OCR Interpretation


The Pulaski citizen. [volume] (Pulaski, Tenn.) 1866-current, April 27, 1866, Image 1

Image and text provided by University of Tennessee

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85033964/1866-04-27/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for

TT
-
VOLUME 8.
PULASKI, TENNESSEE, FftiDAY MORNING, APRIL 27, 18G6,
NUMBER 17.
vllliZJ.MNo
.'S
s
)
V
r
f,
V-
J
n
BUSINESS CARDS,
NATHAN ADAMS,
Office in Court-house next to Post Office,
WILL PRACTICE L.AW
in Chancery and Circuit courts of Giles. He will
Attend to the Collection of Claims
ngainrt tho IT. S. for Bounty, Pension, Back Pay,
or claims for property and charye nothing in such
casesitnlil tit iruiiu-y in collecUd. fob lG-Gm
SOLON E. HOSE,
Attorney & Counsellor at Law,
PULASKI, TENN.
Office in the South-west Corner of the Court Houc,
WII-X. PRACTICE
In tho Courts of Giles and adjouning counties, fcb2
AMOS R. KICHAKDSON,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
PULASKI, TENN.
Will practice in Giles and adjoining counties.
Office iu the Court House. jmilOtf
T. M. N. JONES,
jVttornoy at Law,
TULASKI, TENS.,
Will Practice in Giles and tho Adjoining Counties.
OFFICE,
West side Public Snare, Up-stairs, over the Store
of May, Gordon a May, next door to tho Tennessee
House. jan 12, 2ia
P. G. STIVER PERKINS,,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
PULASKI, TENN.,
Will Practice in Giles and the adjoining counties.
OFFICE
In North end of the Tennessee IIousc, west side
of tho public square. jan 12-tf
JNO. C. BROWN. AS. Jl'cALLCM.
BROWN & McCALLTJM,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
PULASKI, TENNESSEE.
OFFICE Tho ono formerly occupied bv Walker
&, Brown. fan 5, tf
WALLACE BCTLEDOE. B. E. REED.
RUTLEDGE & REED,
Attorneys and Councellors At Law,
PULASKI, TENNESSEE,
WILL practice in the Courts of Giles, Marshall,
Maury and Luwronce. Particular attention
(riven to tho collection of claims. Ollicc s.o. corner
Public Square, Up stairs. Jan 5, ly.
LEON GODFROY,
Watch Maker & Jeweller,
PULASKI. TENN.,
A Lti kinds of Repairing in Watches or Jewelry
.11. done promptly, and satisfaction warranted.
Shop at Mason A EzoH's Store, feb 16-tf
J. M. ROBINSON, C. T. RtTFlET.D, B. F. KAKHNER.
J. M. ROBINSON & CO.,
WHOLESALE DEALERS IN
Porcign and Domestic Dry Goods
NOTIONS, &C.
No. 1S5 Main Street, Between Fifth and Sixth,
jan 121 LOUISVILLE, KY. 3m
t'R. 3. F. GRANT, DR. C. C. AKEl'.NATH Y.
DRS. GRANT & ABERNATHY.
PulnKi, Tcnn.,
HAVING associated themsolvcs in the rnctice of
Medicine and Surgery, respectfully tender their
Bcrviees to the people of Giles and the adjoining
counties; and hope oy strk't attention to business
.to merit a liberal share of public patronage.
Special Attention Ciiven to Surgery.
Having had ample experience in the Army during
tho war, and being supplied with all the appliance
necessary, they feel fully prepjd to trettt all cuses
-entrusted to their caro. "
t5?T Office near &mth-wtft Crnn- Illitt&piarc.
jan 5-6m
ALEX. BOOKER, CAT.. BOOKER.
TONSOEIAL.
A LEX and CALVIN, Knights of the art Toru-orUJ,
-IV invito the young, the old. the gay, the gra-, t-.-i;
lite of Pulaski, to call on them at their new
BARBER, S SALOON, ,
North sido Public square, at the striped polo.
T. 11. CZELL,
E. LDilVNDSON.
Ezell & Edmundson,
East Side Public Square, Pulaski, Term.
Koep constantly on hand u full and assorted
STOCK Ol GOODS,
Embracing a groat variety,
ALL ot which they ofTor at lo w prices especially
, their elegant Btock of
Ready iMade Clothing.
All kinds of Barter, all kinds of money, premium
end uncurrcnt, taken at thoir market value,
jan 5-tf.
Sam. C.Hitchell&Co.,
House Carpenters & Joiners,
PULASKI, TENN.
ARE prepared to do all work in their lino nt short
.,(!., .! lm jnnst. nrvnroved atvlc.
AJk IHJUV-V "V - l " - 11 - . ,
Window atdi. Blinds and Doors made to ordci at
tho best of prices.
FUNERAL UNDERTAKING.
We aro prepared to furnish collins of all kinds
and Bi7.es at sdiort notice. jano-Om
FHUIT TEEES!
Iwish to inform the citizen of Giles county that
I have all kinds of Fruit Trees, which 1 wish to
sell, from tho
ROSE BANK NURSERY,
Tructt & Wilev. Proprietor?.
All ordeTS filled promptly five miles north of 1 "bus- ,
ki, on tha Columbia pike, or loll with I. I.May,
Pulaski, Tcnn. A. P. MAKTjN,
jan 12-2m
A ?cnt.
M. D. Le MOINE,
iJlOHITEOT,
Office Xo. 1 1
'herry St., near tliurcii,
KKnvii.T.r TE"
P.O. LvX STj.
Juli 1 'CO- Ciii
Address of the National Johnson Club to
the People of the United States.-
Ono year ago the bloody civil war that
threatened the ruin of our happy Govern
ment closed. The generals and soldiers on
both sides met on the field of battle and
gave the highest example of magnanimous
feeling, when the blood had ceased to flow,
that was ever exhibited. There was not a
look of hostility interchanged. The vic
tors, who were supplied, gave to the van
quished whatever was necessary to their
comfort; and both, with a just appreciation
of the noble courage and sense of patriot
ism which had animated each army through
the four year's struggle, were justly proud
that they were a kindred race, and the off
spring of the free institutions which had
made them heroes.
They knew what the world now knows,
that it was a dark, long-brooded-over con
spiracy, through which wicked, ambitious
politicians had secuied control of the pow
ers of the Government in the two remote
sections of the country, North and South,
madly excited the slave question, that pro
ducing collision, had brought the men on
each part to the rescue of the homes and
the Governments that were dearest and
nearest to them.
Ought not such a close of the war, under
such leaders as Grant and Sherman ten
deriDg friendship, peace, and honorable
terms to their rivals of the same school,
Lee and Johnson, for themselves, their
armies, and the country, confirmed by
pledges that the result was accepted by tho
vanquished as deciding forever against
them the issues on which the battle was
joined be considered conclusive that no
thing should be demanded but what had
been asked on the event and has since been
fully surrendered?
Has not the right of secession been repu
diated? Has not the institution of slavery
been renounced, and the freedom of slaves
confirmed by constitutional amendments,
State and National? Has not the Confed
erate debt been annulled and the obligation
of both sections to pay the national debt
been admitted? Have not the newly ac
quired rights of the freedmen been provided
for by State legislation as promptly as pos
sible in the section lately in war and an
archy? Have not the whole people, with
the exception of a few . outcasts, rob
bers and cut-throats the shirks thrown
off by the embodied that represeiueiTtlie
principle of tho contest on either side,"3
not worthy of the cause followed the ex
ample of their leaders, and consented that
all tho aims of the war, as proclaimed, b
the National Legislature and Executive, du
ring its Continuance, should be accomplish
ed? And now, what hinders the consum
mation of the main object the communion
of the States, in the happy harmony which
made the new continent the glory of the
world for almost a century?
There is a fragment of a patty in tho
North-east which, like the junto created-by
Calhoun, the Cataline of the South, re
never contented with the Constitutor c
United States. The Essex ju 'Boston
dominated in New England, as the Cal
houn junto of Chaileston-nmated over
(he slave oligarchy of the Doutb. Both
'these faction'iwere imbued with the British
rrinciplet war with tha spirit of Demo-
tTent in our uuu-t-ui'J"--""-'
nvariably the instinct of arUtocracvworka
i -u l.. l,r a rrl'inCwat .
the same end win do b j - a
the conduct Of these juntos of Boston and
Charleston in producing thesevere ordea.s
to wln,.h,'they have subjected the Constitu
tion of ourp -'itrv. The war of J1 was
brought onV- Esox junto-lb Henry
llartfordl0?60500 conspiracy"- thatof
16GI was'
l.roughfio a' head by the ChiriestonJ'3"
sion ordinance. 'J
Tho British Government dW vdiffi"
culties with our Government in sympathy
with the malcontents of Nev England whom
tho triumphs of the Democracy under Jef-.
ferson and Madison had banished I from
power. Thej became a British faction bent
cm severing tho Union with the,1 United
State3 uniting w'uh Canada and prosecut
ing their unetnhargced free trade under the
British flag, the British having compelled
tho embargo restriction. on our Government
to produce tho state of feeling in New
England to enable the conspirators to drive
the people to a separation. The Hartford
Convention was the development of this
scheme. Maine was taken possession of
by a British force. Its power was recog
nized throughout New England.
Tho Government of tho United States
was interdicted from levying forces in New
England to meet the enemy. The British
soldiers in Canada and all along our fron
tiers to the far West, were supplied with
everything from New England, while the
American soldiers were perishijg for want
of food and clothing amid the snow-storms
the Canada line. At such a momtnt
the Tommissiuncrs of the Hartford Conven- I of money, invested in the means of produc
tion appeared at Washington to proclaim j a ve been lost, and its proudest cities
tturnosa of secession to President
Madison to u,e the phrase cf one of thorn,
"nea-eably if we can forcibly if we must!"
Mr Forvth and h brother coramiesioa-
ers from the South followed this precedent
when they came' to "Washington, spent a
month in negociations with Mesars. Seward,
Holland Stanton, asking ''audience toad
just (to use their own words) in a spirit of
amity and peace the new relations spring
ing from a manifest and- accomplished revo
lution in the government of the Union,"
and as an earnest acknowledging the fact,
the surrender of Fort Sumter was demand
ed, and it was acceded to "by Mr. Seward,
who gave Judge Campbell assurances au
thorizing him to say to the commissioners,
"I feel entire confidence that Fort Sumter
will be evacuated in the next five days."
Fortunately, in the days of the Hartford
Convention there was a General Jackson, as
there is now a General Grant.
The British had felt his power through
out the war in the Southwest, as well as the
vigor of the navy on the seas, and when
the Essex junto commissioners arrived in
Washington to renounce the Government,
the victory of New Orleans and the news
of peace met them. They lost the voice
which they had come to utter when they
found the roar of the British lion hushed on
the ocean and on the plains of New Orleans.
They went home, but they were not pro
scribed. The government of New England
had sympathised with the foreign enemy,
but the mass of the people had not as yet
been forced into the ranks of the enemy
their means had been largely contributed to
support British power under the awe its
presence inspired and the influence the
traitors among them exerted.
But none of these men were punished.
Maine, which was in fact under the law of
its ensign as a conquered country, was not
considered out of the Union. Its officials,
although they observed the orders emanat
ing froVi British authoiity, and rendered
important service to that Government, and
were in fact guilty of treason, if the power
of compulsion, though not exerted had not
justified it, were not questioned by our
Government further than to draw from our
courts decisions that eubmision to a power
that could not be resisted rendered treason
able act justifiable.
But now the tables are turned, and there
is "no such allowance for the people of the
South, who were under duress while the
conspirators were establishing an absolute
usurpatioa over them by military force, and
the leading men in the administration going
out and that coming in, nt Washington,
were both'united in a negociation with h.:h
'usurpation, to acknowledge "peace and
amity" with it, a3 tho result of 'a manifest
and accompnshed revolution iu the Govern
ment of the Union," and this confirmed' by
the promise of the Premier that the strong-
holds of the United States in the harbor of
Charleston should be surrendered to that
usurping Government.
The men who stood by tho Union in the
South' until the whole region was given
over by the Government bound to protect
uuem, but winch, instead of intending in
their behajf, ws capitulating for their sur
render, had no alternative when thus per
mitted to be environed within the military
lines of the foe, which expelled everything
Union byond their border, but submission.
WThat right has the National Government
now to hold these men subject to penalties
for acquiescing in their enforced condition,
and yielding to the'will of the State Govern
ments and the military power thus estab
lished, and going into the war, more than
fthe United States had to hold the men of
Maine liable to punishment fur giving aid
and comfort to the British army there in the
war of 1312? - '
The districts there fouud"no"difacuUyt
after the war was over, in getting a repre
sentation inCoDgress. There were noJtest
oathes imposed to exclude them. ""Why
"bT:1 the conspiracy of the Calhoun junto
bi uTggreater punishm'ent on its innocent
(victims thandid that of the Essex junto and
iits Hartford Convention? The scheme of
each was equally criminal a dissolution of
the Union but the means of the latter were
much more invidious, for a foreign force
jvas introduced into the heart of the coun
try hostile to all the essetial principles of
our republican system.
And is there no atonement in the calami
ties with which the unfortunate masses of
tho South have been visited from the des
potism of the usurpation which would never
have been put over them had not the treach-
ery and collusion of the National Govern
meut assisted? nothing in the utter ruin
which succeeded from the invasion of our
army, which necessity made destroyers, to
plead for justice and generosity to the vic
tims of a war guiltless of its provocation?
The whole South lias been a field of battle
all its agriculture has been, to a great ex
tent, prostrate for four year3. Towns and
homesteads innumerable have been swept
away iu fi.-mes.
Haifa million of its most vigorous youths
Lave perished in battle countless millions
j are Ul ruiDS
Charleston remains like the
Carthago of old, an appropriate
monument of the perfidy which has sunk
, the uar,y So-ih ia darkness d dcUtbn.
Meantime the North has risen in increasing
grandeur and wealth throughout the pro
gress of the war. What hearts those men
must have who, standing aloof from the war
and enjoyiDg tho glory and blessings of the
victories won by our callant armies, with
out sharing their toils and perils, now, in
stead of imitating the soldiers' magnanimi
ty in lifting up a fallen brother, would
strike down again the helpless: and who
demand spoil, confiscation, more blood, and
would have it 6hed on a scaffold, where
they could enjoy the tragedy at ease as in a
theatre.
How differently felt that true friend of
the Union President Lincoln. His hu
mane instincts taught him that th bleeding
gashes made by the sjvord, which had sev
ered for the time the affections of the coun
try," were best cured when soonest bound
and healed with the first intention. He
looked upon the States as members of the
same body, still united to it by all the in
destructible ligatures of the Constitution,
but suffering, under the weight of the usur
pation, a suspended animation. That re
moved, the States were in a condition to
resume their functions with all the rights
and faculties unimpaired to them by the
Constitution. When the military power had
done its duty delegated by the supreme
law, and had suppressed the insurrection,
had extirpated its cause, and all impedi
ments to their normal prescribed action, by
what right did Congress interpose, assume
to prescribe conditions not to be found in
the supreme law, which was a law to Con
grpss itself, and which established the State
rights in derogation of which Congress
attempted to legislate?
It was upon this attempt that Lincoln put
his veto. Congress undertook to enact con
ditions not in the constitution of the United
States, upon which the Southern States
should act with their sisters of the North.
This the President considered sheer arro
gation. It was presuming that the States
were dead; that the General Government
having failed in its duty to suppress the
conspiracy and insurrection under which
they were compelled to succumb for a time,
the States had committed suicide had be
come outlying Territories, conquered from
a foreign enerny. The whole pretext was
built up of fa'se assumptions. The Presi
dent proclaimed that tho war was waged by
the nation the principle that the States
in whit! reitrned were parcel
fylhe nation could nor should not be serja-
ted from it by their own or any other power,
that neither the Congress of tho United
States nor that of the usurping. Confederacy
could alter their status in the Union.
Upon this issue, elaborately argued over
he whole country and1 injHongress, the.
President was nominatedjJ-election by;
tho Republican Convention at Baltimore,
which reaffirmed his principles. Leading
mergers of the party in Congress protestedi
against the doctrine, called it in question.
.in an able manifesto, which was an appeal
to thepeoplegainet, iiNreto nUw
fled it at the polls. It was fr-iP at
the last Session of Congress for practical
application in the admission of Louisiana,
and was only defeated by a sort of revolu
tionary tactics on the part of Mr. Sumner
and five other Senators, who, when the bill
was on its passage, took the floor and ''an
nounced the det?Tminatio:i"lo speak out the
session and lose the bills oeceVafy'tb sup-
port the Government and carrv on the war
Now, the whole Radical parfAtiVe as"
sumedaa their party r-ciple the anti
Constitutional dtri" that the States put
in obevs" 7 rebellious usurpation s'uall
only .bo recognized - as in theUnion when
submitting to term3 prescribed by an act of
Congress. This attains the point at which
the Essex junto the high-flying Federal
ists of the North would, at the beginning
of the Government, have: fixed the power
of the General Government. The whole
policy of this aristocratic body of politicians
have ever been, and is now, the considera
tion of the supreme power in tha hands of
Congress. Its legislation is to pervade the
States and 'supplant that of their Legisla
tures. They make a full manifestation of their
design in their Freedmen'a Bureau bill and
their Civil Rights bill by which they under
take to establish a Dationof negroes among
a nation of whites, and render them inde
pendent of tho laws and courts of the States
in which they reside and in contempt of
all sense "of justice and humanity, their
revolutionary measures invading the rights
of the State3, and annuling their municipal
laws, by excluding them from their rights
in the Union, and their representation from
the halls of CongresST and governing them
as England once governed Ireland refusing
to hear her voice in the Imperial Parlia
ment. Ab Ireland was governed by laws Kent to
her from England, so the eleven States of
the South, still excluded from representa
tion in Congress, although they have given
proof of entire submission to the laws and
Constitution and acquiesce m ail the lseues
determined by the war are governed by
j laws shaped in a caucus, and passed by a
j Cos-res- representing another section of the
country exclusively.
The Constitution expressly provides, that
the President of the United States and Con
gressional representatives'shalle chosen
by the votes of persons in each State author
ized by it to elect the popular branch of its
Legislature. This right is expressly re
served to each State to prevent the consoli
dation of all power in the Congress of the
United States.
If that body had the right to make the
votes empowered to elect k the British
Parliament would not be more omnipotent.
The leaders in the present Congress have
repeatedly declared that the only loyal men
in the South are the negroes, and they in
sist that they shall be entitled to universal
suffrage, while every white man should be
excluded who cannot take the test-oath,
denying that he had ever sympathized with
any one engaged in the rebellion. Congress
has not yet ventured to annul the clause
in the Constitution giving the creation of
electors to the several States; but Mr. Sum
ner, who speaks for the Senate, has ascer
tained that the late emancipation amend
ment to the Constitution warrants the con
cession of suffrage to the negro, and a meas
ure ha3 been introdced in the House of
Representatives to deny it to all the white
people disquaKV.ed by the test oath.
But neither of these expedients need be
resorted to now. Congress, by excluding
from the National Legislature the whole
race in the South that Sought for our inde
pendence, and who contributed largely in
founding what has hitherto been looked
upon as the white man's Government, es
tablished by his courage, intelligence, and
labor as his own freehold, and as the in
heritance of his children, renders any fur
ther disfranchisement superfluous, and his
degradation is completed by putting the
negroes upon a higher ground than tho
white race in other respects, educating their
children at the national expense, feeding,
clothing, and sheltering the hundred'thou
sands who reject the tempting wages which
invite them to return to employment in the
South according to them scats in the
galleries of the two Houses, the males at-
tired in every variety of costume, the fe
males (at least the better looking of them,)
rustling in silk, (it is to be hoped not at the
expense of the Treasury;) the men repaying
with applause the recognition by Senators
of their services that saved the country,
and the woman repaying by boquets and
glances with which they are honored from
below. It is reasonable, indeed, that they
should occupy positions in the chambers
from which multitudes of men and women
of our kindred are turned away daily. Tho
legislatiobeing directed for the most part
to put up the blacks and degrade the white
race ia the proscribed States, it is propei
that tho-favorites who take the deepest in
terest in the debates should be preferred as
the audience.
The preference of race is exhibited, it ia
itrue, in the name cf perfect equality. The
pjhrase is a thin disguise. The measures
fraught iWjith injustiaand viola tio-"
mental law. "The rrWdmpiV r
proceeded on confiscation ot tinds of
the South, without trial and conviction of
the owners in violation of the express terms
of the Constitution. It established tribunals
and created a municipal code, multitudes of
judicial nnd executive officers to execute it,
in derogation of the rights of the State, and
I :or lue Deneut 01 a wnole people to whom
the courts of the btates were open, but
which were curtailed in their rightful juris
diction by the intervention of Congress,
which the army was called on to carry into
effect, by forcing submission to the judg
ment of the head of each Bureau a judg
ment from which there was no appeal.
The law was simply an agrarian law to
plant the black race, to supplant the white,
and make a new Government, with an army
to enforce it over the prostrate States. How
much wiser and better would it be to pro
vide home3 and a country and a refuge on
the vacant domain of the Government for
tha inferior race, where they might enjoy
an actual equality among themselves es
tablish a government for themselves, under
the instruction and protection of our great
Republic; where they might assert sub
stantial independence, aud be stimulated by
tho highest motites to cultivate the nobler
faculties of men! Tha vacuum left by these
transplantations would, a3 Mr. Jefferson
contemplated on this event, be supplied
from the North and from our northern kin
dred nations.
No part of the earth 13 more inviting to
the white race than tho sunny South. All
its products are golden, and of cheaper ac
quisition than gold itself in tha richest
mines, and nothing has prevented thi3 rich
region from being filled with 6uch a popu-
lation but the protection which lias been
extended to the black race whilst held as
slaves by the strong arm of the white race.
Such an exchange of population, whilst
advantageous to both races, would make
our Government homogeneous and secure
in peace, by peaceful methods. This re- j
suit is inevitable. Radical policy may (
hasten it by causing it tn forr-e itself on by
that inhuman process which delivered tha
non-civilized portion of our continent from
the barbarian tribes, its original possessors
But it is altogether better that the wiser
coarse pointed out by Mr. Jefferson should
be adopted.
The Civil Rights bill is a scion of this
more formidible predecessor. It purports
to grant civil rights to the'blacks, to place
them a3 citizens on perfect equality with
the whites. Its dictum is that there shall
be no discrimination between tho races in
regard to civil rights, and yet the very first
step in the coda takes from the State courts
their independence as judicial tribunals,
and breaks down tho authority of the peo
pie who create them. If the judges of the
State courts decide against any of thegranta
or immunities conferred upon the frtelmen
by the civil rights bill, tho judge is to ba
fined or imprisoned for it, no matter how
conscientious his decision, or whether it ba
founded on his views of the Constitution or
the laws of Congress, or the Constitution
or tho laws of the State, which he is sworn
to administer.
There is no such penalty affixed in caso
of a judgment against a white man, whose
person or property may be involved in the
judge's decision. In case a while citizen
of a State sues another, he is confined to
seek justice in a State court. Tho negro
is privileged to proaecuto in the State court,
the District Court of the United States, or
the Circuit Court of the United States. So
he may drag the white man through all tha
tribunals of the country. Is not this dis
crimination? But there is another of still
more practical importance. The bill re
quires that commissioners be appointed
throughout the States to become prosecutors
of suits for freedmen litigants. This new
tribe of pursuivants of litigation are to re
ceive a premium from the Treasury of ten
dollars for every 6uit they can induce the
freedmen to permit to bo brought in his
name, and five dollars additional is to bo
paid on the warrant when issued.
For similar service a State justice re
ceives twenty-five cents. A poor white
man nowhere in the world has such an as
sistance in asserting his rights or redress
ing his wrongs. He ha3 to pay the tax and
fees when he Appeals to the courts for jus
tice, and the lawyers as counsel; but for the
freedmen there is a host of commissioners
provided to instigate and prosecute suits,
prompted by fees in advance, which alone
would make it a lucrative pursuit, to say
nothing of what might be obtained from the
plaintiff or extorted from the defendant.
There seems to be soma discrimination of 1
races where we find the purse of the nation
opened to one race and stimulating hunts-
men to hunt the other a3 a sort of prey,
This must be meant as a retaliation orr
t-
the whites (although paroled and promised,
peace at their own homes) for the cruelties
of Senator. Mason's fugitive slave bill. The
latter, however, only reached a few indi
viduals. The hired beagle of the Civil.
Rights b Xwill hunt the white m.y'"
Vtommissioned to drag State judges
their coucts to trial before United Si
courts, and theuce to tha punishment th,'
adjudged for error of opinion.
It is obvious from the course of Congress,
as already manifested, that it means to
maintain its power now held over the Na
tional Government, and tyranny over the
South, by the new use to which the African,
population is to bo converted.
Mr. Stevens made this evident when he-
asserted in his speech that giving them tho
franchise would defeat the weight of the
South in the Government. It is certainly
tho design of the measures already broached
to subordinate the South to the North, as
Ireland is subordinated to England, by the
distractions and hostilities that inevitably
arise between two distinct nations, brought
to confront each other in the same State
and government, asserting an association off
terms of an equality which the nature, hab
its, prejudices, the very forms, complexion,
as well as the education and status of t he
races in the Government from its origin to
this hour, render incompatable. England
has her Orangemen and Irishmen in eternal
strife, and arbitrates between them with
the sword.
It is tho policy of our rump parliament
to produce tho same relations between the
two section of our coantry-j instead of the
happy Union which Lincoln and Johnson
have labored to renew.
The Congress is now a revolutionary con
vention. Tho President's comment on the
schemes it proposes is as just a3 that in
which ho rebuked Davis and his followers
when they abandoned the Senate to broach
the extinct rebellion. He raised his warning
voice then against their designs, in tho
speech which he maJo in the presence of
the conspirators. Ho characterized their
crime by tho name with which tho wholo
world now brands it.
Tha Johnson Club, now inaugurated,
predicated its political action on the prin
ciples and policy avowed in his message and
on h'13 views of the schemes of the enemies
of the Government, disclosed in his speeoh
''i:?.n'v d '.11 fonrth pa?"-
1
tf.
t
J
t
V
J
t
V
I
-1
- I
J
:
t
i
f
V
I
1
r
4
u
1
1
1
, f - 1

xml | txt