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City Advertisements W. H. SR. S. TUCKER & CO. TE HAVE THIS DAT ASSOCIATED WITH 3Xr. Tlicld.ei McGop, late of the firm of McGEE & WILLIAMS. The business will be hereafter conducted under he style and firm of W. H. & K. S. TUCKER & CO. We solicit for the new firm a continuance, and an increase of the patronage so liberally extended to the old firms. And with the experience ol each member of the firm in the mercantile busi ness, and intimate acquaintance with the people of this section of the State, and the energy ana perseverance which wiU be throwu into the busi ness, together with The Known Reasonableness OP OUB PRICES, COMPARED 'WITH The Cost and Duality of the Goods, We flatter ourselves that success will follow our efforts. Our thanks are hereby tendered to a liberal public. W. H. & R. S. TUCKER & CO. Raleigh, July 10, 1866. 43 tf JEAL ESTATE FOR GOODS. FOR SALE, A DESIRABLE, COMMODIOUS and healthy residence, in town, with about Twenty Acres of Land attached. Dwelling, 43x34 feet; first floor, 6 leet from ground two stories. 12 and 11 leet between floors, containing eight neat and well finished rooms, with closet and fire-place lor each two Halls, rock basement, with three fire placesfront and rear high-pitched double piaz zas Balustrade round roof and piazza with all necessary outhouses. The residence fronts the Railroad and the centre of the town is liberally supplied with thrifty shade and fruit trees ; has a well of good water ; is very healthy, and near a good business locality. To any person desiring a delightful and healthy residence, with sufficient land for making support for a family, a rare op portunity is here offered. Money being scarce, only one sixth of the price will be required in cash, the balance in Dry Goods, Groceries, and Drugs For further particulars, apply to EDITORS " STANDARD." July 31, 1866. 57 fit T?XCHANGE OF PC. C. BONDS. STATE OF N. cTtREASURT DEP'T., Raleigh, June 27, 18C6. Under the authority of an ordinance of the Convention, ratified June 16th, 1866, sealed pro posals will be received by the undersigned until the first day of November, 1866, for the exchange of the principal of any bonds issued by the State, prior to the 20th May, 1861, for certificates of stock and other interests held by the fctate in various corporations. The principal of these are Stocks in the following Companies : North-Carolina Railroad Company, $3,000,000 Ttl..ip-h fe Gaston Railroad Company, tbJ,oW Atlantic & N. C. Railroad Company, Western N. C. Railroad Company, $1,066,000 $1,418,000 Jliuciuniic vu v -l?ijv" .. . t ' . . -n 1 ... a.. n-UO till" T1 $ BoO.OOO 2nd. Ionas, securcu uy iuui tire property of the following corporations : Wilmington, Charlotte & Rutherford Railroad Company, V'SC! rvwi Western Coalfield Railroad Company, 600,000 Atlantic fc North-Carolina R. R. Co., $181,164 The interest acquired by the purchaser ol the stock of any corporation will not be greater than that of the holders of the like amount of the gen eral stock of the same corporation. The stocks belonging to the Literary Fund, e. e. the stock in the Wilmington Ss Weldon, and Wilmington & Manchester Railroad Coinpauies, and in various banks, are not included in this advertisement. Bids at less than the par value of the stocks or other interests will not be entertained. Any premium realized will be applied in payment of past due coupons of the bonds delivered in ex change. Copies of the law authorizing the exchange and more detailed lists of the stocks, &c., will be for warded by the undersigned to applicants. It is made my duty to accept those terms deemed most advantageous to the State, and the option of rejecting anv or all bids is reserved KEMP P. BATTLE, June SO 45-wts Public Treasurer. N O. 44, TAYETTEVILLE ST., fl Albion, it. Spring Trade, 1866. Large additions to our Stock of Miscellaneous Hardware, Woodware, Crockery, Glass and China Ware; Hollow Ware, Tin Ware, Swedes and American Iron and Steel. A commanding stock of Buggy Materials, Lamps, Lanterns, Lamp Wicks and Chimneys, Kerosine Oil, White Lead and other Paints, Spirits Turpentine and Linseed Oil, Window Glass from 8x10 to 30x36, Putty; an extensive stock 01 Builders Materials, Locks and Nails, Family Groceries and House-Furnishing Goods, 20 Cooking Stoves, of various approved patterns Plaited Knives, Forks, Tea and Dinner Spoons. Call and examine our Stoek. J. BROWN, with april 10 10-tf. HART & LEWIS. gPECIAI. NOTICE. MR. L. H. KELLOGG HAVING RETIRED from onr firm, the business will hereafter be con ducted in the name of EDWARD WHEELER & CO. We hereby tender our thanks to the citi zens of Raleigh and vicinity for past patronage. KELLOGG, WHEELER te CO. JRESS GOODS, CALICOES, &C. WE HAVE JUST OPENED AN ENTIRE new stock, embracing Grenadines, Muslins, Ging hams, &c. Also, 3,000 yards Calicoes, of the la test styles, all of which we will sell cheap. Call early and secure bargains. may 22 28 tf. EDWARD WHEELER & CO R ANSON & FARRAR HAVE REMOVED TO THE NORTH-CAROLINA Book Store, the old and popular Book stand so long kept by Mr. H. D. Turner, No. 1 Fayetteville street, Raleigh, on the Corner near the State House. Mr. H. D. Tnmer, who, for thirty-three years past, has been a large publisher and bookseller, now retires from active business, leaving his entire stock in our hands. The stock consists of an extensive selection of English and American Law Books, besides a great variety of School and Miscellaneous Books. Mr. H. D. Coley, so long Mr. Turner's representative, will still be found at the old stand. With this valuable addition to our former ex tensive stock, we hope very greatly to enlarge our usefulness tqpthe trade. We will use our best efforts to secure the continued good will of onr old customers, and those of the North-Carolina Book Store. June 14 tf BRANSON & FARRAR. Standard Office, Raleigh, N. C, July 18, 186C. rpo ANTIQUARIANS, LIBRARIANS, JL BIBLIOPOL.ISTS, AND OTHERS : A BOUND FILE OF THE PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE, published at Philadelphia, 1767, RIVTNGTON'S NEW-YORK GAZETEER, pub lished in New-York, 1773, 1774, 1775, and 1776, and other rare old Revolutionary and Colonial papers, published in New-York and elsewhere, has been deposited at this office for sale. These papers contain the news, political, mili tary, domestic and foreign of those days, together with original communications from prose writers and poetical contributors. . The proceedings of the Continental Congress, which adopted the Declaration of Independence, and the proceedings of State Legislatures, Con ventions, dec., are all given as they occurred at that time. This is a most rare and valuable file. Persons desiring to purchase can call and examine it, or If they live at a distance, address us by letter on the subject. J rOUNG STALIiION, A fine ; vounz "PhlL Brown" Stallion . .i six years old, and 16 hands high. aXvtOv n TV P. WILLI A MRfYNi JuKeJ30TlS66.45:tf rpOBACCO ! TOBACCO! TOBACCO t 50 BOXES MANUFACTURED TOBACCO, ml grades. 500 lbs. Durham and other Smoking Tobacco.. Junes tf. p. jr.wiA.L,iAMuj s co City Advertisements. piPORTANT TOtton pANTERS. WE HAVE RECEIVED ON CONSIGNMENT , ,r.sw ii u ... sham, which we are in- structed to trade off lor Cotton, at the rate of 1 pound of BAlUJM lor jiuumu ui twj. TONr to he delivered by the 10th of October next B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO. July 24, 1860. -tf IN SEASON At 44 Fayetteville Street. PATENT ICE CREAM FREEZERS, Water Coolers, Oval and Round Wire Dish Covers, Weeding Hoes and Trace Chains, 1 Ton Castings. J. BROWN, with Raleigh, June 9 tf Hart & Lewis. LEWIS P. OLDS, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, HILXSBORO ST., May 18 3r.i-paid. RALEIGH, N. C. -J-ARD ! LARD ! ! LARD ! ! ! 25,000 POUNDS NICE LARD, IN BAR REL8 and half barrels. 5 Barrels prime MESS PORK. Just received, by B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO. July 24, I860. 54 tf JUST RECEIVED I At No. 44, Fayetteville Street: Plain and Plated Castors. Painted and Ornamented Toilet Sets. Fire Proof Tea Pots. Handsome Tea Trays. J. BROWN, wi.h Raleigh, april 38 tf. HART & LEWIS. MN WARE I AT No. 44 Fayetteville Street. We have a large stock of TIN WARE, of our own manufacture, for sale, wholesale an' retail. J. BROWN, with HART & LEWIS Raleigh, May 15, 1366. 25 tf. ENESAL BUSINESS AGENCY. THE UNDESIGXEDTENDERS HIS SER VICES to the community at home and abroad, as a General Business Agent. He will attend diligently to the collecting of all claims, the set tling and closing of all accounts, the buying and sellinff of anv and every species of property, or any other business in the State to which parties cannot attend in person, or which they may find it to their interest to entrust to the management ot an agent. As to his character and qualifications he is au thorized to refer to George W. Mobdecai, Hon. Thos. Bragg and Kemp P. Battle. RUFUS H. PAGE. Raleigh, June 16th, 1866. 36 tf W. PULLIASI. W. H. JONES. GEO. W. SWEPSON PULLIAM, JONES & CO., Wholesale Grocers and Commission MERCHANTS, -jpjAVE IN STORE A LARGE STOCK OF GROCERIES,"1 which is offered at the lowest cash prices. They respectfully solicit orders from the Merchants ol North-Carolina. PULLIAM, JONES fc CO. Raleigh, May 1, 1866. 20 tf. WATSON'S photograph; GALLERY, RALEIGH, N. C. PHOTOGRAPHS LARGE AND SMALL, plain anu colored, Ferreotypes, Ambrotypes, Carte de visites ; also, that new and beautiful style of picture colled Albatypes, all executed in the very best style of the art. I am also pre pared to make Photographs views, buildings, &c., at sliorr if tice. A call is solicited. may : 1S66 28 lv. J. W. WATSON. RAPPING PAPER. ONE HUNDRED REAMS OF FOREST MILLS wrapping paper. A tine nrtiele. B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO; Raleigh, July 7, lijCO. 47 tf W. W. WEST, DEALER IN MUSIC, BOOKS, STATIONERY, FANCY ARTICLES, AXD NEWSPAPERS, Raleigh. N. C. July 24, I860. 54 tf 1-EROSENE OIL AND LAMPS. JUST RECEIVED A LARGE SUPPLY HAND, PARLOR, BRACKET and SWINGING LAMPS. Also, the best Kerosene Oil, Lamp Wicks and Chimneys. Dry Hop Yeast. J. BROWN, With Heartt & Lewis, 44 Fayetteville Street, Raleigh. July 28 1866. 56-tf. TO COTTON PLANTERS AND OTHERS. CALL AND SEE THE CELEBRATED UNIVERSAL? COTTON GIN AND CONDENSER. B. P. WILLIAMSON & Co., PI AVE THE PLEASURE OF ANNOUN CING TO THE COTTON PLANTERS of this section, that they have succeeded in making arrangements with the PATENTEES and MANUFACTURERS, by which they are enabled to furnish these invalvuble GINS AND CONDENSERS, adapted to Steam or Horse Power, on very MODERATE terms. They invite all parties interested to call and see these Beautif ul Machines, at their store, FAYETTEVILLE STREET, Raleigh, N. C. Juiy, 31 1866. 57 tf SION H. ROGERS, Raleigh, N. C. JOS. B. BATCHELOR Warrenton, N. C. ROGERS & BATCHELOR, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, RALEIGH, N. C. june 5, 1866. 34 Sm JXCELSIOR WHEAT FANS. WE HAVE RECEIVED A LOT OF THESE Fans, which we will be glad to sell to our customers and Farmers on moderate terms. They are strongly recommended as a good and reliable Machine giving satisfaction in all cases, and have no superior in the market. Call and see. B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO July 24, 1866. 54 tf "Wood, for the Capitol. SEALED PROPOSALS WILL BE RECEIVED by the undersigned, until the 15th of September next, to furnish a sufficient quantity of Wood for the use of the Public offices in the Capitol, and for the Legislature the ensuing winter and spring. The Wood to be sound Oak and Hickory, to be delivered and measured in the Wood-house on the Capitol square, from time to time, as re quired. Bidders will state the price, PER CORD, at which they will deliver It, and endorse on the envelope Proposals for Wood." "The amount required will be about 200 Cords. iT? rtSut of rejecting bids not advantageous to the State, is reserved. R. W. BEST, Wol,. . . Secretary of State. Raleigh, Aug. 11, 1866. 62 tw-lm Washington, D. C, Aug. 8th, 1868. To the Editors of the Sentinel : Gentlemen : My Attention has been call ed to the leading article in your journal of the 14th ultimo, in which you criticise my conduct very freely, and indulge in remarks well calculated, if not intended, to render my position in the State, as a citizen and a public officer, uncomfortable, if not untena ble. I am unwilling to believe that you mean to menace me with the popular indig nation, or vengeance, and yet what else am I to infer from the following sentence ? You say, "If Mr. Goodloe contemplates resuming his former residence in this State, he may assure himself, in his self-assumed capacity as another ' representative man,' of a pro found and distinguished consideration at the hands of onr people." Whatever your pur pose may have been, I cannot but feel that this language, proceeding from a journal of wide circulation, and representing the Gov ernor of the State, will arouse the popular passions against me; and I ask, in the name of common justice, to be allowed space in which to remove, as far as I may, the impress ion you have created that I am an enemy of the State and people. You ask, " bow dare Mr. Goodloe set him self up as an exponent of even radical senti ment in North-Carolina a State from which he expatriated himself fifteen years ago, and in which he has not resided since ?" This challenge is very easily answered. In the first place, I have not set myself up as the representative of any body. I have only signed a circular addressed to the people of the South, in which they are called upon to represent themselves. I put my name down as of North-Carolina because that is now my home. I made it so last September, when I accepted the office of Marshal ; and I at the same time renounced, in purpose and in fact, my citizenship in this District of Columbia. It "was my right to elect to be a citizen again of my native State, and I have so elected. My daring, therefore, has not been so great as you imagined. Yon say that for many years prior to the war I " was identified with the anti-slavery agitators of New England," and that I was "therein more responsible for the 'rebellion' about which he discourses so flippantly in his address, than any man that tee know i the State." Now, it so happens that there is no man in or out of the State, who knows bet ter than one of the Editors of the Sentinel, that I was sternjy and uncompromisingly opposed to the measure which, on all hands, is now admitted to have been the chief cause of the war. I allude, of course, to the re peal of the Missouri Compromise. That fa tal measure was the Pandora's box which contained in it the Kansas controversy, the Lecompton fraud, the John Brown raid, and the demon of civil war. The junior editor of the Sentinel knows that it was my abhor rence of that scheme of President-making, which compelled me to abandon the Whig party, as well as a lucrative engagement with the Raleigh Register, and to unite in the for mation of the Republican party. With my profound convictions of the wickedness of extending the evils of slavery into the new territories,' I could not have done otherwise without dishonor. I cherished, and still cherish a warm resard for my Southern friends, but they left me no alternative. For " where should I go"' except into the ranks of those, who were endeavoring to defeat the scheme ? In this connection I wish lo say that I did not derive my anti-slavery sentiments and opinions from Northern abolitionists. So far as those opinions were not spontaneous in my own mind, they were imbibed from read ing the debate which took place in the Vir ginia Legislature in 1832, upon the question of abolishing slavery. It was characterized by great eloquence and power, and made an impression upon my youthful mind which time has not effaced. I embraced the gener ous idea ot emancipation, with my whole heart, as it was expounded by McDowell, Faulkner, Thos. J. Randolph, Boiling, Chand ler, Moore r-f Rockbridge, Marshall, Broad nax. and others. Subsequently I read the writings of Mr. Jefferson, which are instinct with the spirit of liberty; so that, before I was ot age, nnd Ix-tore 1 had heard that there was a Northern abolitionist in existence, my mind was thoroughly imbued with the sen timent. I may remark, also, that I heard no one at that day attempt to defend the ab stract idea of slavery. It was the boast of the emancipation orators in Virginia, that no man had risen in the Legislature to de fend slavery. There were elaborate apolo gies and excuses, but no attempt at justifi cation. I have compiled this entire debate, and hope one day to sec it published. It will do more honor to Virginia than anything in her annals, since the revolutionary period. I have always protested against and op posed the extension of slavery; and as a journalist have often had occasion to exam ine and criticise the arguments of its friends, intended to show that the institution is com patible with equity and Christianity ; but I have never set myself up as a censor of indi viduals, nor have I maintained that all who held slaves were as unjust as I conceive the system to be. I have followed the examples of Washington, Jefferson, Madison and a host of other noble Virginians, with Hugh Wil liamson, James Iredell and William Gaston of North-Carolina, in declaring my opinion that slavery was the greatest n oral and po litical evil that afflicted our country. Lake them, too, I have always addressed myself to the white people ; and never by written or spoken word have I encouraged the ne groes to revolt, or to disobedience. Since slavery was abolished, I believe that I have labored as earnestly, and written as much, with a view to the cultivation of a kindly spirit between the whites and blacks, as any man in the country. I have repeatedly en deavored, through the press, to convince the people of the South, that they will commit a fatal error if they fail to enter heartily into the work of educating and elevating the ne groes. If they neglect or refuse to take the great work in hand, it will be managed by Northern people, and the effect cau hardly fail to be more or less of alienation between the races. You say, " but perhaps the worst feature in Mr. Goodloe's connection with this revo lutionary movement, consists in the fact that he is a recent Executive appoiritee to the of fice of Marshal of North Carolina, and that one of his first acts has been to raise his arm against the President, and array himself in the ranks of his bitter and vindictive en emies." This brief text will afford matter for com mentary under several heads. In the first place, the call for a Convention of Southern Unionists in Philadelphia in September, is declared to be "a revolutionary movement." Now, if the Confederacy had been establish ed, instead of being dissolved into nothing ness, there would be some propriety in this language. Or, to say of the proposed Au gust Convention of Southern men, who were lately in rebellion, and at war with the Union, that it is "a revolutionary movement," would seem not to convey a paradox ; but to apply the epithet to those who stood by the flag through evil and through good report, and who are still not ashamed to march under it, would seem to be a strange misuse of lan guage. The next point to be answered is- the as sumption, that having been appointed Mar shal of North-Carolina by the President, I am bound as a liege-man, to suport his policy, whatever that may be. I have a brief an swer to make to this arraignment. I deny the right of the President to dictate opinions for me. I owe allegiance to the Constitution and laws ; not to the Presi dent. The citizen who surrenders his free dom of thought and speech to the appoint ing power, forfeits his citizenship, and be comes a minion, a tool, and is meaner than an involuntary slave. Whether the President, as intimated by you, will regard the September Convention of Unionists as revolutionary ; and whether he will sympathise with the Convention which is to meet in August, composed of men who fought four years to break up the Union, re mains to be seen. If the newspapers which are regarded aa' organs" can be relied upon as authority, he is sternly opposed to the ad mission of any man into the August Conven tion who cannot take the test-oath. An em phatic declaration against the admission of ' rebels" has been made through the New York Times and the National Republican of this city, while a similar intimation has ap peared recently in the Intelligencer. But this test-oath is not the only unpalatable food which the new friends of the President will have to swallow. We are assured by the Na tional Republican that the President is still the friend of negro suffrage, as he was when he sent the telegram to Grovernor Sharkey, and when he put his name to the reported conversation with Maj. Stearns of Boston. The Republican of the 24th ultimo, arraigned Congress before the country for failing to grant negro suffrage in the District of Col umbia to all who can read and write, to all who own property, and to all who have borne arms in the service of the United States, against the rebellion. It charged that it was the object of Congress by this omission, to place the President in a false position before the country his anxious desire being to give suffrage to the colored race, which the naughty Congress would not permit. I leave you and your readers to say whether the delegates to the August Convention will acquiesce in this policy of the President as cordially as I do. I know not what policy may be laid down by the Philadelphia September Convention. I signed the call for it from a conviction that the loval men of the South are entitled to be heard, and that they cannot be heard in the August Convention, if the representatives of the lately rebellious population-are to be ad mitted. This is an undecided question. The authorities differ. The Republican ad herents of the President's policy, as I have stated, say the " Confederates" shall not be admitted. But this class of republicans is small and feeble in number and influence in the Northern States ; while the great " Cop perhead" party insists that the Southern rep resentatives shall be admitted, without regard to tests of lovaltv. I have made tin mv mind that a political association with North ern " Copperheads" and Southern " Confed erates" will not be congenial to my tastes ; I should be a fish out of water ; and I, there fore, choose to be represented in the Septem ber Convention, by those who never ceased to love the Union. You will indulge me in this preference. I am sure. I here will doubtless be men in the Sep tember Convention,vhose passions have been lashed into fury by the persecutions to which they were subjected during the civil war. They may call upon the government to pun ish with confiscation and death the leading and prominent men of the Soutli, who were engaged in the rebellion. Others will insist upon excluding from political franchises and privileges all, who actively and voluntarily participated in the design to destroy the Union. But tor myself I have no such san guinary and harsh measures t3 propose. I disapproved them when they were more in vogue than they are now, and when they were favored by some of those who are now clamorous for the immediate and uncondi tional admission of the Southern representa tives. I shall insist, on the contrary, upon the adoption of the constitutional amend ment, and upon the wisdom and duty of uni versal enfranchisement, through State ac tion, as the true solution of the problem of restoration. In my view, the permanent ex clusion of the great body of the white peo pie of the South from the right to vote and hold office, if practicable at all, could only be secured by the presence of a large stand ing army; while the effect would be to per petuate the passions and hatreds of the hour, for generations. I hold also, that to exclude the liberated negroes from all the rights of self-government will be to make them aliens and enemies, and to doom them to a fate like that of the Jews in the Middle Ages, or the Pariahs of India. This no hu man power has a right to do. A system so incompatible with our free institutions, and with the spirit and tendency of the age, can not be safely adopted for the government of four millions of men. It would partake of the injustice of slavery itself, and would, at no distant day, be attended by consequences it may be, as direful. I have never yet heard a reason why ne groes should fie excluded from the right of suffrage, which is not equally applicable to white men. I have heard passionate denun ciation, and angry oaths, but not one reason. The same is true in regard to negro testimo ny. Twelve months ago and nine tenths of the good people of North-Carolina believed, or thoubrht thev believed, that the admission j of negroes to the right of testifying against white men would be the beginning of the end of all order and stability in the govern ment. The pillars of State were to tumble down, and the most exalted virtue was to be put on a level with the lowest type of vice aud ignorance. Such was the feeling a brief year ago : and behold how soon the un founded prejudices of generations will pass away, when their groundlessness is shown in the light of reason and experience. No in telligent man at least,no lawyer now thinks of disputing the propriety of allowing ne gro testimony. The principle is almost uni versally admitted to be just ; and while it is felt to be an essential protection to the negro against oppression, it is at the same time found to be in no wise detrimental to white men. On the contrary it is another security thrown around their rights. Communities need to be Argus-eyed. They should see all around them, that there may be no hiding place for crime. What, then, must be thought of the wisdom of States which blindfold half their population to the misdoings of the other half? I know nothing in all history comparable with the suddenness of this collapse of time honored prejudice. The people of the South should learn from it to distrust the grounds of that twin relic of slavery, their aversion to negro suffrage. I confess I would be glad to see one candid, dispassionate argument designed to show the evils that must attend the extension of the franchise to that class. It cannot be that they are illiterate, because the same argument is good against at least twenty thousand white voters in the State ; and if ignorance is considered an insupera ble objection, it is not applicable to all ne groes ; and is less applicable to some of that class than to many whites. But the very ig norance and inferiority of the negroes fur nish a reason, why we should not be afraid of their influence. The white people have the education, the wealth, the high spirit and habit of command, and at the same time constitute a majority of two-thirds of the population. Yet they are afraid to trust the negro with the right of suffrage, lest he should supplant them ! If is is asked, why give the negro suffrage, I reply by asking, why give it to white men ? Is not the ballot box the bulwark of liberty ? Is there liberty any where on earth where the elective franchise is withheld from the peo ple ? The right to vote commands respect, and secures countenance and friends, the world over, while the absence of the fran chise is everywhere accompanied with the neglect and contempt of the rich and power ful. The man who is armed with the ballot is not to be despised. He is not only respec ted and protected by the numerous class of aspirants for office, but by all who feel an in terest in the success of parties. The poor handful of free negroes in North-Carolina were respected and courted by politicians, so long as they enjoyed the elective franchise. But whent in a moment of passion, the Con vention of 1835, in spite of the earnest pro test of Mr. Gaston, unjustly disfranchised them, the same politicians in many cases be came the foes and oppressors of their former constituents. Truly the members of that Convention, by this actbf rnjusticoT enriched pot themselves, but they made the poor ne gro. " poor indeed."v JJut the day for the res toration of . all things has at length arrived, and let full justice be done the negro. Wo have made him free ; let "ns give him the ballot to "protect his freedom. We claim mental and moral superiority over him ; then why are we afraid to give him equal oppor tunities with ourselves, lest he may excel us? We, who have the start of him? We, the white race", have received more or less edu-. cation and training for generations ; we have schools and institutions of learning establish ed, and every advantage of surrounding cir cumstances. Then why should we insist up on clogging, or burthening the poor African, as if to prevent him from rivaling or sur passing us in intellectual and moral progress? Who will deny that he has the right to de velope the faculties, mental and moral, that God has given him ? And who will say that it is not our duty to assist and encourage him in the difficult task which lies before him ? The right of the Southern States to im mediate representation in Congress is insist ed on, mainly upon the ground that taxation and representation should go together. Then how can the Southern white people, while imposing taxes on the negroes, with hold from them the right of representation ? It is a maxim in the Courts, that "he, who demands equity, must do equity." When we are discussing policies for the country, we should never lose sight of the thought that no measure which is un just can be beneficial. We have no right to look for peace, order and prosperity from a system of injustice to any class; for sooner or later the day of reckoning will come. It is only States, which throw the shield of equal laws around all classes, that can hope to enjoy .-uninterrupted peace. It may be said of justice what Shakespeare says of " the quality of mercy," that it " Is not strained ; It droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven Upon the place beneath ; it is twice blessed ; It blesseth him that gives aud him that takes ; 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes The throned monarch better than his crown." The amendment to the Constitution which was submitted, by Congress, at its late ses sion, to the States for ratification, contains several distinct propositions. The first sec tion is a guaranty of personal rights ; and while it protects the weak by putting all on an equality before the law, it invades no man's rightful prerogative. Unless a man arrogates to himself the right to oppress his Lpoor neighbor, because he is poor, or because he is black or yellow, he cannot object to this first section of the amendment. The second section apportions the number of Representatives in Congress to wbich each State is to be entitled, according to the numbers of voters. In general terms popu lation is made the basis ; but it is provided, that if any State, North or South shall per sist in excluding the negroes from the right of suffrage, then they are not to be reckoned as a part of the population in apportioning representation. I give the substance and effect of the section, rather than its words. This basis is certainly fair as it regards the white people, however short of fairness it may be to the negroes. I have never yet seen a Southern man who could deny its justice. South Carolina, tor instance, with but 281,000 white inhabitants, can have no just claim to a representation based on more than 700,000. I o maintain the contrary is to claim for each of her citizens as much po litical influence as is exercised by two and a half Northern citizens. You may imagine that the Northern people are not just now in the mood to make this concession in favor of South Carolina. I have no desire to see Southern representation reduced. On the contrary I wish it to be legitimately in creased, by the full and fair representation of all classes, and to bring about this result, I would strip the white people of the unde served privilege of representing four millions ot non-voters, until the latter are enfran chised. I would place this incentive to a liberal policy before the people. I may re mark here that the amendment excludes the black population from the basis of represen tation, when the males of twenty-one years, and upwards arc excluded from the polls; so that the adoption of the amendment would not affect the clause in the State Constitu tion which defines the qualifications of State officers. The disabilities imposed by the third seo tion upon all who before the war took an oath to support the Constitution, and subse quently participated in the rebellion, may be removed by a two thirds vote of both Houses. of Congress ; and the ratification of the amendment would of itselt, in my opinion, secure that result immediately frr the ma jority of the class affected, and eventually for all law-abiding citizens. I know it is un gracious to ask men to vote away privileges to which they have been accustomed all their lives; but the deprivation already exists as it regards National offices, and will con tinue to exist until the amendment is adopt ed by the South, while the State Government itself must remain in a precarious and im perfect condition, liable to be superseded by military authority, in the mean time. The fourth section calls upon the State Legislatures North and South to pledge the people to the payment of the national debt ; and upon the Southern States especially, to repudiate the debts, Confederate and State, contracted in aid of the rebellion. Tlese pledges would be implied, or, I should say, are implied, in the application of the South ern States for restoration to their places in the Union. The citizens or subjects of every Government are bound to the paymeot of" the national debt, by the very act of its crea tion ; while no Government could for a mo ment tolerate the idea of allowing a debt to be paid, which was created with a view to its overthrow. There can be no objection, there fore, to this feature of the amendment, on the part of those Southern people, who have in good faith solicited a restoration of the States to the Union ; and if any one thinks it hard, he must reflect that it is one of the inevitable consequences of the failure of the rebellion. The constitutional prohibition of payment will at the same time relieve sensi tive minds from the responsibility of violated obligations. There is no reason why North-Carolina may not be fully represented in Congress at its next session, if her people will take one step further in conquering their prejudices. They have already submitted to the authori ty of the Union, they have given up their State government and Constitution, in com pliance with the requirement of the Presi dent, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States ; they have reformed their organic laws in the mode sug gested by the President ; and elected officers under them, who have entered upon the ex ercise of their functions. And now, if they will go one step further, and adopt the con stitutional amendment proposed by Congress, they will have performed the last necessary act to entitle them to their former privileges under the Constitution. They may, or they may not grant the negroes the right of suff rage. This is optional. If they do not, they will lose, after the next apportionment in 1872, two Representatives in Congress, which are now based on three-fifths of the slaves. But if, in a spirit of wisdom and justice, as I look at it, they extend suffrage to the blacks, they will gain one member after that date, more than they now have, supposing that the population should remain stationary. In other words, the State, after 1872, will have but five representatives under the amendment if negro suffrage is denied, and -it will have eight representatives if negro suffrage is granted. This question of suffrage, however, can be postponed until after the ratification of the amendment. It will not affect the question of representation until the apportionment of 1872 is made; md in the mean time the ne groes will have made considerable progress in education and independence of character, so that thousands' of ttrem" will b? qu alified to exercise the elective franchise intelligently before they become invested with it. If aq educational test is thought to be proper, it will of course be equally proper for the white people; for ignorance in one class must be as incompatible with the intelligent exercise of the franchise, as in the other. Uniformi ty is all that the Constitutional amendment calls for. I apprehend that an educational test need take from no man, who has hereto fore been a voter in the State, the right to vote; and that it will be sufficient to provide, that on and after a certain date no new elec tors shall be admitted to the polls unless they can read and write. A law to this effect would be a great incentive to improvement in both whites and blacks. Our politicians, instead of patronizing the dram shops, in the prosecution of their electioneering enter prises, would become schoolmasters and pa trons of learning, in order to qualify their friends as voters. One great obstacle to the admission of ne groes to the enjoyment of equal laws is the popular habit of confounding political with social equality. But the two things are es sentially different. Civil and political equali ty are essential to every man, to secure him in the enjoyment of his equal rights with others. They must be guaranteed to him by the fundamental Constitution and laws of a State, and must be enforced, if necessary, by the magistrate. Social equality is indepen dent of legislative enactments. It could not be guaranteed by them, and ought not to be so guaranteed if the thing were possible. There could be no more revolting tyranny than to compel people of incompatible char acters, tastes, and habits, to associate with each other ; and no Government in the world ever attempted anything so absurd. Social equality implies equal education, refine ment, and virtue in individuals, who are brought into association by congenial tastes, mutual loves or friendships, or at least, by purely voluntary agreement. In the nature f things, this sort of equality needs not the sanction of laws nor the authority of the magistrate to give it effect. Yet the social laws are verv absolute, because, like the laws of nature, thev are self-cnforcine. Without the aid of Sheriff or Police, they are irre sistible. They attract like to like as if by chemical affinity. The folly of supposing that political equality necessarily carries with it social equality, is made manifest if we consider that the former exists in all the States of the Union, between white men in all conditions of life ; while the latter exists nowhere in the world, except as between individuals of mutual tastes. In the city of New York, for instance, the wealthy "democratic" mer chants, lawyers, manufacturers and bankers, who inhabit marble palaces in Fifth Avenue, and who are driven about the city by white servants in livery, have no political rights which the white" driver and ostler do not possess. Yet no unpleasant social collisions are the consequences of this political equali ty. The hired servants never dream that thev are the social equals of their employers. The democrat of the parlor employs the democrat of the stable-yard at fair wages, with a perfect understanding on each side, that there is to be no social equality between them ; and they are, in fact, as far removed socially, as if the serving man were black. Yet they are equally free to contract, and are equally bound by the contract. The law protects the servant as effectually as it does the employer, because he is equally free in every respect, has the same right to sue and be sued ; and above all, because he has an equal share in making the laws, through his representative in the Legislature. In the South, also, we witness the same political equality, between all classes of the white population, and the same social disparity. It is, therefore, idle to apprehend that social equality withYiegroes will result from giving them political rights. I am very respectfully, DANIEL R. GOODLOE. A strange decision has just been rendered in North-Carolina. Chief Justice Ruffin has declared against the proposed new Constitu tion of the State Convention. The Chief Justice says : " I consider that this is no constitution, because your convention was not a legitimate convention, and had no power to make a constitution for us, or to alter that which we had and ltare. I object to the organization ot vour convention because it was called without the consent of the people, by the President of the United States, or under his orders and act of clear and despotic usurp ation." JVbrfolk Virginian. The Virginian is mistaken in suposing that the above quotation is from a " decision" of Judge Ruffin delivered as a Judge. Heis not now in office as a Judge ; and further more, there has been no decision by any Court on the quest ion. The extract to which the Virginian refers is from an anonymous communication which first appeared in the Wilmincton Journal, said to have been writ ten by judge Ruffin. It is the mere opinion of Judge Ruffin as an individual. But it is very unfortunate that such language should be published by a gentleman occupying the prominence of Judge Ruffin. The reasoning is as erroneous as the language is unfortunate. It will rejoice the radicals and the enemies of the South, but will greatly damage the Presi dent and Northern men who are standing up for our rights. It is too late to talk about the legality of the Convention and dispute the authority by which it was called. Un der the circumstances, President Johnson did the best he could for us, and it is not proper for a Southern man no to accuse him of despotism and usurpation. The above quotation from Judge Ruflin's communica tion will do us much harm strengthen our enemies and weeken our friends and he de serves censure for writing it. The people want peace and quiet, and care very little about theories. No argument against the Constitution itself has been advanced, and it is imprudent to try to get up a fuss about abstract questions. Charlotte Democrat. Seizure of Tobacco, &c., by the Coi lector op Internal-Revenue. The Dep uty Collector of Internal Revenue, for this District, on yesterday proceeded to the sales rooms of our merchants and seized a quanti ty of Tobacco, found unstamped, and a quantity of liquor and other articles which were also found without the prescribed stamp. In instances where property was thus seized a receipt was given specifying the quantity of the article, and setting forth that the seizure was made for violation of the United States Internal Revenue Law. This action on the part of the Collector has given rise to some discussion as to the justice of the course. It is asserted on the part of some of the merchants that the law states that all Tobacco manufactured prior to August, 1865, is exempt from taxation. In one instance where Tobacco was thus seized we arte informed that it was manufac tured prior to the war, but the Collector gave as his reason for the seizure that it did not bear the stamp prescribed in such cases, that is it should be branded, by the Collec tor of the District wherein it was manufac tured, thus : " No duty in late insurrection ary States." The Collector was assured that a certificate could be procured in confirmation of this fact, but it-was asserted by him that this would have no effect in procuring a release of the articles taken possession of. We are not sufficiently posted in the law to argue the justice of the case, but presume that it will be fully investigated by the par ties interested. We have no doubt but that justice would be done, if the Collector was convinced that he had misconstrued the law. Wilmington Journal. - - - Fifty deaths -from cholera were reported at New Orleans a few days ago as having oc curred in forty-eight hours previous. SATURDAY, - - AUGUST 18. I860. Mr. Goodloe's Letter. We take pleasure in publishing the letter of Daniel R. Goodloe, Esq., addressed to the Editors of the Sentinel. The Sentinel, after assailing Mr. Goodloe, has refused to permit hiu to be heard through its columns in his own defence. However we may differ with Mr. Goodloe in some of his views, we concede to him a3 his fellow-citizens of the State generally will, honesty of purpose, marked ability in the exposition and maintenance of his prin ciples, and sincere devotion to his native State. His letter is calm and dignified. There is no passion or demagogism in it. We (the Senior Editor) have known Mr. Goodloe for a quarter of a century, and we can truthfully say that he has been uniform ly consistent during that period on the sub ject of slavery. We take pleasure in ackhn our belief that the country contains no pub he man, who is more honest in his opinions or more disinterested in his motives than Daniel R. Goodloe. " The Philadelphia Convention. We give to-day a synopsis of the proceed ings of this body, and shall publish in full the Address and Resolutions as soon as they come to hand. While we do not admit the assumed right of the delegates from this State to represent or speak for the Union people of North-Car olina, we are nevertheless not indifferent to any effort having for its object the restora tion of the Union. It will be seen by our telegraphic dis patch, that the Convention has adjourned. The Richmond Enquirer is glad to find that Gov. Orr, in his recent speech in Phila delphia, did not admit that the difference between the North and the South on the subject of secession, had been "formally and legally'" established in favor of the North but only that it had been established by arms. The Enquirer still hugs secession to its bosom. In its notice of the Philadelphia Convention it says : "Despite all this, wefeartbat when we rpnrl the account of the scene described in vest fir- day's telegram, in which Messrs. Orr and Couch were chief actors, we did not thrill with the sympathetic emotion which ran th rough the audience of spectators. Perhaps we naa some ieciings, but we suspect they were not of admiration. The pathos enacted there was very much like bathos when read here. It was intended, by the getters up of the tableau, to symbolize that the very extremes had met; that South Carolina, the most southern of Southern people, and Massachu cetts, the most pragmatical of the Puritans, had smoked the pipe of peace, and were lock ed in affectionate embrace; and the scene was held up for study as a beautiful picture with a moral to it. But is there not another view ? Did Mr. Orr go to Philadelphia to confess that his State lay on an extreme as far out from truth and justice as Massachu setts ? That she was an equal offender ? That indeed has often been charged against her, but it has not been confessed until now, when her sufferings and her sorrows make it impossible without shame. And by her own son 1 Perhaps a capacity for dirt-eating is not without it uses, and hence, that Mr. Orr is in his right place; but we reject any im plied assumption of Southern leadership or mpersonation, tor South Carolina , as con nected with the late performance. Virginia is for peace and reconciliation. But reluctant and grave in entering upon the fight, she will not be considered a part of any perfor mance which winds up the tremendous trag edy through which we have passed, with ar tificial scenes and ostentations displays, such as belong to a sensation fiction. She has a better conception of the great role she has been acting with the world as lookers-on." The appointment of Collector of Customs at Savannah, Ga., has been tendered by the President to Hon. James Johnson, late Pro visional Governor of Ga., and accepted by him. The appointment was previously ten dered to Mr. Joshua Hill, who declined. W. E. Bond, Esq., has been appointed col lector for the first district of North-Carolina. This is a good appointment. R. W. King, Esq., of Lenoir County, N. C. has been nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate, as collector of the port of Newbern. lie is entitled to the of fice. Why is be kept out of it by the Assis tant Secretary of the Treasury ? If the New Constitution has been rejected, the great body of the free white men of this State, to say nothing of the real friends of the President, will most probably deem it their duty to run a white basis candidate for Governor. The result of the vote upon the Constitution will soon be knows. Let the Union men of the State be on the alert. Superior Courts. The Fall term of the Superior Courts will be held as follows : 1st Circuit, 2nd " 3rd " 4th " 5th "- 6th " 7th " 8th " by Judge Merrimon, Barnes, Warren, "v Fowle, " Gilliam, " Buxton, " Mitchell, " Shipp. Insanb Negroes at the South. The sudden transition from slavery to freedom, together with the immense amount of suffer ing incident hereto, has filled to overflowing the lunatic asylums of the South. A des patch was received to-day at the Freedmen's Bureau here from Governor Humphrey, of Mississippi, in answer to an inquiry whether he could accommodate any more insane colo red people, that all the asylums were full, but that the State would take immediate steps to increase the facilities for providing for as many as possible of tlurt unfortunate class. Tobacco in New Jersey. A number of gentlemen a few yeara; since established a farm a short distance fxom Camden, N. J., for the purpose of expesiincBtimg in raising tobaco. This year it is estimated they will realize about three thousand dollars . from a field of twenty acres. The soil in many places of South Jersey is peculiary adapted to the cultivation at this article. lt is said! that parties design to appropriate large tracts, of South Jersey land to raising tobacco. General Rossean For Congress. x Louisville, August 13, 1866 It is agreed to give the track to General Bosseau without opposition. Tho Candi dates announced in the city press have de clined the canvass,, and Rosseau will he sup ported unanimously for Congress..