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The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, July 21, 1866, Image 2

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wKa""'SftrLa 'Eloquent "Speech. c
' Thfmirfh of Julv was celebrated
with
much impressi veness in "
which occasion 'some battle-flags were pre
Bented by Gen. Meade to Gov. Curtin. The
Governor replied as follows:;,;: Vf
General and Soldiers of Pennsylvania-
Soon after the commencement ot the
.'-.uiimn the Cincinnati Society oi Pen
nsylvania presented to the Governor of the
State a sum of money, which they asked to
be used in the equipment of volunteers. The
sum was too small to be of material service
in that respect, and the subject having been
presented to the Legislature, an act was pas
sed directing the Governor to use the money,
and whatever additional sums were necessary,
to procure flags to be carried by Pennsylva
nia regiments during the war, and with a
wise provision that the flags should be re
turned to the State at the close of their
service, with proper inscriptions, to be made
archives of the Government. The ceremony
of the return of these flags was delayed until
all the regiments in service from Pennsylva
nia had been mustered out, and to-day, sur
rounded bv yonr fellow-citizens aud in the
presence of high officials of the National
Government, of Governors and officials of
sister States, of distinguished soldiers of
other States, and of the army and navy of the
United States, and the representatives of the
government of this Commonwealth, more
than two hundred of these emblems of our
country's nationality, all of "which have
waved amid the rapture of strife, all of which
nave been carried by Pennsylvanians, are re
turned untarnished. In their azure fluids the
arms of Pennsylvania have been emblazoned,
and her motto, " Virtue, Liberty, and Inde
pendence," has been written in letters of fire,
with pens of steel, by the gallant meu before
us, and their comrades, living and dead,
upon every battle-field of the war. The
record is 'glorious, in memories of the past
and in hopes of the future.
If I consulted my own feelings I would re
ceive these flags in silence, for this occasion
is its own most eloquent orator. My words
cannot add to its sublimity. Hupian lips
cannot express such lessons of patriotism.
sacrifice and heroism as these sacred relics
sublimely attest The man is to be pitied i
who claims to be a citizen of our America, j
especiallyof Pennsylvania, who has witnessed
these ceremonies without profound emotion, j
alike of sorrow and exultation sorrow tor j
the dead who died for li!erty, exultation in !
recalling the blessings of God, the laws vin- '
dicated and enforced by the suppression and j
punishment of treason, the Government pro- j
tected and maintained, until the last armed
rebel was beaten down, and the redeemed
Republic emerged from the smoke of battle, i
It might be better to accept the momen- f
tous lessons taught by these returned stan
dards without a word. In what adequate
language can we address you, soldiers of the
Republic, who live to take part in this cere
mony? We have no words to convey the
holy sentiment of veneration and of reverence
. for the heroic dead that swells up from every
heart in your presence.
To the men who carried the steel, the mus
ket and the sabre to the private soldier, to
the unknown dead the demi-gods of the
. war, we this day seek in vain to express all
our gratitude. If there be men more distin
guished than others, more entitled to our
highest veneration, it is the private soldier of
the Republic. If we follow him through all
- the sufferings and privations of the service,
his long, weary marches, his perils on the
outposts, his wounds and sickness, even in
the article of death, we trace him back to
that sentiment of devotion to his country
that led him to separate from home and its
ties, and to offer even his life a sacrifice to
the Government his fathers gave him and
his children. As the official representative
of the Commonwealth, I cannot take back
the remnants of the colors she committed to
your keeping without attempting to gather
into my arms the full measure of her over
flowing gratitude and lay it at your feet. I
therefore present you with the thanks of
your cherished mother, this ancient and
goodly Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, for
the great glory you have given to her history.
She fully realizes, and while public virtue
remains she will never cease to realize, that
she could better afford to lose the sources of
her natural wealth, her rich, fertile valleys,
her great -cities, her exhaustless minerals.
than to lose from her archives a single one of
these torn, faded, precious, consecrated flags
. of battle and its history, and of the brave
- men who suffered and fought around them.
A Commonwealth may exist without cherish
ing her material wealth, but no Common
wealth can worthily, or should exist, which
does not cherish as the joy of its life the
heroic valor of its children.
In the name of Pennsvlvania I save vou
these standards, fresh and whole, and asked
you, in all trials, to maintain your loyalty,
and defend them, and to-day you bring'tbem
back to me, torn with rebel "shot, and with
the gloom of some reverses, bright with the
light of many triumphs, but, beyond all,
saved by your courage from dishonor, red
dened by the blood of your dead brothers,
borne over the ridges of a hundred battles,
and planted, at last, upon the summits of
victory. Surely, State never had nobler
children, nor received at their hands more
precious gifts. What heroism, excelling the
fables of romance ; leading the forlorn hope ;
charging into the " imminent deadl v breach ;"
" riding into the jaws of death till all the
world wondered !'' What sufferings of pain
and hunger, and outrage and death ; what
ardent love of country ; what purest love of
home ; what tender messages to mother, wife,
children, and betrothed maiden ; what last
prayers to God, do these old and tattered
flags suggest and unfold !
The State will guard them reverently and
lovingly until, in the fullness of time some
genius will arise to marshal their legions
into the attractive order of history, or weave
them into the immortal beauty of poetry,
and then, at last, will be found fit expression
for the part Pennsylvania lias acted in the
bloody drama. It will then be remembered
that our State was represented at Fort Sum
ter, when traitors first fired upon the flag of
the Union, and that the volunteers ofour
State first reached the national capital, and
- were at Appomattox Court-House, where
traitors fired their last volley, and in all the
terrible intermediate struggles in every re
bellious State, in every important battle on
land and water, where treason was to be con
sented and rebellion to be conquered, the
soldiers and Bailors of Pennsylvania were to
be found confronting the one and conquering
the other that her people never faltered in
their fidelity to their distressed Govern-
:ment.
It was indue historic fitness, therefore,
that the wicked struggle to destroy the Union
should culminate upon our soil, its topmost
wave be dashed against our capital, and its
decisive defeat be suffered here, and accord
ingly, from Gettysburg the rebellion stag
gered backward to its grave.
Alas I how many other graves it filled be
fore it filled its own. How many brave and
" familiar faces we miss to-day who helped to
bear these colors to the front, and on whose
graves are growing the wild flowers of the
.'... Southern land I
?Ur can no loger 'each tbem, nor
2U1eBerTe them" but vve thank
3SV loVcd than
. We are with us; that the widow of the war,
nd I the i orphan children of the solders are
wuuui wie reus oi our cherishing care We
r; must never forget that every Midler of Penn
eylvanhv who .died that the nation mi -ht
; live, thereby entitled his widow to be kept
' - from want, : and his . fatherless children to
'. find a father in ' the Commonwealth. .
- May the flags which we fold op bo tender-
ly, and with such proud recollections, never
be unfurled again, at least in such a war, and
may all mankind, beholding the surpassing
power of this free Government, abandon for
" ever the thought of its destruction.- Let-"
remember, too, that at Gettysburg the blood
of the people of eighteen loyal States rich,
precious blood mingling together, sank into
the soil of Pennsylvania and by ? that red
- covenant are we pledged' for all . time to
- union, to liberty, to nationality, to fraternity,
to-" peace on earth and good will toward.
me."
Now that the war is over, we give peace to
those who gave us war; and in the univer
sal freedom, purchased at so large a cost ot
blood and treasure, we give true justice to
all men. Under the benediction of even jus
tice to all, and inviting them to obedience to
the law, to industry and virtue, we offer them
the glories of the future and the sacred bles
sings of freedom for them and their children.
Weask them to forget their malice and hate
and the counsels of the insane and wicked
men who first led them to strike at the heart
of their country, and to return to a partici
pation in the rich rewards in store tor this,
the freest and most powerful nation on earth.
But for you and your comrades rebellion
would have lecoine revolution, and the ene
mies of freedom and united nationality
would have achieved their infamous pur
poses. Under God we triumphed. The
right has been maintained ; and to you, in
the name of all the people of this great Com
monwealth, I tender thanks warm, deep,
heartfelt thanks. May your lives be snared
long to enjoy the Government you saved, to
illustrate your country's grandeur, and to en
joy the priceless blessings which must follow
from the results of you courage, fidelity,
and patriotism.
Tho State of Pennsylvania, during all
vour services, has not been unmindful of you.
You were followed to the battle-field by the
benedictions and prayers of the good, and
benevolent people carried to you the contri
butions of the patriotic and generous at
home. Never, at any time during the war.
did this constant benevolence shrink, and
always good Christian men and women
were found willing to endure privation and
suffering to reach you on the field or in the
hospital. So far as it was possible the State
ahvavs made ample provision for the removal
of the bodies of the slain for Christian in
terment and their kindred and friends.
When it was practicable, the sick ami wound
ed were removed to enjoy the teudor watch
ing and care of their friends at home. And,
as thr crowning glory of this groat Common
wealth, she has gathered together the help
less and destitute orphans f dead soldiers,
and adopted them as their children of the
Commonwealth. The Legislature of Penn
svlvania, moved bv justice and Christian
charity, for three years have made munificent
appropriations of the public money to place
within the care of the State the homeless
little ones of your dead comrades. They are
to be brought up as the glory and honor of
the State ;"a monument that Pennsylvania
raises to the memory of the slain, more en
during thon brass or marble, and in harmony
with the Christian teachings of her people.
Here are twelve hundred of these little chil
dren before you to day, the children of com
rades left upon the fields of battle, bright
iewels in the crown of glory that encircles
this great Commonwealth, the strongest
evidence of the fidelity and patriotism of her
people. Let this work be so now engrafted
upon the public policy of the State tiiat it
shall endure until the last orphan of the
Pennsylvania soldier shall be trained, nurtur
ed, and educated.
This is a hallowed place this is a hallow
ed day. Here and now, in the name of Penn
sylvania, I accept these colors fitly, for we
are assembled upon the birthday in the birth
place of American liberty.
We are forced to contemplate the wond
rous march of this people to empire, coloni
zation, the Revolution, the Declaration of
Independence, the Constitution, the rebell
ion, its overthrow, and the purification of
our Government, and the change ot our or
ganic laws by the lessen of discord, and our
hopes for the future, following each other in
logical sequence; and the duty and responsi
bility of this labor for mankind are devolv
ed by the grace of God and the hearts and
arms of our soldiers upon the loyal people of
this land.
In the presence of these mute symbols of
living soldiers, pointing to the flags: of
yonder touching memorials of our dead so-.
diers, pointing to the children ; in fealty to
the blood poured out like water ; ia remem
brance of the sorrows yet to be assuaged,
and the burdens yet to be borne, the graves
yet to be numbered, and the horrors yet to
be forgotteu ; in loyalty to our State, to our
country, to our fellow-men everywhere, and
to God, let us rise to the height of our great
privileges, and place the American Govern
ernment upon the enduring basis of justice
and liberty. (This is the great lesson of the
war. and the very rock of political truth.
'"Whosoever falls upon it will be broken,
and upon whomsoever it shall fall it will
grind him to powder."
Then our Government will represent the
result of American civilization, and then
these old flags will glow with the light of
their meaning, and the valor of the soldiers
of the Republic will receive its just reward
in rendering a memorable service to man
kind ; for then, in the words of our illus
trions martyr, we will take care "that the
Government of the people, by the people
and for the people, shall not perish from the
earth."
Bnd now, having received these standards,
he who addresses you ha3 performed his last
official act connected with the military ser
vice of the war, and his relations to you, so
long, so iutimate, and so cordial, arc severed.
ii this, our last official interview, when
the ties that bound U3 so closely for these
eventful years just passed, and the relations
so intimate, so cordial are closing, he would
insensible to the constant fidelity, to the
pleasant relations, to the forgiveness of error,
to the ready and generous support, to the
many and the very many evidences of kind
ness and affection he has received from you
and your comrades, if he has failed to ex
press to you his personal obligation and
thanks. He recurs with gratification to the
fact that he did for the soldier what he could.
He regrets that he could not have done more.
But he will carry with him to his grave, and
leave as a rich legacy to his children, the
consciousuess that you at least believed that
he did what he could for his distressed coun
try, and that after the experience of five
eventful years the soldiers of Pennsylvania
deem him worthy of their confidence and
respect.
And here, on this last occasion of the war,
he returns his thanks to the great body of
the people of Pennsylvania for their kind
ness and support, and to the thousands of
benevolent women and men who were alway,
ready to obey his calls to the succor and
relief of their brave and gallant brethern in
the field.
I have done. Farewell, brave men. May
God bless you !
The new Methodist Church. As will
be seen by a notice from the Pastor, the Rev
Wm. C. Power, the new Methodist Church
building in this place will be dedicated on
Sunday next, 10 o'clock the Rev. Dr. A.
JVL Sbipp officiating.
i.Ti!e b,uildinS inside ia probably one of
the handsomest in the State every seat on
the lower floor is cushioned and the isles
and altar carpeted with rich and elegant ma
terial. The wood-work was executed by
Mr. Jonas RudasilL the plastering and orna
menting by Messrs, Robinson. Madden and
Cormack, and the painting by Lawrence &
Bolton. The pulpit and altar is the work-
. manship of Mr. Daniel C. Barnhart, and is
superior specimen of carved work.
The Methodist congregation of Charlotte
is indebted, for the completion ot the bnild-
. V?8, tUe energetic labors of the pastor.
Key Mr. pOWCTt and the .liberaUty of our
citizens generaUy,eJarfott IXmwJat.
KTETO OF THE EEDMEBfS
The PrWdentVy'e1M 3fr &
House of ; Representatives the.; Freedmaifs"
Bureau bill, without his signature, giving hia
reasouB therefor, as follows .'-(;... -To
the Hous of .Representatives:
A careful examination of the bill passed
bv the two Houses ot Congress, entitled
J. . J? . 1
An
act to continue in force and to amend ' An
act to establish a bureau for tho relief of
freedmen and refugees,' and for other pur
poses," has convinced me that the legislation
which it proposes would not be" consistent
with the welfare of the country, and that it
falls clearly within the reasons assigned in
my message of the 19th of February last, re
turning without my signature a similar
measure, which originated in the Senate. It
is not my purpose to repeat the objections
which I then urged. They are yet fresh in
your recollection, and can be readily exam
ined as a part of the records of one branch
of the National Legislature. Adhering to
the principles set forth in that message, I
now reaffirm them, and the line of policy
therein indicated.
The only ground upon whicli this kind of
legislation can be justified is that of the war
making power. The act of which this bill
was intended as amendatory was passed
during the existence of the war. By its own
provisions it is to terminate within one year
from the cessation of hostilities and the de
claration of peace. It is therefore yet in ex
istence, and it is likely that it will continue
in force as long as the freedmen may require
the benefit of its provisions. It will certainly
remain in operations as a law until some
months subsequent to the meeting of the
next session of Congress, when, if experience
shall make evident the necessity of additional
legislation, the two Houses will have ample
time to mature and pass the requisite meas
ures. In the meantime, the questions arise,
why should this war measure be continued
beyond the period designated in the original
act ; and why, in time of peace, should mili
tary tribunals be created to continue until
each " State shall be full v restored in its con-
! stitutional relations to the Government, and
1 shall be duly represented in the Congress of
! the United States ?" It was manifest with
i respect to the act approved March 3, 1805,
that prudence and wisdom alike required
i that jurisdiction overall cases concerning the
; free enjoyment of the immunities and rights
: of citizenship, as well as the protection of
i oerson and oropertv, should be conferred
upon some tribunal in every State or district
where the ordinary course of judicial pro
ceeding was interrupted by the rebellion, and
until the same should be fully restored.' At
that time, therefore, an urgent necessity ex
isted for the passage of some such law. Now,
however, war has substantially ceased ; the
ordinary course of judicial proceedings is no
longer interrupted ; the courts, both State
and Federal, arc in full, complete, and suc
cessful operation, and through them every
person, regardless of race and color, is enti
tled to. and can be heard. The protection
granted to the white citizens is already con
ferred by law upon the freedman ; strong and
stringent guards by way of penalties and
punishments are thrown around his person
and property, and it is believed that ample
protection will be afforded him by due pro
cess of law, without resort to the dangerous
expedient of "military tribunals," now that
the war has been brought to a close. The
necessity no longer exist ing for such tribunals,
which had their origin in the war, grave ob
jections to their continuance must present
themselves to the minds of all reflecting and
disjjassionate men. Independently of the
danger in representative republics of confer
ring upon the military in time of peace
extraordinary powers so carefully guarded
against by the patriots and statesmen of the
earlier days of the Republic, so frequently
the ruin of Governments founded upon the
same free principle, and subversive of the
rights and liberties of the citizens, the ques
tion of practical economy earnestly com
mends it3elf to the consideration of the law-
I making power. With an immense debt
already burdening the incomes of the indus
trial and laboring classes, a due regard for
their interests, so inseparably connected with
the welfare of the country, should prompt us
to rigid economy and retrenchment, aud in
fluence us to abstain from all legislation that
would unnecessarily increase the public in
debtedness. Tested by this rule of sound
political wisdom, I can see no reason for the
establishment of the " military jurisdiction"
conferred upon the officials of the Bureau by
the fourteenth section of the bill.
By the laws of the United States, and of
the different States, competent courts, Fed
eral and State, have been established and are
now in full practical operation. By means
of these civil tribunals ample redress is af
forded for all private wrongs, whether to the
person or the property of the citizens, with
out denial or unnecessary delay. They are
open to all, without regard to color or nice.
I feel well assured that it will be better to
trust the rights, privileges, and immunities
of the citizen to tribunals thus established,
and presided over by competent and impar
tial judges, bound by fixed rules of law and
evidence, and where the right of trial by jury
is guaranteed and secured, than to the ca
price and iudgement of an officer of the Bu
reau, who, it is possible, may entirely ignor-
ant of the principles that underlie the just
administration of the law. There is danger,
too, that conflict of jurisdiction will fre
quently arise between the civil courts and
these military tribunals, each having concur
rent jurisdiction over the person and the
cause of action the one judicature admin
istered and controlled by civil law, the other
by the military. How is the conflict to be
settled, and who is to ditermine between the
two tribunals when it arises ? In my opinion
it is wise to guard against such conflict by
leaving to the courts and juries the protec
tion of all civil rights and the redress of all
civil grievances.
The fact cannot be denied, that since the
actual cessation of hostilities many acts of
violence such perhaps as had never been
witnessed in their previous history have oc
curred in the States involved in the recent
rebellion. I believe, however, that public
sentiment will sustain nic in the assertion
that such deeds of wrong are not confined to
any particnlar State or section, but are
manifested over the entire country demon
strating that the cause that produced them
does not depend upon any particular locality,
but is the result of the agitation and derange
ment incident to a long and bloody civil
war. While the prevalence of such disorder
must be greatly deplored, their occasional
and temporary occurrence would seem to
furnish no necessity for the extension of the
Bureau beyond the period fixed in the origi
nal act. Besides the objections which I have
thus briefly stated, I may urge upon your
consideration the additional reason, that
recent developments in regard to the practi
cal operations of the Bureau in many of the
States show that in numerous instances it is
used by its agents as a means of promoting
their individual advantage; and that the
freedmen are employed tor the advancement
of the personal ends of the officers, instead
ot their own improvement and welfare thus
confirming the fears originally entertained
by many that the continuation of such a
Bureau lor any unnecessary length of time
would inevitably result in fraud, corruption,
and oppression.
: It is proper to state that in cases of this
character investigations have been promptly
ordered, and the offender punished whenever
his guilt has been satisfactorily established.
As another, reason against the necessity of
the legislation contemplated by thss measure, ,
reference may be had to the u Civil Rights .
BilL" now a law of the land, and which will
be faithfully executed as long as it shall re
main unrepealed, and may. not be declared ';
unconstitutional by Courts of competent .
nriodifrion ' Rr that act. it is enacted " that
BCRlDSILL''fU persoiigborn4n; the i United States and
not subject to &nvJ foreign power, excinuing
Indians not taxed.' are hereby declared to be
citixehs of the United States;- and such citi-v
zensof every race and color, without regard
to any previous condition of slavery or. in
voluntary servitude, except as ft punishment
for crime, whereof the party, shall have been
convicted, shall have the same right, in every
State and Territory in the United States, to
make and enforce contracts, to sue, to be
parties, and give evidence, to inherit, pur
chase, lease, sell, hold and convey Teal and
personal property, nnd to full and equal bene
fit of all laws and proceedings for the securi
ty of person and property, as is enjoyed by
white citizens,; and shall be subject to like
punishment, pains, and penalties, and to
none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regu
lation, or custom to the contrary notwith
standing. By " the provisions of the act full protec
tion is afforded, through the district courts
of the United States, to all persons injured,
and whose privileges, as there declared, are
in any way impaired, and heavy penalties
are denounced against the person who wil
fully violates the law. I need not state that
that law .did not receive my approval ; yet,
its remedies are far preferable to those pro
posed in the present bill ; the one being civil
and the other military.
By the sixth section of the bill herewith
returned, certain proceedings by which the
lands in the "parishes of Saint Helena and
Saint Luke, South Carolona," were sold and
bid in, and afterwards disposed of by the
tax commissioners, are ratified and confirmed.
By the seventh, eight, ninth, tenth, and elev
enth sections, provisions by law are made
for the disposal of the lands thus acquired
to a particular class of citizens. While the
quieting of title is deemed very important
and desirable, the discrimination made in
the bill seems objectionable, as docs also the
attempt tb confer upon the commissioners
judicial powers, by which citizens of the
United States are to be deprived ot their
property in a mode contrary to that provis
ion of the Constitution which declares that
no person "shall be deprived of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law."
As a general principle such legislation is un
safe, unwise, partial, ami unconstitutional.
It may deprive persons of their property who
are equally deserving objects of the nation's
bounty as those whom, by this legislation,
Congress seeks to benefit. The title to the
land thus to be portioned out to a favored
class of citizens must depend upon the reg
ularity, of the tax sale under the law as it
existed at the time of the sale, and no sub
sequent legisation can give validity to the
right thus acquired as against the original
claimants. The attention of Congress is
therefore inviied to a more mature consider
ation of the measures proposed in these
sections of the bill.
In conclusion, I again urge upon Congress
the danger of class legislation, so well cal
culated to keep the public mind in a state
of uncertain expectation, disquiet and rest
lessness, and to encourage interested hopes
and fears that the National Government will
continue to furnish to classes of citizens in
the several States means for support and
maintenance, regardless of whether they
pursue a life of indolence or of labor, and
regardless also of the constitutional limita
tions of the national authority in times of
peace and tranquility.
The bill is herewith returned to the House
of Representatives, in which it originated,
for its final action.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington, July 16, 1866.
For the Standard.
Messrs. Editors : I wish to defend my
self and ask the permission to do so through
the columns of your . paper in which I was
assailed. I have endeavored to conduct my
selt all my days, uprightly before all men
and in the sight of God, as I have been
taught and ever intend to follow the pre
cepts. I was taught to think before speak
ing, and ask for what I wanted, and have
tried hard to do it. If any man will say that
I have taken his name without his knowl
edge or consent, it is false, but let the truth
be told. The business is much more
voluminous than I anticipated or intended,
but I have put my hands to the work, and
finding there was plenty to perform and the
door was thrown open and the invitation
was extended to all who would come to the
work. There was not one gentleman who
denied following except the three. To please
some who are opposed to all proceedings,
save their own, have advised those men to
go no farther. Take them on oath and they
cannot give any good reason tor what they
have done concerning me. There are certain
men whose atlvice was uncalled for, good for
some but not for me by any means ; it is
impossible to agree in public business. I
have labored for the last three months or
more for the benefit of others than myself,
which they oppose.
Three men formed themselves a committee
last week for the purpose of prevailing on
me to withdraw the call, which I would not;
then they agreed to make me appear as a
man of untruthfulness. One of them voted
against the call. My call is to the people of
North-Carolina, and I trust they will look
and think for themselves, and I hope they
will not wait to be informed ; they must
work to support themselves. I know that I
am " one Albert Williams" of respectable
ancestry, and all can be satisfied with my
assertion who wish to inquire. If Mr. Har
dy and Mathews forced themselves where
they were not wanted, and have done that ot
which they are ashamed, now I am ashamed
of them. I would not let the people know
I wished to assist myself and not help them.
Whoever is ashamed of himself is to be pit
ied. The Leagues have nothing to do with
the present call. The people never gave their
consent. Then why have I called to the
oeople to license men for such purposes.
In the Convention of September, some of
the delegates did not know there was a
League in the State, but all knew there w-as
schools in the State and needed superinten
ding, and there are portions of the State
who have no schools and know not how to
get them.
The opposers wish them to wait until the
schools open, then make the necessary ar
rangements to open others. Under these cir
cumstances the sooner the Convention meets
the better. Some arrangements are necessa
ry in the City for convenience, &c. Leagues
nor societies have done nothing in the way
spoken of but personal friends. Therefore,
a meeting we deem prudent to see what may
be done. So come all that may come, I am
with the right man ia the right place, and
intend to reside there. If I am not right I
will show others how to get right. The
statutes of North-Carolina allow one man
to hold out one office.
ALFRED B. WILLIAMS.
The Tiltereen in Scotland. An old
Scotch woman talking to her son Sawney
about his marriage with his bonnie lassie,
said :
"My bairn ye hae na been acquaint wr
the lassie abune a fortnight, an' ye hae na
seen enow o' her yet ; gin ye were wise, be
fore ye tak her for better an' waur ; ye wad
see mair oi ner."
" Mair of her" exclaimed Sawney " I hae
seen dune to the fifth-ribb on ilka side a'ready);
an' noo the Tiltereen hae shown a' the rest 1"
No more obiections were made by the
auld kimmer, and they were married. Ex
change paper.. ;
The Church ok Ttltereens. A' priest
has been preaching in New York against til
tereen hoops.' lie proteases nis ignorance of
the revelations made by the fashions at op
eras and theatres, as ne never goes there, but
adds i " I cannot shut my eyes to abomina
tions when it is in front of me on the streets."
mm
SATUBDAlf,
.JUI.T 2li;i86C.t
a- NOTICE.'1 -
The people of this State will vote' on
the 2nd, 3d, and 4th of August next to
ratify or reject the. Constitution, lately
adopted by the ' Convention 'and ordered
to be submitted to them at the polls. -
The-Philadelphia Convention.
It is to be regretted that certain persons
in the so-called Southern States are taking
such an active part in appointing delegates
to the Philadelphia Convention. In all the
States south of this, the leading movers in
this business, which is designed to aid in
restoring the Union, are such as have not
yet acquired the confidence of either the
President or any considerable portion of the
Northern people. In this State, while we
see now and then the name of an acceptable
person in the proceedings of the public
meetings, yet the great body of the actors
are of a different stamp. The Union is not
likely to be restored by those public men in
this region who were most conspicuous in
efforts to destroy it. Unpardoned rebels
will mar every thing they touch in connec
tion with the proposed Convention. Gentle
men who left tho national Congress to en
gage in the rebellion, and who pressed war
and devastation to the last moment, against
the earnest remonstrances of peace men and
Union men, will find no favor even with the
President in their efforts to forward and
promote the Philadelphia Convention.
Some of the resolutions that we see in the
public prints, adopted at meetings recently
held, appear to be appropriate and to have
been prudently drawn; but denunciations
of "our oppressors," and allusions to the
exploded theory of States rights, are calcu
lated to do more harm than good. Our peo
ple should be careful not to fall into the
same channel which led to the late rebellion.
In 1860, the staple talk was that the govern
ment must be broken up, so as to be recon
structed on a better basis ; that the " black
Republicans" were the enemies of the gov
ernment, and ought to be put down; and
that the sovereign panacea for all our ills,
and the only way to save the government,
was through State rights and State action.
Well, that was tried, and the result is before
the world. The same spirit which was
evinced then is cropping out now against
"the radicals." The radicals, we are told,
are "our oppressors" are the enemies of
the government, and we must save the gov
ernment by putting them down. If we could
not save the government when we were a
part of it, by putting down the " black Re
publicans," how are we to save it now, when
we are not a part of it, by putting down
" the radicals ? " Events have shown that
we were not the best friends of the govern
ment in 1861, and it is not probable that we
shall be regarded by the great body of the
American people as its best friends now.
As a specimen of the temper with which
Georgia is preparing to take part in the
Philadelphia Convention, we copy the fol
lowing, italics, small capitals, and capitals,
as it appears in that paper, from the Atlanta
littettujencer :
"Time is short, and action should be
prompt on the part of all who would sustain
President Johnson in the war waged
against him by the Radical party of the North
and West. We know the purposes of that
party, and we know to what woe it would
doom our people. Negro equality, socially
and politically ; disfranchisement, confiscation.
degradation, BLOOD; have been their
avowed purposes. God save the South from
such rule."
This is the same old cry of 1 800. No good
can come of it. Those who utter this cry are
not friends to the President. He is no friend
to them. They are mistaken in their man.
The Richmond Enquirer, more sagacious
than the bulk of the secession press of Vir
ginia, sees a cat in the meal tub. It fears the
proposed Convention will be too loyal a body
to subserve its purposes. That paper says :
" We have no need to go further than Mr.
Seward's letter of the 11th instant, which we
publish to-day. He says that the admission
of " loyal men" as the " representatives of the
loyal people" of the South, will be the com
pletion of the restoration of the Union. We
arc not left to conjecture as to what is meant
by " loyal" representatives. Mr. Seward
himself explained it only a few days before.
In his Tammany letter, he said : " I desire
that the two houses of Congress will apply
the Constitutional test, with all the improve
ments of legislation vpon it, and thus admit
those States and representatives who are
loyal, and reject only those against whom the
crime of disloyalty shall be established."
This means that Mr. Seward sustains and
approves the Test-oath, and considers it as
drawing the line between the " loyal" who
can take it, and the " disloyal" who can
not. In short there is no prominent actor in the
Philadelphia movement, of any party, who
has admitted it as a purpose to give the South
any thing better than Test- Oath Representa
tion. Not one ! What said even Mr. Hend
ricks, the Democratic Senator from Indiana,
in debate on Friday last ? In answer to Mr.
Trumbull he said :
" It may suit the Senator's purpose on the
hustings, but it will hardly suit his purpose
here to say that I, or any who are with me
in opinion, are now advocating the admis
sion to seats in this body or the House of
Representatives of persons directly connected
witlt the Rebellion. The Senate knows very
well that there now stands upon the statute
book of the United States, and upon the
rules of the Senate, a provision requiring ev
ery person who takes a seat in the Senate to
take a most solemn oath.
Mr. TbumbtjiJj Is the Senator from Indi
ana in favor of that law and that rule ?
Mr. Hendricks said his votes would best
express his views on that question. He had
not asked to repeal the law. Does the Senator
from Illinois consent to its repeal ?
Mr. TRtTMBtTLii Certainly not. Will the
Senator from Indiana help me to keep it in.
force ?
Mr. Hendricks replied that while the law
remained, although he might have doubts as
to its constitutionality, he would not vote for
the admission of any man who could not take
the prescribed oath. If he (Hepdricks) knew
a man to be unable to take that oath, he
would posed to his admission. The ques
tion was, however, not whether rebels should
take seats in Congress, it was not whether
any man who has been connected with the .
rebellion in any way, he admitted ; it was
whether men selected by competent authority.
in the Southern States should . be admitted.
He (Hendricks) was not in favor of the ad
mission ot Alexander li. Stephens or llers-
chel Y. Johnson while the test-oath stood ;
if they could take that oath, he would be in
lavor ot their admission.' ' ' '
i In the presence of such facts it is vain, it
is foolish, it is wicked, to shut oar eyes to the
truth that the' representation claimed for the
South in the Philadelphia Convention is test
oath representation, and nothing more, v - vv ;
'We believe the Convention will do better
than, this, if toe Jail 'not in our- duty to our
selves. ,To merge into the Philadelphia Con
vention on the basis of Test Oath Represen
tation is wholly inadmissible and impossi
ble: Infinitely do - we- prefer no represefltaA
tion. But the so-called "loyal" men of the
South are helping the Philadelphia move
ment to better conclusions. They are spurn
inn that Convention 1 Under the dictation
of the Radicals, to whom they have allied
themselves, they are denouncing it. and have
called a rival convention. The "loyal"
representatives, to secure whose admission
Mr. Seward calls the Philadelphia Conven
tion, are bitterly hostile to it and to him and
the President. There is not a man who can
"take the oath," who would not, if admit
ted, track after Sumner and Stevens, and
strengthen the number of the President's
enemies. It is of course impossible that the
politicians concerned will long fail to dis
tinguish between their friends and their foes.
It is impossible that they will long continue
to strive at once to admit the men from the
South who will oppose them, and to exclude
those who will support them. We will get
real representation instead of the mockery,
if we insist upon it. And we may not, with
out infamy and ruin, present ourselves at the
Philadelphia Convention without insisting
upon it. If we appoint delegates, we must
accompany the appointment with the explicit
declaration, as proposed in Mr. Tyler's reso
lution, that we hold as a fundamental right,
which we can never renounce, representa
tion according to the Constitutional stand
ard of election and qualification, and in re
pudiation of all arbitrary requisitions and
proscriptive test-oaths. If with such a dec
laration, our delegates are rejected, it will be
proof that they ought not to have been sent ;
if admitted, our point will be saved if not
gained. We entreat, nay, we insist upon, the
earnest attention of the meeting to-morrow,
to this very important, nay vital, subject.
And we trust that the popular meetings
which may be held over the State, will not
fail to assert, with becoming firmness, their
real rights of representation as against a
mockery."
This is all true. Mr. Seward's test of loy
alty is the " test-oath." He thinks the States
lately in rebellion ought to send members
who can take that oath. He doe3 not, in our
opinion, think it probable that such mem
bers elect as A. H. Stephens, H. V. Johnson,
William A. Graham, and J. Turner, Jr., will
ever occupy seats on the floor of Congress.
And we declare, in our opinion, that if the
Philadelphia Convention should take ground
for the admission of the Southern members
elect as they are, without the test-oath, its
advocates and supporters would not be able
to carry a county or a township in any of the
Northern States. We give the opinion for
what it is worth ; let our readers see if it is
not confirmed. The President, his Cabinet,
and all his Northern friends, with the excep
tion of Mr. Saulsbury and a few others, ex
pect the test-oath to be complied with by the
Southern States. It will not be repealed, or
even modified to the slightest extent. The
next Congress will maintain it, as the present
one has; and whenever the so-called Southern
States are admitted to representation, they
will be admitted under this oath. Gov. Worth
spits on this oath, and says if it is maintain
ed the State will not be represented, but will
remain out of the Union indefinitely. Very
well. We tell our readers that the feeling at
Washington, on all hands, is one of deep
concern and sympathy for us, when it is
thought we are about to do what is expected
of us ; but when it is felt that we are not dis
posed to do what is expected of us, and when
we act in a sullen or defiant manner, the feel
ing, to say the least, is one of indifference
towards us. The philosophy of which is,
very plainly expressed on their part, " We
can stand it, if you can."
The last Sentinel, the organ of Gov. Worth,
makes the following among other remarks on
the subject :
" In appointing delegates, the South does
so with the explicit understanding that we
hold, as a fundamental right, which we can
never renounce, representation according to
the Constitutional standard of election and
qualification, and in repudiation of all arbi
trary requisitions and proscriptive test-oaths.
If, with such an understanding and declara-
tion, our delegates are rejectea twnicu is al
together improbable, if not impossible,) it
will then be proof that thej' ought not to have
been sent ; if admitted, as we believe they
most unquestionably will be, our point will
be saved, if not gained"
Our neighbor is in the dark. " He is count
ins without his host." Does our neighbor
think, aside from all considerations connec
ted with the test-oath, that a loyal Conven
tion,' to be assembled in Philadelphia, will
consent, by admitting its delegates, to ig
nore the thirty thousand good and true
Union men of this State ?
We may have more to say.on this subject
hereafter.
What Does Gen. Sherman Mean T
In addressing the students of Yale College,
at an impromptu gathering last Friday, Gen.
Sherman said :
" Look at the old flag as a Christian ob
ject. Obey its dictates and follow its leaders.
As you go out into lite you will hnd op
portunities enough to stand up tor it you
may even have a chance to fight for it. I
tell you that before you pass from the stage
there will be fighting, in comparison with which
mine will seem slight, and I have had enough?1
We allude not to the idolatry tor the " old
flag" which Gen. S. enjoins, hut where is that
hghting" to come off and what about 1
Count the South out ! Progress.
"Count the South out" of what ? If the
country should be involved in a foreign war,
the South, so-called, must do her part, or she
will break her oath to be true to the Con
stitution and the laws.
No one known what Gen. Sherman means.
But the signs are portentous. Wise and sa
gacious men already fear that the war is not
over in this country. Those in the South,
so-called, who are doing all they can, whether
intentionally or not, to cause another war,
did not fight in the last one, and they will
not fight in the next. We will submit to
any thing to avoid another civil war, but we
confess we look with alarm to the future.
Our apprehensions are well-founded. We
hope we are mistaken, but fear we are not.
The communication of Tod R. Caldwell,
Esq., addressed to the Sentinel, and which
the Editors of that journal have refused to
publish, shall appear in our next.
The American emigrant ship Monarch
of the Seas, which left Liverpool for New
York on the afternoon of the 19th of March
last, with a valuable cargo and six hundred
and seventy-four passengers, is now, lacking
but two days, four months at sea, and as yet
nothing has been heard of her. It is feared
that some disaster must have occurred to the
.vessel, and, that she has gone down with all
- General Benedek, commanding the Austrian-
armies in Bohemia, concentrated hiH
forces, on the- morning of July 3d, on the
right bank of the "river Elbe, between Kom-
iggratz and Josephitadt; armed fortresses
He was determined to make a last stand for
the territory of Bohemia, the greater part of
which has already passed into the possession
of the victorious Prussians. -,:
Prince Frederick Charles, who command
ed the Prussian army that debouched from
the plains of Saxony, commenced the attack
at an early hour. Up to 10 o'clock the hat
tie was favorable to the arms of Austria. At
this critical period, the Prussian army under
the Crown Prince, which had entered Bohe
mia from Silesia, though at the beginning of
the engagement many miles distant, moved
up with celerity to the scene of action, and
established itself unperceived, on account of
the misty rain that was falling and the drift
ing smoke of the battle-field, in the rear of
the right wing of the Austrian army. This
wing was immediately attacked, doubled up
and rolled back in confusion upon the centre
of Benedek's astonished army. A panic set
in, and although the officers and Princes of
Austria endeavored to rally their fleeing
troops, it was in vain. The Prussians cap
tured 1 4,000 prisoners and 116 cannon. The
overthrow was complete.
Benedek has been superceded by Arch
duke Albrecht. The Crown Prince of Prussia
was decorated on the field of battle with the
order of military merit. The number of
killed and wounded on both sides was very
heavy.
The Emperor of Austria, upon receiving
the tidings of the defeat, proposed an armis
tice, ceding Venetia to France and appoint
ing Napoleon mediator. Prussia and Italy
refused the armistice. Napoleon it is stated
has accepted the proposition of Austria, and
is taking steps to occupy Venetia as French
territory. The Anstrians have evacuated
Lombardy.
At latest accounts the Prussians were still
pressing after the retreating Austrians. They
propose to dictate terms of peace from tho
palace in Vienna.
On Thursday morning, the Commons Hall
was filled by a large audience, consisting of
ladies and gentlemen of this City as well as
others from a distance, to listen to the Mem
orial Address of Hon; Win. A, Graham, up
on the life and services of the Hon. Geo.
Edmund Badger, deceased. '
Mr. Graham's address was dignified and
appropriate, replete with interesting remini
scences, and contained a truthtul review, so
far as we were enabled to judge, of the public
career of the deceased statesman.
The Hon. Chas. Manly introduced the
Speaker to the audience. The seats and
lobby to the left and right of the stand , were
occupied by the members of the bar, the
body of the Hall by the ladies, and the main
lobbies and gallery by the gentlemen. Mr.
Graham's address was an hour and twenty
minutes in delivery.
The coolest proposition known to modern
politics is that made by the Raleigh Sentinel,
that in case the constitutional amendment is
ratified in August, establishing the office of
Lieut. Governor, the gentlemen already named
a candidates in connection with tltat office,
shall meet in Raleigh and select one from among
themselees, or some one else to fill that position.
Laying all jokes aside, that is the tallest pre
suming upon the vanity and immodesty of
distinguished gentlemen that we recollect
ever to have seen. Newbem Times.
This is a very cool proposition, consider
ing the weather. But it shows the respect
entertained for the people by the old seces
sion oligarchy now in possession of the gov
ernment. Their motto is, The few should
rule the many. They have been doing'this
ever since I860. They have ridden the peo
ple to their ruin, and now they are, sitting
amid the ruins dividing out among them
selves what little life-blood has been left in
the poor old State. Certain leaders and cer
tain families must be taken care of, at all
hazards. Decaying oligarchs who staked
their negroes on secession and lost, must be
supported in their poverty and laziness by
the poor, wasted,, and ruined yeomanry and
working-men of our State I Such things can
not last. .. .
Somebody names somebody for an office,
and two or three other somebodies name
other somebodies for office, and then these
somebodies, so-named, are to meet and say
who shall have the placet ' These oligarchs,
who trembled this time last year in the pre
sence of the ensigns of the national power,
are getting fat and impudent. They must
be taken down a bntton-hole lower. They
may thank their stars if, before this rebel lion
is entirely over, that instead of dividing out
the offices among themselves as robbers di
vide out their plunder, their own estates are
not confiscated and parcelled out among the
loj al men. Let them beware.
m
Fish Culture. The propagation of fish
is attracting attention in Europe. It is a
fact that fish can be raised cheaper and more
plentifully than any kind of poultry, and their
flesh is as sweet and nourishing. It seems
that the Emperor Napoleon has just ordered
an exhibition of fishes, at the little villa-;e
of Areachon, near Bordeaux.' ' f .
This novel and most useful enterprise is
regarded with great interest in England and
France, and is intended to show the philoso
phical as well ns the material aspects of well
regulated sea and river fisheries. Invitations
to effect this purpose have been sent far and
wide to official personages willing to aid
with their influence, to scientific men in or
der that they may give their opinions, and
to literary men in order to spread the knowl
edge thus accumulated.
The collection is so arranged as to il"u
trate the productive qualities of salt ana
fresh water, the peculiarities of national pro
duct, the advantages of pisciculture and,
incidentally, what is to be gained by well
directed legislation concerning the fisheries.
The subject of-fish-culture will receive spe
cial attention, in order to -ascertain the "est
methods of hatching, breeding and domes
tication. Papers will also be read on the
natural history of the various edible fishes,
the technology of the fisheries, and the man
ners and customs of the classes -engaged in
this business. Exchange. ,
Judge RusselVof Itoq County, Missouri,
produced from a Bingie grain of wheat a
stock of seventy-five stalks, averaging twenty-nine
grain each, -or aft' aggregate of two
thousand" one. hundred ' and seventy-five
grains - Were a bushel and a half (the or
dinary quantity) tar be sown on an acre, sn(l
to produce in the porportion this grain has
done, the yield would be eight thousand two
hundred aad sixty-two and a half bushels on
the acre.'- - - - -' ;

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