Newspaper Page Text
-.:- r- t" -r--
- ' ' ' ' " " ' ' ' - - ' ' 9 ' "
LIBERTY VINO UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, . ONE A.TST IN SEPAKABLE." ' iniel Webster.
VOL. I. RALEIGH, N. C , THURSDAY, MAY 31, 18G6. NO. 32.
: - j : I l '
V. W. HOLDEN. J. W. HOLDEN.
W. W. HOLDEN & SON,
EDITORS OF THE STANDARD,
And authorized ptiblishers of the Laws of the United
RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION.
TERMS Cash is Advance.
Tri-Weekly paper, 1 year $6 00
" " 44 6 months S 50
- 44 s 44 2 00
Weekly paper, 1 year 3 0
44 44 6 months 1 50
' 3 44 1 00
" 44 5 copies 1 year 12 00
" 44 lii 44 1 " 23 00
To those who get up clubs of five or more sub
scribers one copy, gratis, will be furnished.
Subscribers who were cut off from us during the
war, and whose time of subscription had not ex
pired, will be furnished the paper free on the
restoration of communication, until the time be
filled. If they desire the paper longer after that
time, they must renew.
A cross X mark on the paper indicates the ex
piration of the subscription.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Ten lines or one inch space to constitute k
One square, one insertion, $1 00
Each subsequent insertion, 50
Liberal deduction made, by special contract, to
Court advertisements will be charged 25 per
cent, higher than the regular rates.
Special Notices charged 50 per cent, higher
than ordinary advertisements.
For advertisements inserted irregularly, 25 per
cent higher than usual rates will be charged.
No paper in the South has advertising facilities
superior to the Standard.
Letters must be addressed to
W. W. HOLDEN & SON,
Raleigh, N. C.
SPEECHES BY MEMBERS OF THE CABINET.
AVe publish below the speeches deliv
ered by Messrs. Stanton, McCullocli,
an-.l Djnnison, at the serenade lately
given them in Washington. The speech
of Mr. Secretary Welles wastry brief,
but cordially endorsed the President's
policy. Messrs. Harlan and Speed de
clined to speak.
We like the tone of all these speeches,
but we are especially pleased with that
of Gov. Dennison.
It is gratifying to see that stern and
sterling patriot, Secretary Stanton,
standing firmly by the President. By the
way Mr. Stanton says, "who are loyal
people is a question that ought not to be
difficult of solution." We agree with
him in this, but we would have been
glad if he had given us a true definition
Speech of Secretary IcCulIoch.
Fellow Citizens : You are aware
that I am not in the habit of mnking
speeches ; and I take it for granted,
therefore, that, in making the call upon
me, you intended only to pay me a pas
sing compliment, and not to elicit from
me any extended remarks. I shall not
disappoint you. .1 shall not be so un
grateful for your kindness as to inflict
upon you a speech. My position, gen
tlemen, in reference to the issues which
are now engaging the public attention,
are, not, I apprehend, misunderstood by
you. (Cheers.) I took occasion, last
i'all, among my old friends in Indiana,
to define my position ; and since thai
time I have seen no occasion to change
my position ; and since that time I have
seen no occasion to change, much less
to abandon it. (Applause.) I will say,
therefore, as I suppose I must say some
thing on this occasion, that the general
policy of the President in reference to
the Southern States, and the people re
cently in arms against the Federal Gov
ernment, has commended itself to my
deliberate judgement. (Cheers.) And
although it has been violently and in
some instances vindictively assailed, I
have an abiding conviction that it will
be approved by the people when they
shall be allowed judgment upon it at
the ballot-box. (Loud Cheers.) This
plan is fairly stated in the platform of
the club which many of you represent.
I need not say, therefore, in regard to
that platform, any more than that I
subscribe to all its doctrines fully, and
without reserve. (Cheers.) I suppose,
gentlemen, that none of us expected
that, at the close of this great war, in
which much bad blood had been excit
ed, and more good blood had been shed,
we should have bright skies and calm
seas. I take it for granted that most
of us expected that at the close of this
Avar there would be passion and .pique,
and violence, which it would take time
to bring into proper subjugation. But,
although we anticipated this, we knew
that the people of the United States
would be prepared for whatever might
come up. We anticipated that, at the
close of the war, great questions would j
come up for settlement, the discussion !
of which would be likely to agitate this
country, to shake it perhaps, from cen
tre to circumference. But we knew al
so that the people had not been wanting
in any previous emergency, and we had
.confidence that they would be prepared
to cope with, and settle satisfactorily
any questions that might be presented
in the future. (Applause.) That faith
is with us now. It strong with us to
night. We have faith in the people,
and we have faith in that good Provi
dence which, having led this -nation
"through the red sea of battle, is not like
ly to desert it now that the dreadful
passage has been accomplished. The
President of the United States, gentle
men, stands before the country in no
-doubtful attitude. His voice gave ut
iterance to no uncertain, language when
it denounced treason, at .the outbreak
of the rebellion, in the Senate of the
United states. (Cheers.) He showed
no faltering fidelity when, counting
everything else as of no value, as dust
in. the balance, in comparison with the
Union and the Constitution, he went
back to Tennessee to fight treason and
secession in tmir strong hold, and peril
his life and 1! w s of his family. Cheers.
His policy is straightforward" intelligi
ble, and practical. If a better policy can
be presented, one more in consonance
with the principles of the Government,
better calculated to preserve the supre
macy of Federal authority, while it
trenches not on the reserved and legiti
mate rights of the States; more just,
more humane, better fitted to bind the
people of this great country in a com
mon brotherhood, at the same time that
it places just condemnation on treason
an vindicates the majesty of the law
if such a policy can be presented there
is no man in the United States who
will more willingly embrace it than
Andrew Jonston. Heavy cheers.
But until that better policy be present
ed, he -must be false to himself, false to
his record, and must, in fact, cease to
tbe Andrew Johnston, if he does not ad
here to his policy .and sink or swim with
it. Cheers. It'is pretty good evidence,
after all, gentlemen, of the correctness
of his policy, that Congress, after hav
ing been in session nearly six long,
weary months, has been unable to pre
sent one which they can agree upon as
a substitute. Cheers and laughter.
It was once said, I think by John
Randolph, that of all tinkers the Con
stitution tinkers were the most to be
deprecated. Cheers. If the .old man
could rise from the grave, what would
he say to the present Congress, in which
every third man, at least, is a Constitu
tion tinker ? (Cheers and Laughter.)
But they are not wise enough to amend
that grand old instrument, the work of
our patriot fathers, of the founders of
the United States, and the admiration
of the world. (Cheers.)
My fellow citizens, there is but one
proposition that has been presented that
stands even the ghost of a chance of ac
ceptance by the people of the North ;
and that is the proposition basing rep
presentation on voters. And whose
fault is it that it is not a part of the Con
stitution to-day? Why was it not
submitted with the amendment abolish
ing slavery? Whose fault was that?
Voices.- The Copperheads.
Other Voices Thad Steven's.
Me. Mc Ci lloch. Was it the fault
of Andrew Johnston ? Shouts of "The
fault of Congress," "Thad. Stevens,"
and counter cheers for Mr. Stevens. If
the course which the President was pur
suing was obnoxious to the charges
made against it on the recess of Con
gress, how happened it that there was
no denunciation of it until the meeting
of Congress? How happened it that
thes Jupiters Tonans of Congress were
as silent as though they had been dumb ?
Those men, whose duty it was to stand
on the ramparts of the Constitution,
and warn the people of approaching
danger why did they not denounce
that policy and demand of the Presi
dent of the United States a convention
of Congress ? No such demand was
made. No such denunciation was then
heard. We did hear a voice from Penn
sylvania, I believe, and perhaps a re
sponse from Massachusetts. (Laugh
ter.) But the people were silent. The
press was silent if not approving.
Fellow-citizens, I did not intend
speaking so much. Voices " Go on."
I have only this to say ; I have desired
and hoped for the continuation of the
great Union party, with which I have
been ever identified. Cheers. But
if its leaders can present nothing better
than the programme -of the committee,
I am greatly apprehensive that its days
will be numbered. Cheers.
I trust, fellow-citizens, that this will
not be the case; that it will discard its
hostility and its attempt to continue
alienation between the two sections of
the country, !nd that it will embrace
those principles which look to harmony,
to restoration and to peace. If it should
do this, it will continue to be the great
and controlling party of the country,
and cover itself with imperishable glo
ry. If it does not its days are number
ed, and the epitaph that will be written
on it will be, " It knew how to prose
cute the war with vigor, but it lacked
the wisdom to avail itself of the benefits
of victory." Applause, and three
cheers for Secretary McCullocli.
The Secretary of War was next call
ed upon the band playing "Pally
'round the flag," "When Johnny comes
marching home," and other airs. Sec
retary Stanton said :
Secretary Stanton's Speech.
Gextlemex : On the afternoon of
Thursday, the 17th of this month, I re
ceived a note from the Secretary of the
National "Union Johnson Chib, telling
me it was the design of the association
to serenade the President and his Cabi
net, and that I would be called upon at
my residence. Immediately on the re
ceipt of this note a reply was sent to
the Secretary, expressing my thanks for
the compliment, and declining the hon
or of the serenade; a 'similar compli
ment by the patriotic association of the
Soldiers' and Sailors' League had pre
viously been declined.
Two reasons induced my action. The
last time a public speech was made from
this spot in answer to a serenade was
the night of Friday, the 14th day of
April, 18G5. At that moment, ay hen
we were rejoicing over the downfall of
the rebellion, one of its instruments was
murdering Mr. Lincoln. You will not
think it strange that a complimentary
occasion fraught with such associations
should not be" coveted. Besides, as the
head of a Department, my public duties
have been simply executive ; audit lias
always been my aim to avoid trenching
pon duties devolved upon others, and
o avoid michief by premature discus
ion of matters entrusted to the legis
. itive branch of the government and
mder its consideration. But the call
; f this evening relieves me from any
tnputation of intruding my opinions
! ipon you. I shall therefore declare
? hem briefly and plainly; and to the
ynd that' they may be neither acciden
tally misunderstood, nor wilfully mis
represented,' 'what it is my purpose to
say on this occasion has been written.
After four years of Avar the authority
of the Federal Government was estab
lished throughout the whole territory
of the United States, at a sacrifice of
OATer three hundred thousand lives of
loyal soldiers and a cost of more than
three thousand million of dollars. Near
ly eA-ery household in eighteen loyal
States is mourning its loved ones slain
by rebels ; a tax which may last for
generations is laid upon the food and
raiment and necessities of every family,
and in the price of their daily bread the
twenty million inhabitants of the loyal
States feel, and will long continue to
feel, what it cost to uphold their Gov
ernment against rebellion.
The office of President deA-olved
upon Mr. Johnson at the death of Mr.
Lincoln, on the 15th day of April, 1 S65.
Thirteen days before that time, Rich
mond, the seat of the rebel Govern
ment, had been captured, and six days
later the rebel commander-in-chief
Robert'E. Lee, routed and vanquished,
surrendered his army as prisoners of
Avar to General Grant and the forces
under his command. By these rapidly
succeeding events the rebel Govern
ment was overthrown, its strength and
hope exhausted, and in every State its
armed forces and official authorities
gaA-e themselves np as prisoners of Avar.
The President's annual message to the
present Congress thus clearly states
the condition of the country, and the
question thereby imposed upon him :
" I found the States suliering from
tht effects of a civil Avar. Resistance
to the General Government appeared
to luiA-o exhausted itself. The United
States had recovered possession of their
forts and arsnels, and their armies were
in the occupation of eA'ery State Avhich
had attempted to secede. Whether the
territory within the limits of those
States should be held as conquered
territory, under military authority
emanating from the President as the
head of I lie army, Avas the first question
that presented itself for decision."
After stating the objections to the
continuance of merely military rule,
the alternative course chosen by him
and supported by his Cabinet is thus
clearly set forth :
"Provisional governors haA-e been ap
pointed for the States, conventions cal
led, governors elected, legislatures as
sembled, and representatives chosen
to the Congress of the United States.
At the same time, the courts of the
United States, as far as could be done,
have reopened, so that the laws of the
United States may be enforced through
their airenov. The blockade has been
removed and the custom-houses re-established
in ports of entry, so that the
revenue of the United States maybe
collected. The Office Department renews
its cascless activity, and the General
Government is thereb.C enabled to com
municate promptly with its officers and
agents. The courts bring security to
persons and property; the opening of
the ports invite the restoration ot in
dustry and commerce ; the post office
renews the facilities of social intercourse
and of business."
No one better thaAMr. Johnson un
derstood the solemn duty imposed upon
the National Executive to maintain the
national authority, vindicated at so
great a sacrifice, and the obligation not
to suffer the just fruits of so fierce a
struggle, and of so many battles and
victories, to slip away or turn to ashes.
In many speeches to delegations from
loyal Slates, in despatches to provision
al goA'crnors acting under his authority
and in declarations made to the public
for their information, there Avas no dis
guise of his purpose to secure the peace
and tranquillity of the country on just
and sure foundations.
These measures received the cordial
support of every member of the Cabinet
and were approA-ed by the sentiments
declared by conventions in nearly all
of the States. One point of difference
presented itself, namely : the basis of
representation. By some it was thought
just and expedient that the right of
suffrage in the rebel States should be
secured in some form to the colored in
habitants of those States, either as a
universal rule or to those qualified by
education or by actual service as soldiers
Avho ventured life for their GoA'ernment.
My own mind inclined to this view, but
after calm and full discussion my judge
ment yielded to the adverse arguments
resting upon the practical difficulties to
bo encountered in such a measure, and
to the President's conviction that to
prescribe a rule of suffrage was not with
in the legitimate scope of his power.
The plan of organization emodided
in the proclamation to the people of
North Carolina, and the instructions to
the Pro isional Governor of that State,
exhibit the system and principles pre
scribed by the President for the substi
tution of civil authority in the place of
universal military rule in the insurrec
tionary States. In this plan two things
presented by the proclamation and t he
President's instructions are worthy of
First. That the exercise of the organ
izing power is specifically and absolute
ly restricted to the people ''who are loy
al to the United States, and no others"'.'
This is in rcordance with the views of--ten
declared by Mr. Johnson from the
commencement of the rebellion, and un
der the most impressive circumstances.
Secondly. The choice of delegates
Avas not only limited to loyal people
and no others, but constitutional guaran
ties were required in respect to the eman
cipation of slaves and the repudiation of
the rebel debt. A sound reason for
such guaranties in respect to slavery is
stated by the President in his message
namely, the necessity of "the evidence
of sincerity in the future maintenance of
Those views expressed by the Presi
dent in his message received, and con
tinue to receive, my cordial acquiescence
and support. Who are loyal people is
a question that ought not to be difficult
After full explanation of the steps ta
ken by him to restore the constitution
al relations of the States, the President,
in his annual message, proceeds to state,
with equal distinctness, what remains
to be done, and to whom the authority
and duty of doing it belongs, in the fol
"The amendment to the Constitu
tion being adopted, it Avonld remain for
the States whose powers have been so
long in abeyance to resume their places
in the two branches of the National
Legislature, and thereby complete the
work of restoration, ere it is for you,
fellow-citizens of the Senate, and for
you, fellow citizens of the House of Rep
resentatives, to judge, each of you for
yourselves, of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of your own members."
Whoe-er doubts that the authority
and duty of judging for itself the elec
tions, returns, and qualifications of its
members belong to each House of Con
gress may have his doubts removed bv
the Federal Constitution, Avhich de
clares in the fifth section of the first ar
ticle, that "each House shall be the
judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of its own members."
In thus distinctly recognizing the con
stitutional rights of each House of Con
gress to judge of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members,
the President has conformed to the
plain letter of the Constitution. It be
ing the function of each House to judge
of the elections, returns, and qualifica
tions of its own members, the obliga
tion is implied of taking testimony,
weighing evidence, and deciding the
question of membership. What" testi
mony has been taken, of Avhat evidence
has been presented on the question to
either branch of Congress, or Avhat
judgment will be given, is not knoAvn
to me; nor have i the right of inqui
ring, for neither the right nor the duty
of deciding is devolved upon me. But
j the course of the President in thus re
ferring the question of its own members
to the judgment of each house of Con
gress receives and continues to receive
my cordial support.
Besides the steps taken by the Exec
utive to restore the constitutional rela
tions of the States, his annual message
called the attention of Congress to the
necessity of insuring the security of the
freediiien : reminding Congress that
while he had no doubt that the general
government could extend the elective
franchise, "it is equally clear that good
faith require, the security of the freed
men in their liberty and their property,
their right to labor, and their right to
claim tne just return ot their labor,"
and observing further that " the coun
try is in need of labor and the freedmen
are in need of employment, culture, and
protection." In connection Avith this
subject the President further remarks:
"Slavery Avas essentially a monopoly
of labor, and as such, locked the States
where it prevailed against the incoming
ot" free industry. Where labor was the
property of the capitalist, the.white man
was excluded from enjoyment, or he
had but the second best chance of find
ing it, and the foreign emigrant turned
away from the region where his condi
tion would be so precarious. With the
destruction of the monopoly, free labor
will hasten from all parts of the civili
zed world to assist in developing vari
ous and immeasurable resources Avhich
have hitherto lain dormant. The eight
or nine States nearest the Gulf" of Mexi
co have a soil of exuberant fertility, a
climate friendly to long life, and can
sustain a denser population than is found
as yet in any part of our country. And
the future influx of population to them
will be mainly from the North, or from
the most cultivated nations in Europe."
These views of the President in rela
tion to the freedmen received, and con
tinue to receive, my hearty concurrence.
They have guided the action of the
War Department, and were substanti
ally advocated in its annual report. In
what I believed an honest desire to con
form to them, a bill was passed by Con
gress regulating the Freedmen's Bu
reau ; but the provisions of the bill did
not meet the President's approval, be
cause he believed the powers conferred
upon him and upon the agents to be
appointed by him to be unwise and un
constitutional. Concurring in the ob
ject of the bill, and regarding the pow
er as temporary, and sate m his hands,
I advised its approval. But having
been returned to Congress Avith the
President's objections, and having fail
ed the needful support, it is no longer
a living measure, nor the subject of" de
bate or ditterence ot opinion.
Another Congressional measure, call
ed the civil rights bill, has been the
the subject of conflict. That bill, now
a law, has fur its object the security ot
civil rights in the insurrectionary States.
It was well observed by the President,iu
his annual messagel tha.t"jeaceful emi-.
grauon to and from that portion of the
country the Southern States is one of
the best means that can be thought of
for the restoration of harmony." - Its
possible interference with such emigra
tion was one of the chief objections to
military rule : and by some it is thought
that the influence of class legilatiou in
avor of the slaveholding monopoly
leretofore existing in the Southern
itates would still be strongly exerted
-o prevent peaceful emigration into
hose States, and would exclude the la
boring population of the North from that
soil of exuberant fertility and friendly
climate, that productive region embrac
ing the eight or nine States nearest the
Gulf of Mexico, and that hence civil
rights in those States should be vigil
antly protected by Federal laws and
Federal tribunals. Although the mea
sures enacted by Congress for this pur
pose failed to receive the Executive
sanction, yet having been adhered to
by a two-thirds vote in each house, they
have now passed to the statue book
and ceased to be the subject of debate.
Another measure or series of meas
ures of prime importance, now pending
before Congress, merits a brief remark,
v iz : The plain of restoration or recon
struction, as it is sometimes called. To
the plan reported by the Joint Commit
tee I have not been able to give my as
sent. It contemplates an amendment
to the Federal Constit ution, the third
section of the proposed article being in
these terms :
"Sec. 3. Until the fourth day of Ju
ly, in the year one thousand eight hun
dred ond seventy, all person who volun
tarily adhered to the late insurrection,
giving it aid and comfort, shall be ex
cluded from the right to vote for repre
sentatives in Congress, and for electors
for President and Vice President of the
United States." It is urged by the ad
A'ocates of this plan that this third sec
tion is the vital one, without which the
others are of no A'alue. Its exclusive ac
tion will no doubt commend it to the
feelings of . many as a Avise and just
provision. But I am unable so to re
gard it, because for four years it binds
Congress to exclude from voting for
representatives for Presidential electors
"all persons who voluntarily adhered
to the late insurrection, giving it aid
No matter what may be the condi
tion of the country, nor Avhat proofs of
present and future loyalty may be given,
an absolute constitutional bar is to be
erected for four years against a large
class of persons. Change of circum
stances and condition often work rapid
change in party or political sentiment
and nowhere with more marked results
than in the South. It is believed that
elements of change are now at work
there, stimulating on one side to loyal
ty, and on the other tending to contin
ed hostile feelings. In my judgment,
e"ery proper incitement to Union feeling
should be fostered and cherished, and
for Congress to limit its own power, by
constitutional amendment, for the peri
od of four years, might be deplorable in
its result. To those who dilfer, I accord
the same honesty, and perhaps greater
wisdom thaii I can claim for myself.
As the proposed plan now stands I am
unable to perceive the necessity, justice
or wisdom of the measure, but having
no place nor voice in the body before
which the measure is pending, 1 disclaim
any purpose to interfere beyond the
expression of my own omnion.
Having thus declared my A-iews, as
they have heretofore been declared to
those who had a right to know them,
on the material questions that have late
ly arisen, or are now pending, I trust
that your purpose on this occasion is
answerd and I shall be glad it their
expression may have any beneficial
influence on questions the right disposi
tion whereof is a matter of solicitude to
eA-ery patriotic man, and is deeply im
portant to the peace and tranquillity of
the Union. Recognizing the constitu
tional power of all the co-ordinate
branches ot the Government legisla
tive Judicial, and executive and enter
taining for each the respect which is
due from eA'ery loyal citizen, they are
entitled to and shall receive, according
to my best judgment, the support which
is required by that Constitution Avhich,
after an unexampled conflict, has been
upheld and sanctified by Divine favor,
and through the sacrifice of so much
blood and treasure.
Speech of Postmaster General Dennison.
Felloav-Citizexs : I am not the less
pr itetul to you for this cull because of its be
ing made on me in my official capacity, and
as a member of the Cabinet; and yet I am
admonished by this fact, as well as by the
lateness of the hour, not to discuss many
topics of public interest upon which, under
other circumstances, I might be glad to ex
press my views. I may say, however, that
we have much reason to felicitate ourselves
on the general condition of the country, in
view of the perils through which we have
so recently passed, and to congratulate
ourselves upon the promising future that
It is true that the restoration of the South-,
ern States to all their constitutional relations
to the general government is not yet accom
plished. So far as that duty or that con
summation has devolved on the Executive
branch of the government, it has been fullv
performed. Applause. I cannot now re
call any failure in this regard. With all
these things you are familiar, and the coun
try knows what has been done and what is
The close of the war brought with it the
necessity of re-establishing the Federal au
thority in the insurgent. States as rapidly as
possible, and connected with it the duty of
encouraging the re-organization of local gov
ernments in each of these States. To this
subject, my fellow-citizens, the attention of
the Piesident and cabinet was early directed,
with what success I need not point out to
you. . I think I venture not too far in saying
that history furnishes no parallel to such
success. The Federal authority has been
established, lecognized, and obeyed in every
State south of Mason and Dixon's line.
Applause. The local governments in those
States have been, reformed substantially to
meet their changed condition, resulting from
the abolition of slavery, and are now being
peaceably administered. Doubtless there
are provisions in the constitutions of some of
these States, as there are in the laws enacted
by some of their Legislatures, that are not in
consonance with the views of the moral and
liberty-loving citizens of the nation ; bat we
cannot reasonably doubt that these will give
place to better provisions and better laws,
under the influence of the federal government
and their own material necessities. But one
thing remains, my fellow-citizens, to complete
the work of restoration, and clothe the South
ern States wirii all their constitutional privi
leges, and tliat is, their representation in
Congress. Applause. Upon this, with the
loyal millions of the country, I regret, deeply
regrei, that there is any difference between
the President and our friends in Congress.
But you will have observed that this differ
ence is not as to who shall represent the
Southern States. Their loyalty is to be tes
ted by thetakingoftheoaths prescribed by the
Constitution and the laws required alike
by the President and Congress, and for every
Senatoraud Kepresenta tive from every State,
North and South. The difference, then, is
not as to who, but as to when these States
shall be represented. The whole theory of
the Excutive programme for the restoration
of the Southern States looks to the early ad
mission of loyal Senators and Representatives
from those States, applause. while the Con
gressional programme, as far as it had been
developed, looks to delay, conditioned on
the adoption of certain amendments to the
Now, my friends, we must not overlook the
fact that if this difference be not adjusted, it
may lead and it will lead, in all probability
to unfortunate results, not only to the
Southern States, but to all the country and
may I not add, to the Union party, in whose
interests I learn your association has been
organized. I need not tell you, or those who
intimately know me, that it is in the con
tinued ascendency of the Union party that I
rely for the peace and happiness, of the coun
try. Applause. I need not tell you it was
that party, in the field and at the ballot-box,
that saved the nation from the assaults of
armed rebellion. Applause. I will only add,
it isto that party, founded on the principles of
the Baltimore platform, I look to establish
indestructibly, on the basis of justice and con
stitutional equality, the rights of all the
States of our common country. Applause.
Let me refer one moment to the difference
between the President and Congress. I want
to deal frankly with you, when I say that I
do not believe these differences are irrecon
cilable. I do not believe there is any cause
of separation between the President and the
majority in Congress. Applause. Nay, if
I am not greatly at fault, time and discussion
are bringing the President and Congress
lapidly together on the basis of a common
platform of action. Applause. Certain it
is, they are not as wide apart as at the open
ing of Congress. Then prominent Senators
and Representatives argued that the insur
gent States, by the act of rebellion, had com
mitted suicide, and should he treated as con
quered provinces or territories; then it Avas
argued by some distinguished Congressmen
that the public safety imperatively demand
ed that this condition should be imposed
upon them all. But these propositions are
not now argued in Congress, and I do not
think that in the future we shall hear them
debated. I see in this fact a steady and en
couraging advance toward practical adjust
ment, and may we not reasonably hope their
concessions were made to the end of securing
reconciliation, satisfactory and full, that shall
be alike consistent with the dignity and
patriotism both of the Executive and Con
gress ? Every consideration of patriotism
and wisdom favors such a result. The work
of restoration calls for every concession au
thorized by the Constitution. I will not
doubt that this concession Avill be made, and
the results of the war, bv Avhich the nation
was preserved, will be secured and perpet
uated on the basis of peace and concord be
tween the people of all the sections of the
I have said much more than I expected,
and return my thanks again for the friendly
call, and now bid you a A'ery good night.
XJ X T XJ U. DE
These instruments are entirely new, both in
rnnciple ana Action, troni all otners i-ifriit
Clesin and Easy no pressure on the back In
ward and Upward Motion Cures the most obsti
nate eases of Rapture. Pamphlets free. Sold at
wholesale ana retail.
White's Patent Lever Truss Company,
No. (500 Broadway, New York.
April 17, 1866 6m.
PETER AND PEGGY VINSON, (COLORED,)
of Halifax County, wish to obtain information of
their child, named Emma, commonly called
"JUwt." She formerly belonged to Mr. Clias.
Henderson, of Mississippi, and was brought and
lett by him in Lincolnton, N. C.
She is dark complected, and about fourteen
years of ajje. Any information will be gladly re
ceived by her parents ot Brinkleyville, Halifax
County, N. C, or by Caroline Hays, Exchange
Hotel, Raleigh. may 11 tt
THE RALEIGH NATIONAL BAXK
GEO. W. SWEPSON, President ; JOS. S. CAN
NON, Vice President ; W. B. GULICK, Costlier.
C OLD AND SILVER COIN, EXCHANGE,
X United States, State and Railroad securities,
bought and sold. Also, uncurrent money.
Agent for the sale of Revenue Stamps. 21 ly.
J. E. CONDICT & Co.,
Oondict, Jennings & Co.,
SADDLERY, HARNESS, LEATHER,
fcc, c, fcc,
Nog. 55 & 57, White St., New York.
JENNINGS, THOMLINSON & CO.,
april 21 15-6m. Charleston, S. C.
JMPROVED WATER POWER I
2 PIECES OF VALUABLE WATER POWER,
with land, near Raleigh, for quick sale low, suit
able for any kind of manufacturing. A rare
chance for good investment.
Also, City and Country Real Estate of all kinds
for sale. Apply to
JL. P. OLDS A CO.,
: Raleigh, may 18-SC "JHUtoboro' fit.
Railroads, Steamboats, &c.
ORTH-CAROLINA RAILROAD .
Change of Time.
On and after Sunday, January 7, I860, Trains
will run as follows :
Mail Train. Freight Train.
Leave Goldsboro',.... 5.10 P. M... 4.15 A. M.
" Raleigh......... 9.00 9.00
" Hillsboro, ..... 11.48 "....12.25P.M.
" GreeiiBboro, . . . 3.10 A.M... 4.40
" Salisbury, 7.00 " 0.15 "
Arrive Charlotte, 9.50 1.00 A.M.
Mail Train. Freight Train.
Leave Charlotte 3.00 P.M... 4.80 A. M
' Salisbury, 6.05 .... 8.40 "
" Greensboro,... 10.00 13.50 P.M.
Hillsboro, 1.20 A.M... 5.00 "
" Raleigh, 4.30 8.45 "
Arrive Goldsboro,, .... 7.45 " . . . . 13.40 A. M.
Mail Train connects at Raleigh with the R. &
U. R. R. train for the North : at Goldsboro', with
the A. & N. C, and AV. & W. Railroads ; at
Greensboro, with the Piedmont R. K., and runs
Freight Train has a passenger car attached for
the accommodation of passengers, and runs daily,
jan 10 tf Eng. & Sup.
T ALEIGII & GASTON R. R. CO.,
GASTON R. R. CO.,)
NT EN DENTS OFFICE, J
a, N. C, April 19, 1866. )
TRAINS RUN AS FOLLOWS:
Passenger Trains Leave Raleigh ..... 4. SO A. M.
" Arrive at Weldon ..11.00 "
" " Leave Weldon 1.30 P. M.
" " Arrive at Raleigh . . 8.30 "
Freight and Accommodation Trains Leave Raleigh
on' Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays, at
7.30 A. M.
Arrive at Weldon, 5.00 P. M.:
Leave Weldon on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Satur
days at 5 00 A. M.
Arrive at Raleigh 4.00 P. M
16 tf. Oen'L upt.
rpHE NEW LINE FOR BALTIMORE,
J carrying the GREAT HARNDEN EXPRESS
FREIGHT, leave Norfolk at 5 o'clock, p. m.
The new and elegant steamers
GEORGE LEAUY, Capt. S. Blakeman,
Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday.
JAS. T. BRADY, Capt. D. C. Landis,
Monday, Wednesday and Friday.
The steamers of this line have unsurpassed ac
commodations, being all new and constructed
with great regard to speed, comfort and safety,
and the tables are equal to lirst class hotel fare.
Travellers g ing North via Seaboard and Roan
oke Railroadcan purchase tickets to Portsmouth,
where coaches will be in waiting to convey them
and their baggage free of charge to the New
Line Steamers. Ample time is afforded to make
sure connection, and the fare under any circum
stances as low as by the Old Bay Line.
Travellers going via Weldon and Petersburg
and Norfolk and Petersburg Railroads can procure
through tickets at Petersburg and have baggage
checked to Baltimore, Philadelphia Ad New
This line connects at Baltimore with the Rail
roads for all Principal Cities North and West.
Through Tickets sold on the Boats, and Passengers
and Baggage transferred lrom Boat to Cars Free
Passengers, Baggage and Freight transferred to
and from Portsmouth and New Line Steamers '
free of charge.
Leave Baltimore from Spear's Wharf, foot of
Gay Street, at 5 o'clock, p. in.
H. V. TOMPKINS, Agent
sep 231 34 ly8 At Norfol k.
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad,
April 6, 18G.
rpnE PUBLIC ARE INFORMED THAT THE
I Speed on this Road has been increased, and
close connections arc made with all trains going
North and South. Passengers do not change
cars from Charlotte to Weldon, To Baltimore
and other cities North, the tare as low as by any
other route, and time as quick. Through tickets
to all places North by both Petersburg, Richmond
and Washington City, and by Norfolk and Bay
Steamers, and to the principal Cities in the North
West via Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Baggage
To SuippersVery great inducements are offered.
It is" the quickest, safest, and as cheap as by any
other route. Freight is shipped through without
breakiug bulk from Charlotte to Norfolk.
The connections at Norfolk, with superior
Oceim Steamers, commend this-routeto all inter
ested i n shipping. , A. JOHNSON,
QHOICE FAMILY FLOUR!
5 BBLS. "WEVERTON" FAMILY FLOUR;
10 " "Auburn" " "
15 " "R. A. JenkhVs" " "
20 " ' Carroll" "
qest brands and warranted to be choice flour,
may 15 tf. B. P. WILLIAMSON fc CO.
JLANKS FOR SALE.
WE HAVE JUST HAD PRINTED VARIOUS
Blank forms for cases in the Superior court as fol
Indictmennt for Larceny,
Do Misdemeanor Altering Marks.
Do do Unlawful Fence.
Do do Fornication ai d Adultery
Do do Assault and Battery.
Do do Disorderly Douse.
Do do Unlawful Retailing.
Do do Forcible Entry.
Do do Affray.
Price of the above blanks $1 per quire.
These, with various other Blanks, such as Land
Deeds, Marriage License Bonds, and Indentures,
are gotten up in superior style, with appropri
ate blank endorsements on back, and printed on
good paper. They will be sold on reasonable
terms for cash.
Any Blanks, not on hand, will be printed to or
der at the shortest notice, at the
JAS. L. HATHAWAY & UTLEY.
(FORMERLY HATHAWAY CO., IMPORTERS OF MO
LASSES AND SUGAR, WILMINGTON. H. C.)
HIPPUVC AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
171 PEARL STREET,
WE SOLICIT CONSIGNMENTS of Cotton,
Naval Stores, Sheetings, Yarns, Tobacco,
ud other Southern Products, to the sale of which
ur prompt personal attention will be given. We
ill make liberal advances upon receipt of In--oice
and Bill of Lading. All Merchandize and
roduce shipped to us for sale are insured from
oint of shipment, with or without advice. In
oices should always accompany each shipment.
Both of us having had over twenty years' ex
erience in business in the South, and our J. L.
iathawat three years in New York, we feel con-'-dent
we can secure full prices for oar friends'
. ho will favor us with their consignments. '
JAS. L. HATHAWAY,
WM. K. UTLEY.
February 19, 1866 6m.
No. 44 Fayetteville. Street. .
We have a large stock of TIN WARE, of
ur own manufacture, for sale, wholesale and
taU. J- BROWN,
with HART fc LEWIS.
Raleigh, May 15, 1866. 25 tf.
We keep constantly on hand Iron Cauldrons.,
-,, 120, and 200 gallons.
MITCHELL & ALLEN,
novl4 tf8 Newbcrn, N. C.
"ATS AND .HAT
1,00 BUSHELS PRIME OAES;
15,000 lbs. Sweet Timothy Hay.
B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO.
My 15, 1866. 26 tf.