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13 CAPITAL OCT DOES ROYALTY. Souie Considerttions Pertaining to the Great Strike. Editob Advocate: And first, til con damn Pullman as the occasion of the strike the same aa Carnegie of the Homestead strike of a year or bo ego. For a modicum of sense is enough to enable one to understand that these couldn't roll up such millions from the labor and sweat of others without these others coming short of their share. I argue from general principles that labor is oppressed and aggrieved, without go ing into details as to wages. For if, in the distribution of the proceeds of labor and the products of industry for the paat quarter of a century, 25,000 or 30,000 families have raked in more than half of all the property of the country, is it not self-evident that someone else has not got his share and that a vast many others have been euchered in the divi sion? There can be no other conclusion. For suppose the 30,000 had got the whole instead of only half, where would the other CO millions of people have been left? Without a cent, of course. And so, measurably, when the 30,000 capital ists receive half the swag, somebody else must come short and be monstrously un derpaid. And that's what's the matter. One party can't take the whole and leave the other enough under any pro cess of reasoning you may employ. Again, the census of 1870, showed a product of the manufactures of the country of about 1,800 million dellars, of which labor got a certain share and capital the rest. But the census of 1880 showed a gross product increased to near 6 billion dollars. Now, did labor get its proportionate share or increase of this? Not much. It only got a slightly increased percentage, while capital scooped in an increase of 300 per cent, or 5 to 1. No wonder there are thousands of millionaires in the pro tected industries of the country, from 100 to 200 in each of the cities of Cleve land, Pittsburg and Chicago, made such by the aid and assistance of the govern ment, and whole streets of them in Providence, R. I, bred of government legislation, while their toilers live from hand to mouth, accumulating nothing from year to year, and not one in a hun dred is enabled to own the house he or she inhabits. And this is to be among the virtues growing out of the strike, aa out of the Coiey demonstration, to call the attention of our authorities and of the people to the condition of things in the country and secure a correction of evils. That there are evils, and serious ones that have produced such a state of affairs all now admit. Even the Kansas City Star, a regular old-party organ, is moved at last to say that, "Abuses have crept into the American system of gov ernment which must be eradicated. It has been claimed of late years that fraudulent accumulations and aggrega tions of wealth are as inviolable aa the fair rewards of thrift and enterprise. Stocks have been watered. Wealth has been padded out to unnatural propor tions. The wage-earners have been squeezed in order to pay dividends on fictitious stock, and the public has been fleeced to meet the same unfair purpose. "The time has come when the water must be squeezed out The artificial values must be wiped away. The quasi- public corporations, to use the language of the supreme court of the United States, must be made to conform to the same principles of justice which govern private business. They must be content to earn fair dividends on the actual value of their plants. Kailroadi in the hands of receivers and others which ought to be must be "reorganized" on a basis of actual values. Manufacturers and business men must be content with fair remuneration for their efforts and their capital without the false stimulant of government protection, either in the way of bounty or the delegation of "sov ereignty" in the guise of publio fran chise. "It is only under this revised order of things that the workingmen will 'no longer be confronted with the constant sense of oppression which, more than all other considerations, is at the bottom of strikes and boycotts. While every gen eral menace to industry and trafflo must be put down, the root of the evil must also be attacked not in a spasmodic, nervous, excitable way, but in a deter mined, rational and peaceful movement against the fatal theories of legislation which are responsible for trusts, monopo lies and legitimatized extortion." Uow the American people have de parted from the theory and philosophy of the fathers and founders of our institutions-have ignored and repudiated their designs and all their intents and purposes in the organization of the re public I If any one idea was uppermost in their minda in the framing of our in stitutions, it was the idea of man as man, disassociated from his worldly con dition and uninfluenced by his surround ings. All were to be regarded aa alike made in the image of the godhead and, therefore, entitled to equal consequence and consideration whether arrayed in a broadcloth coat with silk stockings or with no coat or stockings at all Clem en's speech on the death of Camot re flected the idea of the fathers. True, a small element, represented by Hamil ton, Fisher, Ames and a few others, dis countenanced such socialistic theories and denounced them as demagogey. But these were set down upon pretty hard and the democratic spirit of equality became dominant as every man became a ruler and a sovereign. The genius of the age was represented in the inaugu ration of President Jefferson, riding to the capital on horseback, hitching the animal to a picket and going in and tak ing the oath and riding away unheralded and unannounced. Whereas, the in auguration dinner and ball of a modern president is modeled after and rivals t hose of a European monarch, while the flunkeyiam of the men and the flummery and flounces of the women in attend ance are a close imitation of the ridiou loua social systems of the Old World which Jefferson and his Bchool aimed to discountenance and discourage. It is history, that at the first social parties of President Washington, those who or ganized the arrangements had him and Mrs. Washigton perched upon a plat form at one end of the room, which all approached and then made their de voirs to the occupants in imitation of the czar or pope. But this aping of royalty struck the average American offensively and was soon abandoned. Of course the toadies of aristocracy were disgusted at such deference to the demands of the common herd; but the initiated throne went the way of all such gew-gaws, all the same. But we have very largely re vived them, till our capital out-does royalty in its base and vulgar aping of the latter, and the spirit of the fathers seems deadened in that devotion to dis play and pretention marks the age while man and the government that repre sents him is indifferent to the wants and the welfare of bis fellow and leaves him as In monarchical governments to shift for himself, even though he become the victim of the shrewd and cunning or of wealth and power. If tha 25,000 or 30 COO families whom we have referred to succeed by and through the drsg-cel of bonds, mortgages, eecuriti&s and titles in securing the enlire property of the country, the garishness of wealth and display will not have the eamezestfer the American people as cow. And we shall have time between meals to sym pathise with the strikers and their fami lies and with Coxsy and his armie& For many who little dream to-day that de privation can overtake them, will find themselves right there. A Lnrar Couhty Fabmxr. Don't Tax Industry. Editor Advooatx: The Advocate recently had an editorial advocating the abolition of the tariff, the government ownership of railroads, telegraphs and telephones a tax upon large estates and legacies, a graduated income tax, and a tax upon unoccupied lands, as a means of removing some of the fruitful sources of the concentration of wealth. It is unnecessary and unjust to tax in dustry in any form. If we remove all taxes, direct and indirect, and other re strictions from industry, and raiseall revenue by a direct tax on the value of land, regardless of whether it is used or not, those who now hold valuable land out of use for speculative purposes would be encouraged to put it to use or sell to somebody who did want to use it. The whole field of natural unused re sources would thus be thrown open to labor. All labor then could Bad pro liv able employment, and with the owner ship of such monopolies by the govern ment as the railroads, telephones and telegraphs, and with a currency issued by the general government direct to the people, it would be unnecessary to tax the rich man to prevent him from op pressing labor. Under such a system as above described, the man of large in come could receive it only by the em ployment of many laborers, and as labor would be free to employ itself, the man who employed labor would be forced to pay the laborer as much as he could make working for himself, so, then, the man who received a large income would be a benefit to the whole community. No, industry should not be restricted in any manner. An income tax is a tax on industry, and to that extent a restric tion on industry. Free production and exchange, then other reforms will be easy. J S. Lewis. St. Louis, Mo. Lincoln on Capital and labor. From President Abraham Lincoln's message to the seoond session of the Thirty seventh oongTess to be found in the appen dix to the Congressional Globe of the Thirty-seventh congress, second edition, page 4.1 Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there ia one pcint with its connections net eo hackneyed aa most others to which I ask a brief attention. It is tha effort to plasa capital on an equal fcotlnj? with, If net above, labor la tha structured government. It is esauaied that labor is available only in cennsction with cap ital, that nobody labors unless somsbedy else owning capital somehow by tha nz3 of it induces him to labor. Labor is prior to and independent c! capital. Capital ia only the fruit cx labor and could never have existed if labor had cot first existed. Labor ii the superior of capital and desomj muoh the higher considsntlon. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; cone less inclined to Ukecr touch aught wUch they have cot hon estly earned. Let them beware of sur rendering a political power which they already possess, and which, ii surrendered, will surely be used to clcce the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost THE MAMETS. Chicago, July lt', 1321. Whiat Cash, K4 cent; Sept., 577h cents; Dec, 60 cents. Corn Cash, 43-' cents; Sept., 43 cents; Deo., cents. Oats Cash, 35!, J cents; Sept, ay cents. FOKK-Cash $1170. LIVB STOCK. Kansas Citt, July 1G, 1894. Cattlk Shipping steers, $l.WX4.7r: native cows, $l.:ttXA!W; stackers and feeders, WOO 17.r; bullMl.VM..r0. HousBuU of sales, 11.75(3-1.80; lights, york era and pigs, l.cr(04.75. hors it a. W. 8. Tough A Son, managers of the Kansas City Stock Yards horse and mule department, report: Extra draft, 4 to 7 years $100 00 ($ $135 00 Good draft, 44 ........ CO 00 WOO Extra drivers 44 44 100 00 44 175 00 Good drivers 44 . 44 6500 9000 Saddle good to extra 75 00 44 175 00 Southern mares and geldings. . 25 00 - 75 00 Western range, unbroken, 20 00 44 60 00 Western ponies 12 60 44 30 00 MULES. Market fairly active. A little more move ment In all grados. Trices steady at quota tions. Hi. 4 to 7 years, extra ..$ 45 00 $ CO 00 14" 44 44 good 85 00 " 60 00 hands 4 to 7 years, extra 75 00 " 90 00 15 44 J good 70 00 " 80 CO 16 44 44 44 extra 1.Q0 00 44 120 00 15 44 44 44 good WOO 44 100 00 10 to 1 good to extra 100 00 44 135 00 CHICAtIO HIIEEI' PKI.T MARKET. CmcAoo, July 13,1894 P. C. Porter, 123 Michigan street, Chicago rt. ports as follows: Wool and skins aro beginning to move again Values are on so low a basis that prices have not fallen off very much during the late strikes. Quotations are to some extent nomi nal, but sales can be made at about the follow ing prices: Best green, salted wool skins (esti mated for the wool) 15c to 16c Fine and country wool skins (esti mated for the wool) 13c to 15c Best full wool butcher dry flint, west ern skins, per tt So to 8c Good average lots, per ir 6c to 6c 8hearllngs, each 10c to 20c Lamb skins, each 15o to 30c Common bright wool loo to 1.1c Common bright wool, western 8otol0o Quarter and three-eighths bright wool 13c to 16c Quarter and three-eighths bright wool western lie to lie Fine and one-half blood bright wool. 9c to 13c Fine and one-half blood bright wool, western 8c to 12c The stock of wool Is fair, but of pelts small. Good wool skins can be sold on arrival. 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