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People's voice. (Wellington, Kan.) 1890-1917, April 01, 1892, Image 7

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F. B. SNYDER, Compounds Strictly Pure Drugs. Take Your Family Rcceipes and Prescriptions to him. Accuracy Guaranteed, p. B. SNYDER.
PAEMEBS' ALLIANCE.
ALLIANCE NOTES.
Hand this paper to soroe railroad
employe.
Gold-baseites tell us that green
back monev is irredeemable. Preach
ers tell us that the righteous need no
redemption, only the sinner. The
greenback is the savior of the bank
note. Who prefers the binner to the
savior? Iowa Tribune.
Intriusic value is no more an es
sential to make money good than
corpulency is to make a healthy man.
It is not the bulk nor the value of the
bulk that makes money but the p etge
on it of the government which makes it
pay public aad private dues. Alliance
Herald.
Tom Watson, and other alliance
men, refused to go into t ie speaker
ship democratic caucus, for which they
were denounced as rascals, traitors, and
Judases. Now the eastern anti-silver
democrats declare they will not enter
a democratic silver caucus, and not a
word of criticism is heard. Bah!
Weekly Toi.er.
Under free coinage, gold and silver
dollars could not get much apart in
bullion value, and never did, because
the legal tender power of each dollar
kept their bullion values near each
other. Rut demonetize either dollar
and its bullion value can and does fall
considerably below that of the other.
Emporia Gazette.
Napoleon's theory w as to divide an
m?rm mmm Pim mitm Asm
H-- -
;;siii
ff'r it..-: i
I, ! i , J
A FEATURE OF THE PLATFORM.
We demand that postal savings banks be established by the government for the safe deposit
of the earnings of the people and to facilitate exchange. St. Louis Demands, Feb. 22, 1S92.
army and whip each part separately.
The money power undertook to follow
the saina tactics and keep the laborers
of the city and the country fighting
each other, but the scheme fell
through, as all the laboring classes
have learned that their inserests are
the same. Exchange.
The silver men are having a lively
time in Washin?ton. New England
members of the house are fighting free
silver with a vim. They say it will
"cause business men to lose confidence."
The farmers have already lost confi
dence The question is: Can a few
boodle business men boss the ciuatry,
or shall ihe great masses'.' Progressive
Farmer.
Some earnest advocates of free
coinage are becoming considerably an
gered at the conduct of Mr. M. D.
Ilarter. This is all wrong. Mr.
Darter is doing better service for the
success of the P.Iand bill than any five
men who are advocating its passage.
Dis opposition is so venomous and his
methods so unfair as to rouse a spirit
of distrust of his motives. National
Sconom'st
Addressing an appeal for justice to
a man who is the direct benetic ary of
the oppression that is destroying you,
is nonsense aad folly. Work with those
who are similarly situated and whose
interests are identical with yours.
Every producer and laborer ia this
country has the same interest and the
name hce for relief, and they must pull
together if they would succeed. Alli
ance Herald.
Chicago papers say there are 30,000
idle laborers in that city. A non-union
man told ns that 80,000 would be nearer
right, and that all were willing to work
at anything to keep from starving.
The authorities are at a loss to know
what to do about it Unless there is a
change in the monetary system the
army of tramps and paupers will quad
ruple itself before another year. Pitts
field (IiL) Advocate.
Will some gold-bug be kind enough
to explain just how the silver miner can
reap a profit of twenty-five per cent
bv the coinage of his silver bullion into
dollars, and the peop e lose twenty-five
per cent in receiving those same dol
lars for their labor or products? This
is a dark subject upon which tiany
Beoole would like to see a little light
reflected from some of our brilliant
financial luminaries. Advocate.
The politicians are mad because
the alliance does not confine its busi
ness to the scientific principles inrolved
in feeding hogs, growing pumpkins and
corn shucking. Tt is practical It
means business. It is going to the root
of the disease. It is medd ing in poli
tics, taking a hand in the caucus and
the conventions, thinking and voting
and killing more politicians than you
can shaue a stick at, and that hurts.
That's why they squeal Commerce
Journal
NO MORE PLANKS.
The Omaha Convention Mont Not Add Any
to the St. Louis I'latform.
We notice some of our exchanges are
talking about certain additional planks
which they want added to the platform
at Omaha. Now, gentlemen, stop and
think a moment The St Louis con
ference was comDosed of accredited
delegates from all the principal indus
trial organizations of this country.
They assembled for the purpose of
formulating a basis of agreement upon
which all could unite politically. They
succeeded, and all agreed to abide by
the platform that has been promul
gated While that platform may not
contain all that some individuals, and
perhaps a large number of them, may
wish that it contained, it must be re
membered that in forming a basis of
agreement between so many organiza
tions, concessions were necessary; and
only those things could be incorporated
which all could agree to. As that plat
form now stands every organization
represented at St Louis w ill stand by
it and vote for the candidates who may
be named at 0 naha. If other planks
are addei at Omaha, some of these or
ganizations will have the opportunity
to say we n ".er agreed to these, and
are under no obligations to stand by
them; and they will be fully justified
in this position.
We hope those who are agitating the
questiou of more planks in the plat
form will think seriously of. these
things. One of the greatest dangers
with which we are now confronted lies
in the direction indicated. The Omaha
convention should plant itself squarely
on the St Louis platform without us
much as the dotting of an i or the
crossing of a t Let ns make the cam
paign on the issues presented, and
await another campaign for such
changes as future discussion and ex
perience may suggest
Some other questions may be em
bodied in our state platforms, which
all sections of the country are not yet
ready for. Complete revolutions in
public sentiment cannot be manufact
ured in a moment They are the re
sult of education and of gradual
growth, and the men who have at
tained an advanced position in this edu
cational growth must not wreck the
entire movement simply because all
other men have not yet attained to
their standard. Let such men take
their position upon the hill tops 'and
hold aloft the beacon lights which will
guide the multitudes up higher; but do
not let them carry the lights so far up
into the clouds that the multitudes will
lose sight of them altogether. Wait
a while until those in the rear of the
procession have a little time to catch
np. Let us have no more planks in
the national platform this year. To
peka Advocate.
A Dead Letter.
The Chicago Tribune, by means of a
special agent sent out to investigate
the workings of the inter-state com
merce law in the states of Iowa, Ne
braska, Miss mri, Minnesota and Kan
sas, has confirmed what has all along
been suspected, viz.: that the railroads
have been and are shamelessly violat
ing that law in these states by discrim
inating in favor of large shippers
giving them better rates than are given
to small shippers, and by giving these
large shippers cash rebates; also by
discriminating in favor of certain locali
ties and against other The mass of
evidence which the Tribune produces to
prove these facts is simply incontro
vertible and overwhelming, and is proof
conclusive that the law is defied at will
by railway managers, and is hence a
dead letter. Favoritism, discrimina
tion and outrage are thus practiced
upon the small shippers, and certain
localities and great commercial in
terests are built up at the expense and
to the positive injury of others.
Atchison Champion.
Recently the anthracite coal owners
met in New York and agreed to ad
ranee the price of anthracite coal
twenty-five cents per ton. They also
decided that if the cold weather con
tinued the price would be still further
advanced. What was that crankv idea
they had some hundred years ago about
taxation without representation being
robbery? Journal of Knights of
Labor.
The membership of the Knights of
Labor has increased twenty-five per
cent since the general assembly met
at Toledo, 0., a few months ago.
f T3 !C,:r, guar antj.;
! rate nF WV.- f PrnrW fil
mms in v mm
mm w im f m fL $ah-k
APPRECIATION OF MONEY.
The Dollar Will Kuy More Than Lvct J
Itefore."
Before the house committee on agri
culture recently, where Mr. Pillsbury
was making an argument that but for
the fictitious dealiug on boards of tra 1e
farm products would bear a better
price, Mr. Lewis asked: "Isn't money
worth more than ever?" Mr. Pillsbury
replied: "I think as a whole the dol
lar will buy more goods now than
ever."
That is true undoubtedly, and that is
17 .
what we have been for years trying to I
get plutocracy to admit "The dollar ,
will buy more than ever it would be
fore." We want every farmer and
laborer to take that as a text and
preach out his own sermon from it, and
when he is done preaching we want
him to get down and pray for sense
enough to see what effect that condi
tion of things has upon him aad his
family, and for indepen lence and self
asserted manhood enough to come out
on his own side and work for better
conditions.
"The dollar will buy more than it
ever would before." That is a rich
harvest, fat and plenty, for the man
that has the dollar, but it is the parched
earth, leanness and starvation for the
man that has things to sell for the dol
lar. It is all right for the man that has
a fixed salary, interest and coupons,
but the man whose muscle or whose
soil must produce something to buy
the dollar, is "in the soup" without
spoon cr ladle. That is the very condi
tion of things of all others to enable
wealth to oppress labor, and the finan
cial legislation of the last thirty years
has been directed to this very point, to
make "the dollar buy more than it ever
would before." That is why every
effort to increase the circulati m is re
sisted by the plutocratic parties and
press, and is also the very reason why
I the hosts of productive labor should
unite as one man to secure a fair re
muneration for the products of labor.
It can only be done by a change of
financial system.
Dvint let the plutocrats make you be
lieve that this much-purchasing dollar
is r.s good for you as it is for anyone
else, for when you sell more labor and
products to get it than ever you did be
fore, it will not pay one cent more of
debt interest and taxes than did the
do lar you once got for half as much
labor. Besides, if you lay up anything
for the rainy day, or for old age, you
can lay up only of your surplus profits.
Ilow can you expect surplus profits
when the "dollar will buy more of r our
work than ever it did before?" You'll
have no surplus profits, and you'll lay
up nothing, you'll not even get out of
debt only as you are sold out, while
this condition of things continues.
Mt Vernon (III) Progressive Farmer.
A Stinging Retort.
Mr. Simpson during the tariff debate
floored Ray, of New York, who had the
floor for the republicans. In answer
to a proper question which Mr. Bay
had granted Mr. Simpson permission to
ask. Bay said:
"To such a foolish question, if I werw
disposed to sneer at the alliance mem
ber, I would retort by asking, 'Was
your grandmother a mokey? "
"And if yon did," retorted Simpson
"I shoald answer as Dumas did the
French captain, by saying, 'Yes, sir;
my family began where yours leaves
off.'"
If the tariff is to be the issue will
some advocate of a properly regulated
tariff state how many mortgages it
will lift, how much it will stop the rob
bery of trusts, syndicates and com
bines and how many people it wdl re
deem from debt who shall sell their
products at cost of production on ac
count of the scarcity of money? Alii
ance Herald.
The worst kind of a partisan is the
one who under the right of son-partisan
organization shows on every oppor
tunity the most intense old-party bigot
rr. The true non-partisai throws all
parties to the dogs and says: Here are
my demands. The party that supports
me will jet my support Nonconform
ist
The democrats of Georgia are now
about in the same fix the republicans
of Kansas were two years ago. When
they make a call for a county central
committee to meet they find that near
ly all the committee has joined the peo
pie's party. Oberlin (Kan.) Herald.
TO RAILROAD EMPLOYES.
What Do You Expert to Gain Br Antago
nizing the I eople'f Party?
The interrogatories which form the
caption of this article are addressed
particularly to railroad employes.
In a broad sense the law makers of
the country, whether found in legisla
tures or in congress, are partisans.
The term, as use i in this connection,
is not intended to be in any sense offensive.
Where there is free speech and a free
nrou V.o ill ho r.nrtoa Tt ia in.
evUabu ,n,i nt this result we indulrra
in no complaints.
"In old colony times, when we lived
under a king," there were parties.
Tl
here was a party that favored British
xation without representation, and a
taxation without representation,
party opposed to such taxation. Hence
the anti-tea party, that was organised
in Boston, a party that boarded a snip
loaded with tea and emptied the cargo
into Boston bay, which gave rise to an
old battle song of w hich the following,
as we recollect was a stinza:
'Johnny Bull and many more,
Soon ttai-y say are comlnso'er,
Ami when they mien our shore
They must have their tea.
So Johnny put the kettle on.
13c Hure to blow the tire strong,
And load your cannon, every one.
With stronj gunpowder tea.
During the revolution the whig and
lory parties existed, next the repub
lican and federalists; after these came
the democratic and whig parties; then
the democratic, whig and abolition
parties; later the democratic and re
publican parties with here and there a
prohibition party. At this writing
there are three parties in the field, the
democratic, the republican and the
people's party, the latter sometimes
being referred to as "the Farmers'
Allia'ice," and which at the same time
claims to bo a labor party, or the work
ingraen's party.
If we were to bo guided in our esti
mate of parties, predicated upon pro
fessions expressed immediately prior to
an election, we should be compelled to
aver that all political parties are deep
ly concerned about the welfare of
labor that their solicitude for the. hap
piness and prosperity of workingmen
absorbs a large per cent of their
thoughts, and that they are ceaselessly
wrestling with the subjects, how best
to promote the intirests of men whose
labor pays all interest taxes and reve
nues, and keeps the world from stag
nation and decay.
This system of profession, chicane,
duplicity and hypocrisy has bcea prac
ticed for years and has inspired many
a time, workingmen,
"With hopes, that but allure to fly,
With joys, that vanish while he sips,
Like Dead-Sea fruits, that tempt the eye,
But turn to ashes at the lips."
Here and there, now and then, the
laims of workingmen have been recog
nized and laws have been placed on
the statute books which modified some
outrage that had fastened itself upon
our Christian savage jurisprudence, a
relic of barbarism and a legacy Irom
the dead past those dark and damned
ages when, in judicial parlance, it was
always "master and servant" or "mas
ter and slave," but never "man and
man;" when no workingman, cither in
court or out of court, sought to have
any right restored or respected, which
had been cloven down by his "master."
The world of workers took hope when
the declaration of independence de
clared that "all men are created equal,"
and the day on which it was first read
is a national holiday wherever float
the stars and stripes, and he shouts:
"Forever float the standard sheet!
Where breathes the loebut falls before us.
With freedom's soil beneath our feet,
And freedom's banner waving o'er us."
But the question arises, over whom
does the starry banner float nowa
days? Over a nation of freemen?
Nominally u does, but in fact it docs
not
Workingmen declare that they are
not free men, if their employers may,
with or without law, hire Pinkerton
thugs, arm them with rifles and order
them to shoot down workintrmcn like
dogs without provocation. These in
fernal cut-throats, these vagabond!
from the slums, these hired outcasts
constitute a military force unknown to
the state, and yet workingmen have
been unable, except in a few instances,
to strike down the murderous policy
of some railroad corporations which
?mploy the thugs.
We confess that in all our readings
of savage and barbarian methods we
have found nothing more essentially
devilish, more infernal in all regards
than the empl lyraent of Pinkerton out
laws to murder workingmen at the be
hest of a corporation.
We talk glibly of lands cursed by
autocrats and aristocrats, and exclaim,
read our declaration of independence!
Behold our flag! Remember Bunker
Hill and York town! Contemplate the
territorial grandeur of our republic!
And in our rapture we contemplate the
luminous track of glory, permanent
and bright, made by our fathers, to
which we love to refer; but as one be
holds an armci gang of Pinkerton mur
derers ready to kill railroad men under
orders from a railroad corporation,
does not his blood run cold in his veins?
And when men who make laws are ap
pealed to to end the infamy by enact
ing a law forbidding its continuance.
and are given to understand that it
will not be done, what if any, is the
remedy?
Is it longer wise to continue in afflia'
tion with any party that thus rudel j
and contemptuously thrusts ns aside?
Is it not wise to form an alliance with
some party that is pledged to reform
abuses so glaring that Satan himself
would be unable to frame an excuse
for their continuance?
Is it not of the highest importance
that railroad employes should give
special prominence to tne "co-employe
iniquity?
It is scarcely required tooffer a word
in outlining its measureless injustice,
and that it should be incorporated into
American jurisprudence staggers be
lief. Railroad men fully comprehend
the wrongs it Inflicts.
What is the demand? It is not to re
peal statutes by virtue of which tnis is
wrng, scarcely less than a crime, ex
ists, but to enact a law which shall at
once and forever strike from the records
of the courts the damning evidence
that with all our boasting we are IIt- J
ing under decisions based npon neither
law nor testimony, but which a effect
ually blast the rights of workingmco
as if it were writtin in our constitu
tions that railroad employes are serfs
or chattel s'aves, who have no rights
which courU are bound to respect
Who, of all the wise men ia America,
possessed of hearts and whose sensi
bilities are not dead beyond the reach
of hope, are not horrified almost daily
by the recorls of the maimed and
killed emplores of rai'.roa ls?
By the rulings of the courts, based
upon no law, except that nondescript
thing called the "corjmon law," handed
down from the time when the em
ployer was master and the workin
mn & neUhi,r a wQr' . nnr
. . . v, , . . . .,
uv.i j, iiu tu(, u V.1.111U uaiuM, a rati-
road corporation for damages, have
any more standing in court than an
African slave in "old plantation times."
The courts show them no considera
tion whatever, provided it is shown
that he was maimed or killed by the
ne?ligence or ignorance of a co-employe,
though in the employment of
the co-employe he hai no more voice
thaa a man who died before the fl od
and the corporation is usually pre
pared to show that a oemploye was
the cause of the injury.
In one or two states, perhaps, the in
famy has been w ipe i out Why not ia
every state? Simply because the
corporation has demanded that it
t-hould stand
The corporation is always on hand
when a legislature meets. Its agents
find out who are the base-born, de
generate creatures who represent
themselves; tiey find out the price of
those men who are knowi to be "for
rent" or "for sale," and paying their
price, own them.
Some of them sell cheap, others d
mand round sums, but the average is
never large and the political meudi
cants are easily fixed, and in ninety
nine cases out of a hundred the railroad
emyloye is compelled to accept de
feat.
All of thU leads to the inquiry
What are the railroad employes going
to do about it? ill they accept de
feat forever and a day? Are they so
wedded to their chains that they will
never make a freeman s effort to
break them?
The old parties, call them by what
name we may, havo been tried, and
their promises have been broken as
often as they have been made. The
corporation has won in nearly every ia
stance. Is it worth while to trust them
further? Does not ever consideration
of justice, right truth, independence
and the sunremo importance of tae in
terests at stake, demand a change of
policy
There has come to the front within a
recent period a new party, as we have
said the people's party. It proposes
certain reforms, some of which, at
least, are of a character that command
widespread approval
We are not required to print the platr
form of the people's partv, nor toia
d rse all of the propositions it contains.
We are not required to so much assug
gest that all railroad employes should
become identified with and active work
ers in the people's party; but the ques
tion arises, wherein docs tne people s
party autagoniza any demands of rail
road employes? In what plank of its
platform is to be found hostility to the
interests of labor?
In response, it will doubtless be said
in some quarters that the people's party
has evinced hostility to railroads, and
bcca ise of this unfriendliness the in
terests of railroad employes are jeop
ardized.
The question arises, in what is the
people's party unfriendly to railroads
In discussing such a proposition let us
be frank.
The people's party expresses the
opinion that the water in railroad
stock should be squeezed out; that
railroads should do business on honest
investments and not upon a basis of
fraud, and that they can afford to so
reduce rates of transportation for per
sons and freights as to make them
what they were designed to be, a bless
ing to the country.
Railroad corporations at once set
about to defeat such legislation, and at
this juncture comes into view stragetic
movements on the part of railroad cor
porations of astounding audacity,
In the first place, tne corporations
say to the states: "If you reduce rates
we will reduce the number of trains.
ThU reduction of the number of trains
is to operate in the way of a penalty
upon the sovereignty of the people,
the sovereignty by virtue of which the
corporation exists.
Ia the next place, the corporation
prepares petitions to be presented to
legislatures, requiring their employes
to sign them, under a threat direct or
implied, that their wages depend upon
their compliance.
In addition to this, the corporation,
having immense facilities at hand, send
forth their henchmen to organize their
employes into clubs for the express
purpose of antagonizing the larmers,
the Farmers Alliance ana tne people
party, to the extent that such legisla
tion as the farmers demand shall not
be had.
In view of these strategic movements
how stands the case with fail road em
ployes who demand, and ought to have,
certain important laws enacted for
their protection?
If railroad employes antagonize tbe
farmers, what more natural than that
the farmers should reciprocate this
hostility? Throughout the middle,
southern and western states the farm
ers, if united, will dictate legislation.
That they will unite is a logical con
clusion, because everywhere tueir in
terests are practically identical
It is urged by some that the policy
mapped out by tbe farmers is imprac
ticable, that they are the victims of
vagaries. But is it not said in certa
ourxters that workinzmen are '"the
enemies of capital?" and that whe
they strike for their rights or agaio,t
wrong that they "become the enemies
of society and constitute a dangerous
element?" and are not corporations
ceaselessly devising schemes by which
they hope to disrupt and destroy labor
organizations?
But such discussions are foreign to
the purpose of this arti.-le, and, return
ing from any seeming digression, we
ask, what are the advantages railroad
employes expect to gain by antagoniz
ing the farmers or the Farmers' Alii-
ance.
Is it believed if railroad employes
succeed in defeating the farmers that
the corporation will aid them in crush
ing out the Pinkerton infamy? Do
railroad employes, those engaged ia
the train service, so much as dream
that the corporation will when he
farmers are defeated, demand of legis
latures that the co-employe iniquity
shall done away with?
If workingmen propose to sing
"Hail Columbia, happy land,"
in earnest then they must add
"Let independence be our boast.
Ever mindful what it cost."
The time has cime, as in the far
away days of the Israelites when idol
worship was making sad iuroads upon
the epiueless sons of the chosen people
when Baal had four hundred
prophets and Cod only one, Elijah,
ho said: "How long halt ye betw een
wo opinions? If the Lord be God, fol
low him; but if Baal, follow him."
nd now, if the lorporation be the
railroad employes' god. let them fol
low it and do its bidding, bat if their
wn independence and self-respect,
their liberty and citizenship combined,
is preferable, then by all the gods let
them assert themselves, be true to
themselves, though the furnace of
their auctions bo heated by the pluto
cratic Nebuchadnezzar seventy times
otter than when cremated martyrs of
the past demonstrated tiiat tiieir
courage was equal to their convictions.
Eugene V. Deba, in Locomotive Fire
men's Magazine.
PERTINENT POINTS.
A Few Inquir'.F on the KnllroaJ Oaeftlon
-Who Mill Anawrr?
Would it not be well for railroad cm
ployes to seriously address themselves
to an earnest honest consideration of
the following questions:
1st Is there any existing relation
ship between railroad earnings anC
wages paid railroad employees?
21. If yes, how does such relation
ship manifest itself?
G L Are wages raised as earnings in
crease.'
4th. What becomes of the nearly
four hundred millions of d dlars real
ized by the railroad corporations after
the payment of all operating expenses,
including wages?
5th. What per cent of profit do the
railroad companies realize, it such
profits be calculated upon cctual cost
of construetion and equipment?
O h. Could not the federation of rail
road employes maintain their scale of
wages cen if such profits were re
duced? 7th. Won'd not such reduction of
profits benefit railroad employes equal
ly with all other classes?
8th. Are the interests of railroad cor
porations and their empl ?ycs identical?
9th. Must employes rib themselves
in order that their emp oyers may be
able to pay their wages?
10th. Have railroads in the past cm-
ployed any more men than they neces
sarily had to have?
11th. Can they do any less than that
in the future? George G Ward, in
Locomotive Firemen's Magazine.
INFORMATION ASKED FOR.
If Prohibition It tli Paramount luoe
Whrre Do the Few That Own All the
Wealth Get Their Money
I notice that the Kansas conference
of the Methodist church, in the course
of its proceedings, passed certain reso
lutions, in the body of which occurs
the following statement or sentence:
We emphatically declare our profound con
viction that the question of tbe extinction of
the saloon Is the paramount question challeng
ing the attention of the American statesman.
Other issues over which parties contend are
distltute of moral principle and but like prating
concerning mint, anise and cummin, while this
Involves the weightier matter of the law, Jus
tice, truth, mercy and rlKhtcousnesa.
I also note the fact thst in Nortn
Dakota, at the annual 6tate prohibl-.
tion convention, the members of the
Farmers' Alliance and kindred organ
izations withdrew in a body from such
convention rather thru indor. and as
sent to virtually the same proposition,
or statement to-wit: That the prohi
bition of the manufacture, importation
and sale of .ntoxicating liquors is the
paramount issue before the American
people!
I am lost in amazement at the su
preme ridiculousness anu farcical
comicality of this effort to thus force
sjber, industrious men to believe that
the liquor traffic is the cause of their
impoverishment and failure in busi
ness. Mr. Editor, 310090 individuals
own J3; 000,000,000, or three-fifths of
the total wealth of the nation. Will
some ardent prohibitionist, who in
dorses the above remarkable resolu
tion, please state how many of these
indiviuals obtained their money by
trafficking in intoxicating liquor?
George C Ward, in Topeka Advocote.
The men who have tried and are
trying to build up a labor press are en
titled to the fullest support of organ
ized labor. It has been proven that
they are willing to serve the cause for
a bare living. They know full well
the power of the press and will make
their now struggling papers great daily
defenders of the cause of organized
labor as soon as the members of our
unions give them their sympathy and
support Instead of carping criticism
and a disposition to tear down, the
tame zeal should be shown in trying to
build up. The true test of a man'i
sincerity and worth in the labor more
ment is his desire and ability to build
it up. A fool can tear down, Midland
Mechanic.
The gentlemen opposed to the free
coinage of silver say that the fcilver in
a dollar is produced for forty-one cents.
Suppose it is so. What of that? The
Homestake Mining Co., of the Black
Hills, the largest producer of gold in
the world, has its business so system
atized that every ton of ore milled av
erages S3 at a cost of SL6L So one
dollar of gold costs thirty-two cects.
Take off vour government fiat tnd
which would be worth the more gold
costing ihirty-two cents or silver cost
ing forty-one cents? Exchange.

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