefore, no longer remains, and I feel it to be my duty to present an exposition of my views and opinion upon the question, for what they may be worth, to the public consideration. 1 adopt this method- as being more convenient than several re plies to the respective communications which I have received. I regret that I bave not the advantage of a view of the treaty itself, so as to en able me to adapt an expression of my opin. ion to the actual conditions and stipula tions which it contains. Not possesing that opportunity, 1 am constrained to treat the question according to what I presume to be the terms of the treaty. If, with out the loss of national character, with out the hazard cf foreign war, with the general concurrence oftbe nation, with out any danger to the integrity of the Uni on, and without giving an unreasonable price for Texas, the question of anexa tion were presented, it would appear in quite a different light from that in which, I apprehend, it is now to be regarded. The U. States acquired a title to Tex as, extending, as I believe, to the Rio del Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana.' They ceded and relinquished that title to Spain by the treaty of 1819, by which the Sa bine was substituted for the Rio del Norte as our western boundary. This treaty was negotiated under tho Administration of Mr. Monroe, and with the concurrence of his Cabinet, of which . Messrs. Craw, ford, Calhoun, and Wirt, being a majori ty, all Southern gentlemen, composed a part. When the treaty was lain before the House of Representatives, being a member of that body, I expressed the opin ion which I then entertained, and still bold, that Texas was sacrificed totheac nuisition of Florida. We wanted Flori- j.-.-tmr! thothtit mu4 from Its posl - i u. , o . tion, inevitably fall into our possession ; that the point of a few years, sooner or later, was of no sort of consequence, and that in giving $5,0000 and Texas for it, we gave more than a just equivalent. But. if we made a great sacrifice in the surrender of Texas, we ought to take care not to make too great a sacrifice io the attempt to re-acquire it. My opinions of the i nexpediencv of the reaty of 1819, did not preveil. The coun try and Congress were satisfied with itf appropriations were made to carry it in to effect, the line of the Sabine was re cognised by us as our boundary, in nego tiation both wilk Spain end Mexico, af ter Mexico became independent, and measures have been in actual progress to mark the line, from the Sabine to Red river, and thece to the Pacific ocean. We have thus fairly alienated our title to Texas, by solemn national compacts, to the fulfillment of which we stand bound by good faith and national honor. It is therefore, perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title to Texas, as if we had never parted with iu We can no more do that than spain can resume Florida. France, Louisiana, or Great Britian, the thirteen colonies now composing a part of the U. States. During the administration of Mr. Ad ams. Mr. Pointselt, Minister of the U. States at Mexico, was instructed by me, with the President's authority, to propose a re-purchase of Texas ; but he forbore even to make an overture for that pur. pose. Upon his return to the United States, he informed me, at N. Orleans, that his reason for not making it was, that he knew the purchase was wholly im practicable, and that he was persuaded that, if ha made the overture, it would have no other effect than to aggravate ir. ritations, already existing, upon matters of difference between the two countries. The events which have since transpir ed in Texas are well known. She re volted against the government of Mexico, flew to arms, finally fought and won the memorable battle at San Jacinto, annihi lating a Mexican army and making a captive of the Mexican President. The signal success of that revolution was greatly aided, if not wholly achieved, by citizens of the U. Slates, who had emi grated to Tex as. These succors, if they could not always be prevented by the gov ernment of (be United States, were furu. shed in a manner and to an extent which brought upon us some nalioual reproach in the eyes of an impartial world. .And, in my opinion, they impose on us the ob ligation of scrupulously avoiding the im putation of having instigated and aided the revolutioq with the ultimate view of ter ritorial aggrandizement. After the bat tle of San Jacinto, the U. States recog nised the independence of Texas, in son formity with the principle and practice which have prevailed in their councils of recognising the government defae - to" without regarding the question de jui c. man cu'giiuiuii uhi uui nueui ur impair the rights of Mexico, or change the relations which existed between 'her and Texas. She, on the contrary, has preserved all her rights, and has contin ued to assert, and so far as I know j et as serts, her right to reduce Texas to obedi ence, as a part of the republic of Mexico. According to late intelligence, it is prob. able that she has agreed upon a tempo rary suspension of hostilities; but. if that has been done, I presume it is with the purpose, upon the termination of the ar mistice, of renewing the war and enforc ing her rights, as she considers them. This narrative shows the present actu. al condition of Texas, so far as I have in formation about it. If it be correct, Mex ico has not abandoned, but perseveres io the assertion of her rights by actual force of arms, which, if suspended are intended to be renewed. Under these rircumstao. ces, if the government of the Uniied States were to acquire Texas, it would acquire with it all the incumbrances which Texas is under, and among them the actual or suspended war between Mexico and Tex as. Of that conseauence there cannot be a doubt. Annexation and war with 1 n iUcntici.4. rtow, for one, I certainly am not willing to involve this country in a foreign war, for the object of acquiring Texas. I know there are those who regard such a war with indif ference, a trifling affair, on account of the weakness of Mexico, and her inability to inflict serious injury upon this country. But I do not look upon it this lightly. I regard all wars as great calamities, to be avoided, if possible, and honorable peace as the wisest and freest policy of this country. What the United States most need are union, peace and patience. Nor do I think that the weakness of a power should form a motive in any case, for in ducing vs to engage rn or to depreciate the evils of war Houor, good faith and jus tice are equally due from this country to wards the weak as towards the strong. And if an act of injustice were to be per petrated towards any power, it would be more compatible with the dignity of the nation, and in my judgment, less dishon erable, to inflict it upon a powerful instead of a weak foreign nation. But are we perfectly sure that we should be free from injury in a slate of war with Mexico' Have we any security that countless num bers of foreign vessels, under the authori ty and flag of Mexico, would not prey upon our defenceless commerce in the Mexican gulf, on the Pacific ocean, and every other sea and ocean ! What com merce on the other hand does Mexico of. fer, as an indemnity for losses, to the gal. lantry and enterprise of our countrymen T This view of the subject supposes that the war would be confined to the United Slates and Mexico as the only belliger ants. But have we any certain guaran ty that Mexico would obtain no allies a. mong the great European powers ? Sup pose any such powers, jealous of our in creasing greatness, and disposed to check our growth and cripple us, were to take part in behalf of Mexico in the war, how would the different belligerants present themselves to Christendom and the cnlight ened world ? We bave been serioously charged with an inordinate spirit of terri torial aggrandizement ; and without ad mitting the justico oftbe charge, it must be owned that we have made vast acqui sitions of territory within the last forty years. Suppose Great Britain and France or one of them, were to take part with Mexico, and by manifesto, to proclaim that their objects were to assist a weak and helpless ally, to check the spirit of encroachment and imbitioti of an already overgrown Republic, seeking still further acquisitions of lerrilory.lo maintain the in dependence of Texas, disconnected with ihe United States, and to prevent the fur ther propagation of slavery from the U. States, what would be the effect of such allegation upon the judgment of an im partial and enlightened world? Assuming that the annexation of Texas is war with Mexico, is it competent to the treaty-making power to plunge this coun try into war, not only without the con currence of, but without deigning to con. suit Congress, to which, by the Constitu tion, belongs exclusively the power of de claring war T ' I have hitherto considered the question upon the supposition that the annexation is attempted without the assent of Mexico. If she yields her consent, that would ma terially affect the foreign aspect oftbe question, if it did not remove all foreign difficulties. On the assumption of that assent, the question would be confined to domestic considerations which belong to it, embracing the terms and conditions up on which annexation is proposed. I do not think that Texas ought to be received into the Union, as an integral part of it, in decided opposition to the wishes of a considerable and respectable portion of be Confederacy. 1 think it far more wise and important to compose and har monize the present confederacy, as it now exists, than o introduce a new element of discord and distraction into it In my humble opinion, H should be the constant and earnest endeavor of American States men to eradicate prejudices, to cultivate and foster concord, and to produee gene ral conlentraerri among all parts of our confederacy. ' And true wisdom, it seems to me, points to the duty of rendering its present members happy, prosperous, and satisfied with each other, rather than to attempt to introduce alien mcmbers,again?t the common consent tod with the certain ty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr Jefferson expressed the opiuion, and others believed ihtn it never was in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution to add for eign territory to the confederacy, out of which new States were to bo formed. The acquisition of Louisiana and Florida may be defended upon the peculiar ground of the relation in which they stood to the Slates of the Union. After they were ad. milted, we might well pause a while, peo ple our vast wastes, develope our resour ces, prepare the means of defeading what we possess, and augment our strength power, and greatness. If hereafter fur ther territory should be wanted for an in creased population, we need entertain no apprehensions but that it will be acquired by means, it is to bo hoped, fair, honora ble, nd constitutional. It is useless to disguise that there aro those who espouse and these who oppose the annexation of Texas upon the gionnd of the influence' which it would exert, in the balance of political power, between two great sections of the Union. I con ceive that no motive for the acquisition of foreign territory would be more unfortu nate, or pregnant wit a more fatal conse qjences, than that of obtaining it for the purpose of strengthening one part against another part of the confederacy. Such a principle, put into practical operation. would menace the existence, if it did not certainly sow the seeds of a dissolution of the Union. It would be to proclaim to the world an insatiable and unquenchable thirst for foreign conquest or acquisition of lerrilory. For if to-day Texas be ao qnired to strengthen one part of the con federacy, to-morrow Canada may be re quired to add strength to another. And. after that might have been obtained, still other and further acquisitions would be necessary to equalize and adjust the bal ance of political power. Finally, in the progress of this spirit of universal domin ion, the part of tho confederacy which is now weakest, would find itself still weak er from the impossibility of securing new theatres for those peculiar institutions which it is charged , with being desirous to extend. . But would Texas, ultimately, Twlty add strength-to that which is now con- C1TY CF HSSUNTl tflSlDA'-CM. COLLlCIiO.t. J