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The Vinton record. (M'arthur, Vinton County, Ohio) 1866-1891, January 24, 1867, Image 1

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PUBLISHED EVKRY THURSDAY, BY
MRS. RUTH C. BKATTON,
. Ar,.urattou'g Building, Eaiitof the
- . Court-House.
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We year.V $1 r0
Light months, v j ()
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niyineiu 111 advance In nil cases
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ATTORNEY A t LAW, MoAKTHCK, OHIO,
will attend to nil legal biuincfs entrusted
ins cuio 111 vituon., Amors, JaoM'-n
KOSH. Uotrkilll. ftllfl aflhliliir.Or iimmliAH. I'flvt:,,.
Iilar Btlculiuii g' von In the i)leeiuu of soldiers
uiaiiua inr iiruMuiiH, uouiii:e3, arrears 01 puy
te , (KuiDHt 1 lio U S or "liiu, iniludi . g Mur
gun mid claims. j,,n;j
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m'artiilr, oiiio.
All soldiers, who a, u 1y law, entitled to
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CLAIM AHENT. l:?e! Put, Ii.ui'.y an d
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liou in the Court JI011-.0. M vnlinr. Ohio. All
soldiers who are cutii by law to baokpsr,
lion nly mid n-ioii4, nn.l Mm claims of wid
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A LECTURE
TO YOUNG MEN.
Just Published, in a Sealed Envelope.
PRICE SIX CENTS.
ALECTUKE on tho Nature, Treatment, ard
Radical Coro of gpermatort hoea, or Semi
nal Weakneas, Involuntary Emissions, Sexual
Debility , and Impediments to Marriaee gencr
Ily. Nervousness. Consumption, tpilopsy,
and Fit; Mental and Physical Ineapaeity. re
iultinr Irom Self-Abnso, &o By KOBEKT J.
CULVERWELL.AI. .0., Authorof tho "Green
Book," Ac. '
The world-renowned author, in this admira
ble Leo lure, clearly proves from bis own expe
rience tbauihe awful consequences of Self
Abuse may bo effectually removed without
1. medicine, and without dangerous surgical op
. eratlona, bougies, Instruments, rings, or cordi
als, pointing out a mode of cure at once cor
taiu and effectual, by which every sufferer, no
ma'.tor what his condition may be... may cuie
himself cheaply, privately and rdicelly. This
Lecture will prove a boon to ttouaauda and
.thousands. '. . -
Sent under seal, to auy address, in a plain
' sealed envelope, on receipt of six cents, or
two post 'stamps. Address the publishers,
CliA8. J. C. KLINE CO., 127 Bowery. N.
"T.j Pwl Offle box4,88. . ,
aM MM M aH H aW aM wm aaM
VOL. 2.
M'ARTHUH. VINTON COUNTY. OHIO, JANNUARY
24.J807.
NO. 4.
Poetical.
THE FALLEN ONE.
Tim following we esteem one of the most
beantiftil poems that h:n been published In
our lungiMre. "We have been told that the
uiilortiinate subject actually- died In one ot
our hospital. It U a composition breath
ing the. essence of pathos and of poetry,
but like many other gems of literature. It
Is one of those fugitive pieces tlail float
nrotind without the name of the author:
Oh! thcsiHnv, the beautiful snow,
Filling the sk.v and earth below :
Over the housetops, over the street,
Over the heads of the people yon meet,
Dancing. "
Flirting,
Skimming along;
Beautiful snow! It can do no wrong, .
Flying to kiss a fair lady's check,
.(Jliuging to Hps in aJVolU-.ksonie freak ; -r.cautil'nl
snow, from lieaven above,
I'urcas an angel, gentle as love!
Oh ! the snow, tho beautiful snow,
How the Hakes gathcrand laugh nstheygo
Whirling about In tho maddening fun,
It plays in its glee with every 0110
Chasing,
Laughing,
Hurrying by '
It lights 011 the face and sparkle's the eye,
And the dogs, with a bark and a bound,
Snap at the crystals that eddy around
The town is alive mid its heart in a glow,
To welcome the coining of beautiful tnow!
ITow wild the crowd goes swaying along,
flailing cadi other with humor and song;
How the guy sledges, like meteors, pass by,
Hi iglit lor the moment, then lost to the eye
.Kinging,
Swinging,
Dashing they go,
Over the crust of the beautiful snow;
Snow so pure when it falls from the sky,
To be trampled in niiul by the Crowd rush
ing by,
To be trampled and tracked by the thou
sands ol feet,
Till it blends with the llltli In the horrible
street.
Once I was pure ns snow but I fell !
Fell liko the snow-llakcs, from heaven to
hell; '
Fell, to be scoffed, to bo si'it on and beat ;
rioiiding,
Cursing.
1 heading to die,
Selling my soul to whoever would buy.
Dealing in shame font morsel of bread,
Hating the living, and- fearing the dead;
Merciful (iod ! have I fallen so low !
And yet 1 was once like tliodieautiful snow.
Once I was fair as the beautiful snow'
With an eye like the crystal, a heart like its
irlow :
Once I was loved for my innocent grace
mineral ami soiigiir. lur tiiu c Harms or my
iace:
. Father,
Mother, .
Sisters nil.
Ood and myself, I've lost by my fall ;
The veriest wri tch that goes shivering by,
w 111 niawe a wme swoop lest 1 wander too
1111:11;
For all that Is on, or above nie, I know.
There is nothing tint's pure as tlio beauti-
liu snow.
How strange it should be that this beautiful
snow
Should fail on a shiner with nowhere to go!
How strange it should be, when the night
comes again
If the snow and the ice struck my desper
ate urain,
Fainting, Freezing,
Dvinsr nlone,
Too wicked for prayer, too weak for a moan
To be heard in tho streets of the crazy
town,
Gone mad in the joy of the snow coming
down,
To be, and so die, In toy terrible woe.
W una bed and a shroud ot the beautUtil
snow!
SPEECH
—OF—
JUDGE A. G. THURMAN,
—AT THE—
Democratic Convention,
—IN—
Columbus, Ohio, January 8, 1867.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the
Convention:
There is no one here, I suppose,
who does not know that I have
neither sought or desired tlfo nom
ination that you have been pleased
to confer upon me. Indeed I can
truly say that, although more than
a third of a century ha3 elapsed
since I began to take an interest
in public affairs, yet I have never
willingly been a candidate for
office. To decline office, when I
could honorably do so, has been,
as many of you know, a rule of my
life. That this is no merit, 1 am
very well aware. It is a matter of
demerit ; for he who devotes him
self to the public service with an
honest purpose to discharge official
duties as they should be discharg
ed, is more .entitled to praise than
is he who gives tho preference to
his private concerns ;. and there is,
perhaps, no ambition more lauda
ble than the desire to fill a public
station, not for its emoluments, or
the gratification of personal vani
ty, but for the benefit of the State.
It' is not, then, to take credit to
myself that I mention my lack of
ambition, or, if it may be, of a
proper publis spirit, but simply to
account fotmy-unfeigned and often
expressed, reluctance to be a can
didate. - But, gentlemen, you have
seen' fit to decide for me ; and, as a
true Democrat, I am bound to ac-
knowledge and respect your au-;
And certainly no one
could feel more strongly than I do
how great is the debt of gratitude;hy
I owe you. For.be the result what
it- may, the honor of your unani
mous nomination is a distinction
that any man, however high,
might well covet, and the posses
sion of your confidence and esteem
a favor to which a grateful heart
could never be insensible. '
Gentlemen, I accept your nom
ination,' and will strive to prove
myself worthy of it.
Gentlemen, usago requires that
I slgauld . say something more, but
it is not my purpose to make a long
speech. You have much yet 're
mjfiiing" to dd; and I would not
willingly interrupt your proceed
ings, or unnecessarily consume
your time.
The campaign before us will last
many months, affording an ample
opportunity for discussion, in which
I hope to be able to take a proper
pare, .uur, at me very outsiue, 1
wish to observe that the return of
Democratic party to poweij
seems to mo. as inevitable as it is"
desirable ; and it is most desirable,
if we wish to preserve and perpet-
uato free institutions, and once
more see a happy, prosperous, and
uuueu country uniieu. not
material force alone, but by the.
..1 1; 1- n t
stronger ligaments -oi reoiprocai
affection, mutual esteem, common
interests, and a cherished belief in
a common and glorious destiny.
How long it may be beforo the
reins of Government will again bo
in our hands, I do not presume to
say; but that, sooner or later, and
at 110 very distant day either, we
will hold them ' again,, and again
guide the chariot of State, as we
did formerly guide it along the
pathway marked out by the Coni
slittition a path ; of pleasantness
and peaceI do not entertain a
doubt. For tho Democratic party
is tho natural party whose princi
ples best harmonize with our forms
of government in a word, the Na
tional party of this country. Our
whole history proves this. .It was
tho Democratic sentiment that
freed us from Great Britain ; it wasf-rul,
this sentiment that laid the foun-
dations ot our State and b ederal 1
Governments ; it was this senti
merit that gave to our party so
long a rule, and made its rule so
beneficent and glorious. It was
this sentiment that gave to our
country for more than seventy
years ,the profoundest domestic
peace the world evefsaw. So that
of that long period of time it can
truly ue ouservea wnat can not be
said of any such period in any oth
er country that in it no man in
the Republic lost his life for a po
litical effenso; no man ever per
ished in civj war. And it is not
strange that it -Was so. For the
Democracy administered the Gov
ernment for the equal benefit of
all, rejecting lelfishness, discour
aging sectionalism, abstaing from
usurpation, and with a wise jeal
ousy of power requiring all Consti
tutions, State or Federal, to bei
strictly construed. It knew the.
tendency of power to steal from
the many to the few, thepronehesa
of Government to enlarge its aui
thoritv, and the imminent dange
of centralization ; and it therefon
clung to our Consiitutions as tin
great barriers against the evils i
apprehended.
It is 'to-day what it has eve
been, the great Constitution an
Union loving party of the country.
It loves the Federal Constitution
for the glorious events that gave it
birth for the glorious memories
of its mighty framers, for the incal-
culablo benefits it lies conferred !
upon me country, ana yet more
than all these, lor the limited pow
ers it contains, and the reserve!
rights it leaves to the States and
the people.
And we love our State Constitu
tion for the wise form of govern
ment it institutes, the guarantees
of liberty anh property it contains,
its express recognition of the peo
ple as the source of power, and its
care not to trench too deeply on
tie rights of the individual. And
our late sad experience of Consti
tutions violated, and their most
sacred guarantees trampled under
loot, only makes us adhere the
more strongly to the instruments
designed for our protection.
And believe me, gentlemen, that
no party that habitually disregards
our Constitutional rights can long
moiutain Us 1 ascendency. This is
a land of.-written Constitutions,
and has been so from. its very first
settlement, for. .even, the royal
charters of the olden (iuiQ.'imper
thority. feet as they were,' guaranteed
' many liberties of tho people, wrung
sturdy manhood from reluctant
Kings.' and wo in cirnct nniton
experience of our late war. In
that terrible struggle a large por
tho I lion of tho peoplo became for a
time regaullcss'of our fundamental
lows, and without even a mtinncr,
i saw them daily violated. They
Dv,er wnv con d tho TJonnhl e l.o
'eminent) is that the majority shall
hut the minority- hav-wgUs
that must bo respected. But the
ColRtitutions. It has ever been a
part of American education. to rc
gardwritten Constitutions as es
sential to our welfare, happiness
and freedom. For more than
eighty years it ha3 been our boast
that there was no such thing as an
unwritten Constitution, or an om
m'polent Parliament in the United
States. And for more than three
quarters of a century, we'havo re
quired every officer, greater small,
to solemnly swear to support our
.written Constitutions. And time
and again have we, by amend
ments, yet further restricted the
powers of Government, but never,
until 1SC5, by amendment, en.larg-,
ed'theni.
These are most significant facts.
and the infereuco tolo drawn from
f them is not over-thrown by the sad
seemed to think, and. most of them
' probably did think,' that in no oth-
9aved from destruction. A most
erroneous and dangerous belief,
,but nevertheless entertained by
many, t'-ough never by me.
' And even now, when war has
ceased, we lind a majority of tho
people of the North apparently
sustaining a self-styled Congress
in the plainest infractions of tlio
Federal Constitution, and of tho
rights of the States. But let no
Democrat therctoro despair. This
state of things is necessarily tem
porary. Tho force of reason, edu
cation, habit, wisdom, patriotism,
and magnanimity will again be
felt, and the landmarks of the fath
ers will once more bo set up. Then,
gentlemen, what is the plain state
of the case ? The fundamental idea
of American institutions fsnma.
what modified in the Federal Gov-
IJadical nartv now in nowpr srl.-s
to establish precisely tho reverse
of this. Tl ough a minority of tho
voting population of the United
States arrogates to itself an exclu
sive right to rule, and it denies its
millions of citizens their plainest
Constitutional tnivileces. it does
not deny that it is a minority. On
the contrary.it avows it, and makes
that lact tho ground for seeking to
enfranchise half a million
of ne-
grocs in order to recruit its ranks
of voters. But as that would still
leave it in a minority, it demands
the disfranchisement of" a million
ofwhires. It seeks thus to per
petuate, or at least prolong its
power. .
I know full well the force of par
ty organization and party tics, and
it has been exemplified too lately
to bo easily forgotten. For oppos
ing the mad and anti-American
f)lans of the Radicals, the President
las been deserted by the party
tnat elected him, and is threaten
ed with impeachment. For com
ing to the regcuo of the Constitu
tion in a point most vital to the
liberty and safety of every man,
woman and child in the Republic,
the Supreme Court is menaced with
a signal, but as yet undefined
chastisement. For daring to breat he
the word "Constitution," tho Dem
ocratic party is denounced as trait
tors or sympathizers with treason ;
and threats of armed force to nut
down the will of the maioritv of
the people, whenever it shall be ex
pressed, have been heard too often
to permit those who desire peace
to feel unconcerned. That these
are evil omens it would be folly to
deny ; and assuredly they teach us
but too plainly that tho future is full
of danger.
But, nevertheless, I adhere to my
belief. There is still virtue enough
in the country to save it, and it
will bo saved. The Democratic
party a mighty host is all right,
and the hour is not far distant when
thousands and tens of thousands of
our opponents will freely confess
it. But be that hour far off or near,
our duty, my lellow Democrats, is
plain. We are enlisted in a sacred
cause; enlisted not for one or five
or ten years only, but for our en
tire lives. , We can not abandon
our principles, we can not desert
Lour banners, we can not give up
the snip. .
What, then, can we do, but bat
tle manfully and earnestly for the
right; and be assured, my friends;
that we can not achieve success by
supinencss, irresolution, and indo
lence. If you would save your
country from destruction; if you
would transmit the name of your
grand old party to posterity; if you
would preserve your liberties, pro
perty, and sacred horor ; . if you
would bestow upon your children
the blessings of freedom and pros-'
perity, you must reject all such
phrases as "masterly inactivity,"
all timid counsels of indecision or
fear, and spurn from you as utterly
base tho advice disorganize in or
der to conquer. No, my lriends ;
conquer you never will by disor
ganization, indolence,, irresolution,
or humility. ' To conquer, 3-ou must
be organized,' active, earnest reso
lute and perservering. If defeated
to-day, you must buckle on your
armor again , U-morrow. Your
safety , of the whole country de
mands that you show your strength
and show it in a solid organization;
that you assert vour. rights, and
show yourselves resolved to main
tain them.
Do this perserve in doing it, and
your enemies will not dare to pro-
1 ! I , . 1
iung usurpation, mildness to. re
kindle .the fires of civil war. Fail
to do. your duty, and your rights
will be trampled in tho dust. Do
your whole duty, and your reward
will be a united, prosperous and
happy country under the benignant
rule of the true and time-honored
Democracy.
Sensible of
Against Changing
Treason.
The following very sensible
speech was made lately in the
House of Representatives by Mr.
Jenckes, of Rhode Island: :
Mr. Jenckes I wish about five
minutes. I will yield them to the
gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. Speaker, the statutes of 1790,
a portion of which is sought to be
repealed, by the bill now before
the House, created four capital of
fenses: first, treason,(ixing the pun
ishment of treason as the Consti
tution empowered Congres,s to do;
second, murder; third, piracy: and
fourth, forgery. This bill seeks to
repeal a limitation to the prosecu-
uon 01 certain 01 these ollenses.
In the statute itself I find no limi
t.Vion in the cases of willful mur
der and forgery. ForgQry has since
ceased to be a capital offense in
the courts of the United States.
The exception of willful murder
still remains. The eflect of this
bill, therefore, will bo to extend
the timeTor finding indictments in
cases of treason and piracy alone.
I submit that upon every ques
tion of justico and public policy
this bill ought not to pass. Courts
of justico have, in these latter
times, paid greater respect to statute--
of limitation than thpy have
at any former period in the history
of the law in England and in this
country. They luve declared em
phatically in cases civil and crimi
nal, that they are conducive to the
peace aad welfare of society, and
ought not to be disturbed. They
have been construed strictly both
in civil and criminal actions.
This proposed repeal, if it inten
tion, is made only in reference to
cases of treason. Piracy is always
committed upon the high seas and
out of tho jurisdiction of any State
under a flag not recognized by any
civilized nation. Its proper defini
tion confines it to thoso who com
mit offenses sailing under the black
flag alone. They are not only
criminals against the United States
or the laws of the United States,
but are enemies of human kind,
and wherever arrested and found
may be punished, not only by the
laws of the United States,, but by
the laws of every civilized nation.
I consider, therefore, this repeal
does not affect any case of that
kind. It is made, then, solely
against the time for finding of in
dictments for treason.
Now, Mr. Speaker, if there is
any offense for punishment or pros
ecution to which a statute of limi
tation should be passed it is of that
class denominated political offens
es, of which treason is the highest.
Every person who has committed
that offense against the United
States during the late rebellion has
been for twenty months within the
actual powei of this Government;
part of the time within the milita
ry power; now within both the mil
itary and civil power. This repeal
refers to the time for finding the
indictment. If an indictment can
not be found within twenty months,
what assurance can the gentleman
a
I
. ADVEItTISlNfl. TPflM
One square, ten line'...'..:.:.... 51 (KT
ricu uuuiiiouiu insertion, 4(j
Cards, per year, ten lines, . : 8 OO
Notices of Executors. Adminlsira-
. tons and Guardian, r. :.... 2 OO
Attachment iwtk-e befor J. TV, . . a OO
Local notices, per 11 ne, ; . . 1 0
Yearly advertismenU will be charged
$70 per column, and at porportinnate
rates lor Jess than a colutun. l'uyablc la
advance v
give that i,t. can be fonnd within
twenty years? , ' --
If it cannot be found. within three
years, what reason is there for hav
ing it found after, three years? - If
the state 0! thing3 briefly referred
10 as ueiug me moving cause 01
this bill, then the defect is in the
machinery by which the law is to
be carried into execution. Reme
dy I hat, and do not repeal your old
statutes. These offenses commit
ted against the majesty . of the
State are thf?e of nil others which
aro soonest healed by the action of
time. There has never been any
sedition, any treason, any rebellion,
in which parties of. the same coun
try and. nation,- arrayed in arms
against each other, when at anoth
er period they have not been found
acting together. It ii contrary to
the history .of nations to suppose',
that they can be permanently or
eveu long divided on political ques
tions, even though those questions
have driven them to arms. , ,
Mr. Speaker, we have examples
in history of the error of this kind
of legislation. We might go back
to the Bepublic of Kome, and lind
a consul arraigned, after furty
years, for the murder of a leader of
sedition. ' We can go back to Eng
lish history, and cile cases in addi
tion to those cited by tho gentle
man from Pennsylvania (Mr. Me.
ver.s) yesterday, where pcrjn,
long after the commission of the
offense, have been tried, convicted,
and executed. We may look even
to the case in England which in .
ourstatute falls in the exception,
where a Governor of an island was
indicted in London, tried, convict
ed, condemned, and executed twen-
ty years after the commission of
the oil'ense. If we repeal all stat
utes of limitations and refuse to
pass statutes of indemnity, tho
Judge Advocate who prosecuted
the assassins of President Lincoln,
the Court. that tried t hem, tho I'res
ident who signed their death war
rant, might be arraigned beforo an
adverse court and jury in this Dis
trict without limit as to time ex
cept the duration of their natural
livesand condemned and executed.
Such a state of things is foreign to
tho spirit of the law, of the aire.
and of Christianity, . and it ought
not to be suffered to be reinstated
in the laws of this nation. It had "
but a brief existence, if it had any,
from the time of the adoption of
the Constitution until the passago
of the statute ot April, 17U0, and
never ought to be imported into
our laws i'roffi the . English or any
other law. .
Nay, Mr. bpeaker, wo might go
further. Tho last Congress passed
acts in the nature of statutes of
limitation to prevent the' prosecu
tion of loyal men in arms obeying
tho orders of their superiors. And
this Congress has beforo it bills of
similar character following tho
examples of these precedents. A
Congress of a different mind might
repeal all these statutes and sub- ,
jectthe innocent servants of 1ho
Republic to suits for damages or
prosecution for crime at any time,
as this bill expresses it, or within
any new limit which another Con
gress might fix to it..
I trust, Mr. Speaker, that this bill
will not pass; that we shall look at
this statute of 1700 as learned
courts and wise judges have looked
at this and other statutes of limi
tation, as a statute of repose, a
statute of peace, and leave the
punishment of ciitnes, the time and
manner of their prosecution, to
the law as il stood when the pffenso
was committed.
Som;i for Oxck. A correspond
ent has a good anecdote of a mn
who rarely failed to go to bed in
toxicated, and disturb Irs wife the
whole night. Upon his being
charged by a friend that he never
went to bed sober, he indignantly
denied it, and gave the incidents of
one particular night m proof.
"Pretty soon after I got into bed
my wife said: 'Why, husband, what
is the matter with you? You act
strangely.
4"lhere is nothing the matter
with me,' said I,
nnfbniv of all '
MV Ull.
u 'I am sure tl ere is, said she;
'you don't act natural at all. Shan't
get up and get something for
you?' .
"And she got up, lighted a can-'
die and came to the bedside to look
at me, shading the light with her.
hand.' . - ; "
M 'I knew there was something
strange. about yfcu,' said she; 'why, -you
are sober .
"Now, this is a fact, and my wife
will sweai to it. ,", ,..' ','

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