An invention of that kind fills a long felt want. It
is true that almost every man and every woman has
a larynx supplied free by nature, but, like most other
free gifts, the average natural larynx is unsatisfac
tory. It does not emit a good tone unless carefully
cultivated, and even then the tone is limited in range
and variety of expression. Thus when a person has
a good serviceable larynx she becomes a Patti, is
looked upon as a genius, and receives more money
from the people for a half-dozen songs than a good,
hard-working statesman can get for a year's service.
1—NROFESSOR STUART of the University of
L_^/ Sydney is said by reports from Australia to
* have made an artificial larynx for a man who
had lost that portion of his anatomy through disease
and to have inserted it into place with such success
that the possessor is now blessed with a voice that
commands the admiration of the town. It is added
that the new larynx can be. so regulated as to make
the voice soprano, tenor, contralto or bass at will.
HIS Smopth and Serene Highness, the Master Manipulator
" It C wai thus a member of the present Cabinet spoke
of his chief. President William McKinley. He spoke
well. In this one sentence hwArove straight to the secret
of William McKinley' s puccess.
The character of President McKinley is many-sided. It is a
character so blended, to mixed with the guod and bad, the
strong and weak, that even now, after he has been }™pW
years in public life and three years and a half in the \v hlte
House, is is but imperfectly understood.
The President's is a character of which it is easy to make
a mistaken estimate. His fond admirers praise him as all that
is wise, calm, noble, far-sighted, unselfish, strong. His enemies
rush to the other extreme and set him down as shallow, selfish,
a man of one Idea, without backbone, a creature of circum
stance; wobbly, ruled by stronger wills than his own; a mere
politician, rattling about in the chair which a statesman should
occupy.
The truth lies somewhere between these two extremes. Be
ing neither foe. nor favorite of the President I shall attempt to
establish this mean of truth and accuracy.
To my mind William McKinley is the most natural and
Cully developed flower of our American modern spirit as repre
sented and interpreted by the Republican party. The American
people are a business people and the Republican party Is the
party of business. Mr. McKinley is the incarnation of all these
things. He is pre-eminently the business man in politics. He
set out upon his public career with a single idea, and that was
business prosperity secured through legislation. He was not a
philosopher. He was not even a student of economics in the
higher sense. He was not afflicted with principles or theories
other thnn the principle that public prosperity is the highest
form of patriotism and that this prosperity may be secured
through the statute books. That was Mr. McKinley's start and
he has never got far away. He has simply developed and ex
tended it. In himself he has found the best representative of
the idea the country ever had.
• » • *
There is a marked difference between Mr. McKinley and Mr.
Bryan. The latter knows nothing about business. He cares
little about the prosperity of the mills, the banks, the mer
chants. His stronghold is in the principles, in the axioms laid
down by the fathers. Mr. Bryan deals in maxims, Mr. McKin
ley in men and money The one has the public speech as his
Ideal, the other the tale told by the treasury statistics. Mr.
Bryan believes the highest expression of statesmanship is
found In rhetoric; Mr. McKinley believes It is in the rumble of
wheels and blowing of whistles. Each is almost perfectly rep
resentative of his party and of the elements which range them
selves behind him in this campaign; for Democracy and its al
lies are distinctively the parties of theory, of dissent, of protest,
of denunciation: while the Republicans are the party of con
struction, of executive ability, of responsibility, of action. The
one needs a voice, the other a performer. Each has what It re
quires.
Mr. Bryan is saturated with principles, with theories, with
maxims concerning the government. If he were elected Presi-,
lent it would take him several years to rid himself of them and
;et down to actual business on business lines. Mr. McKinley
(vas never hampered with any such impedimenta. The only prin
ciple he ever had was the simple one born of a nation's imma
ture epoch — it is better to produce at home than to buy abroad,
and the best way to keep the foreigner out is by putting up a
tariff Wall against him. Literally no other theory ever harassed
him. Had he been called to the head of a great railway or in
surance company he would have been quite as successful there
as he has been at the head of the Government, because he would
have made his principles to fit the facts and cases as they
arose. He would have taken good care of the property, seen to
it that there were dividends for the stockholders, manipulated
the board of dlrectois, compromised and arranged all disanTec
tlons within his own concern or ruinous wars with rivals, and
would never for a single instant have forgotten himself, his
power, his security in his office or his salary.
* • ?
It is sometimes said that Mr. McKinley is an opportunist.
He is Opportunism is the essence of American business suc
cess. Given honesty, loyalty, industry, untiring energrj— the
groundwork common to all industrial or political organizations—
and no other principles are needed by the modern school. Every
thing else is improvised as required by the developments of the
day and the emergencies of the hour. Put Mr. Bryan at the
head of a big concern and he would endeavor to run it by means
of preconceived notions. It would be all theory. There would
be hard and fast rules. He would try to operate upon men by
means of principles borrowed from the fathers. Mr. McKinley,
the true executive, counterpart of all modern industrial admin
istration, operates upon men directly through understanding of
human nature.
McKinley's one basic principle led him, immediately after his
inauguration in 1897. to call Conprcss to special session for the
purpose of enacting a new tarilt law. There his instinct and
his luck ran parallel. His idea was to give the country prosper
ity. Now, prosperity was coming of itself; coming slowly but
surely in response to laws infinitely higher and greater thani
acts of Congress. But McKinley got his new tariff law upon!
the statute books just in time to secure credit for all the good
times that followed.
Apart from this one act. all the remainder of McKinley's
administration has been opportunism of the simplest and most
obvious sort— practical, sensible, business opportunism— meeting
problems after they have developed and not before, drifting care
fullv with complications till they can be thoroughly understood
taking advantage of events rather than trying to force or
create them. McKinley never set out to be an explorer or dis
coverer. He sails along with the fair wind, but steers con«
stantly and well and has one of the best weather eyes ever seen
upon the political waters. He runs into port with the tide, but
no mariner ever watched light more alertly than he or was more
skillful in avoiding shoal or breaker.
* * *
McKinley's habitual opportunism, his practice of waiting to see ho*
the wind blows, has given the careless observer the Impression that
this is a sign of weakness, of timidity,. of lack of character. It la
nothing of the sort. Opportunism is Mr. McKin'.ey's principle, it is his
strength, it is his salvation. He believes in it. he worships at Its
shrine. He goes upon the theory that the best opportunity is the most
successful in the race. The results indicate that he is right.
What did he do when the people and the Congress were crowding
rapidly toward war with Spain? He was not weak enough to place
himself at the head of the popular impulse, as a demagogue might have
done. He resisted all temptation to make himself the hero of the Jin
goes. Nor did he go to the other extreme and strain himself seriously
in an effort to maintain peace. What he did do was Just what might
have been expected from William JlcKlnley. He tried to compromise
upon a business basis. Compromise and business methods are his chief
characteristics. He wanted to keep the Spanish negotiations concern
ing Cuba wholly in his own hands. He hoped to arrange for Cuba's
perfect autonomy as a palliative, and Incidentally as a great feather in
the cap of William McKinley. If worst came to worst, and war
swooped down upon him. despite all efforts to confine trouble to the
realm of diplomacy, he wanted it to come, not in 1S9S. Just as he
had become well settled In the Presidential chair, but In 1899, or 1900,
upon the eve of the campaign for his re-election. .This may be letting
a secret out of the bag, but it Is a secret well known to many of the
President's official household and to a few Senators.
But for the destruWion of the Maine McKinley would doubtless have
succeeded. He would have been able either to secure by diplomacy
some sort of settlement of the Cuban trouble, or to have held off the
war to suit his own ideas as to the best and proper time for It. r
As It was. the explosion in Havana harbor made war Inevitable.
When it came McKinley plunged himself Into it with all the resources
of his well-trained mind and great executive ability. He made himself
the head and front of It, and tremendously advanced his personal pres
tige through It. The man who was strong enough to wait, to bide his
time, to permit great mdvements to develop to the point of Imperative
ness and clear Intelligibility before taking decided ground, had hia
chance at last and made the most of it.
If we seek a better keynote to the McKinley character than any we
have as yet employed, perhaps we shall find it in saying that he is an
adept in the art of benevolent selfishness. His is the policy and the
practice which endeavors to make everything work out for the common
good and his own special benefit. So great is his skill that even
close observers often lose sight of the man and his personal motive in
the splendor of the well-disposed ensemble. He is even content to play
the game so adroitly that men think him weak and vacillating. There!
Is a prevalent belief that he lacks strength of purpose and is easily
led by others; that he wobbles and yields too much to be entitled to
a niche in'the gallery of real fame.
This Is an error. It is a natural error, due to the cleverness -with
which the game of benevolent selfishness Is played. Judged from a
little distance William McKinley is thought the most generous and
self-sacrificing of men. He Is all urbanity, all milk of human kindness
all surrender and compromise. His speech is soft, his glove of velvet'
So smooth and unctuous are all his moods and methods that small
wonder the steel of selfishness and persistency, of Iron will and In
domltable purpose to reach the result aimed at. Is overlooked. But
here in Washington those of us who know William McKinley have
two or three sayings which well sum up the case.
"McKinley placates and placates and has his own way In the end."
"McKinley compromises and compromises and ends In compro
mlslng."
"McKinley surrenders all non-essentials and through such surrender
comes out victorious in everything of importance." '
These are true sayings. They cut to the quick of his character ani
his instinctive methods. If it were worth while we could IlluMriti*
them with a score or a hundred of citations. Not a day peases but
some incident pays tribute to his power In these directions He makw
peace between political factions, brings together as friends men who
have long- been foes, through small favors puts his retinue men -who
are predisposed to stand aloof, and all for the single but well con
cealed purpose of building up William McKinley and making him in
vincible.
« * • i
In the estimation of the Ill-Informed public the character of BfcKln
ley has been wholly subordinate to that' of Hanna. The child X
asked if McKinley would still be President were Hanna to die u
famous. I}ut this, too. Is a myth. It may surprise a goodly number
of people to learn that Instead of Hanna eclipsing McKinley It Is Han
na who Is as clay In the hands of the Presidential potter ' Hanna is
at heart the sincerer, ml!der man, no matter what manners indicate
Hanna loves McKinley; MsKinley uses' Hanna. Wholly contrary to
the general belief, it is not the chairman of the National Republican
Committee who Is the stronger willed, the more selfish, dominant. <
THE Emperor of Epigrams." In this way some cne has
characterized AVilliam Jennings Bryan.
It is a good characterization. In it we find a key
to the marvelous control of his* party which he has been
able to maintain for four years. In it we find, too, a
clew to the means by which he has made himself the
leader of that party In the pending campaign, despite the fact
that he has persisted in clinging to a policy which four-fifths of
his followers are weary of.
William J. Bryan is now the secord man on the American
continent. He is easily second in his power for good or evil, in
the influence which he exerts upon millions of his fellow citi
zens and upon the future of his country. Many think him first,
not second, and as to which he Is we must wait a while before
j making up our judgment.
Such a power as this is not acquired wholly by accident. It
is not altogether a freak. There must be a rational explanation
of it through analysis of the man's character and his works in
their relation to the human nature and average impulses of tho
political party which he dominates. This rational explanation
we now seek.
Without doubt we have found It in his fecund facility for
producing epigrams. His Is the sovereignty of shibboleth.
But mere cleverness in the saying of things— in the forging
of phrases which take on luminosity, like the proverbs and tho
! electric signs of the soapmakers — would not alone suffice to
j make a great leader. The times must have been ripe for him.
The spiritual condition of his party must have been such as to
: make the ground fallow, arid, athlrst, eager to drink and ab
sorb and give forth.
• • •
So It was. The Democratic party was In a state of reaction.
Ever the party of the masses, always the party of the under
dog, it was by nature of its constituent elements and ail its tra
ditions better fitted for brave opposition from without than for
: successful performance within the citadels of power and respon
sibility. Stated as an irreducible minimum. Democracy is a par
ty which instinctively and persistently places its left hand upon
the sacred books, with its right habitually gesticulates, while it.s
voice is lifted up in solemn and eloquent defense of the old
I ideals and the early principles. It is the party of discontent,
not of, deeds.
1 Four years ago Democracy was in possession of the Govern
ment. It had responsibility, but was dissatisfied with itself.
• Grover Cleveland was in the White House, but the masses of
the party were discontented with him. For four years — yes, for
twelve years — Democracy had been under the control of men
who were not really and truly. Democratic. The plebeians had
been compelled to stand aside, and the patricians had come to
the front.
At Chicago, in 1S92, these latter had made their last stand.
The new and undemocratic class of men, men in sympathy with
the current developments of our national life — practical men,
business men, corporation men, even plutocrats— were still hold-
Ing the reins. William C. Whitney was their master spirit. They
nominated again Grover Cleveland, the stolid high priest created
by their regime. Republicans and Germans elected him. and he
ruled four years. Each year he became less a Democrat, fur
ther from true sympathy with Democracy. All through his last
administration discontent smoldered and flickered. In l&Dd it
broke forth into a fierce flame. Chicago became the center of
the conflagration.
This reaction of Democracy against itself came colncldently
with vast discontent among the people. Times were hard. Tho
country was In one of those ever recurring periods of stoppage
and distress, periods sure to follow epochs of elevation an.l
inflation as surely as winter follows summer. The two dis
contents—the political unrest of the sentimental under-do^
Democracy and the economic inflammation of a people wno
were savagely conscious of the disease and wildly seeking tha
remedy— came together. They met ajid blended in the Chicago
Convention of 1S96. They fused In the white heat of revolution.
Discontent needs nothing so much as a voice. Xothing but a.
voice can direct and lead It. A voice It is ready to fall down
and worship.
Unconsciously to itself, the organized discontent of the
Democratic party at Chicago In 1S96 was seeking a voice which
should summon to its side all the unorganized discontent of
the masses. Suddenlythe voice appeared. It came as a potent
phrase-maker from the prairies. With its "cross of srold and
crown of thorns" It stood with outstretched hands, and tho
scepter was placed in them. The voice was Bryan.
From that day to this the party has remained true to its
instincts, and has made no serious effort to rid itself of the
leadership of the soothsayer. It has recognized the eternal
fitness of things by keeping as Its imperator the utterer of
epigrams, by preserving the dictatorship of the discontented ia
the hands of the chief declalmer.
• • •
All his life William Jennings Bryan has been fitting: himseir
for taking advantage of Just such an opportunity as that which
presented itself at Chicago. At college he strove for prizes as
a fledgling orator. He shone In the debating society. All h:s
instincts were toward leadership through the lips. To him all
the titanic forces of American statesmanship appeared to He in
the tongue. To this day his Ideal of the greatest American
may be found in a cheap lithograph hanging upon the walla of
his library In his home at Lincoln — Henry Clay In a long coat
and high collar passionately addressing: the Senate at Wash
ington. Well do we all know that the dominant »plrtt of
American life to-day is business. The people who produce,
fabricate, buy. sell, consume a greater bulk of commodities
than any other people of like numbers the sun shines upon
are not afraid of their calling, feel in nowise degraded by
they activities. They carry their dally impulse into their ra
tional ideals. They like public servants who can do business
who are wise in council, efficient in action, constant in con
struction.
Mr. Bryan has no such ideals. "With him the test of states
manship is ability to make a. speech. He has none but tried
and trusty speechmaUera about him. If elected President ho
will place an orator in every Cabinet post, send none but speil
binders abroad, turn all the post offices and collectorships over
to the good talkers. Under Bryanism civil service examina
tions will be resolved Into competitive debating: societies.
Mr. Bryan (Joes, well to cling to this ideal, because it is the secret~f
his power. The party Is like the man. It idealizes the declaimer I
was at Kansas City and sat for hours listening to speeches from men
I had never before heard of. I heard speeches in hotel corridors and
on the streets. The men who sought the Vice Presidency were urged
by their friends because each of them was said to be "an orator second
only to Bryan himself." and "with two such tribunes of the people w«
will sweep the country." The Democratic Idea of life at Waahinrton,
la that it Is one continual round of speechmaking. Committee rooms,
even more potential Senatorial cloak rooms. Cabinet councils of execu
tive ability— these are things beyond Its ken.
"We Democrats are a different people from the Republicans." «aM
Mr. Dockery. a former Congressman from Missouri, and the next
Governor of that State, at Kansas City. "The Republicans have dis
cipline. They are organized on business lines. The leaders say how
many addresses shall be made, and who shall make them, and that's
all there is of it. But when we Democrats get together every one of
us thinks It his duty to make a speech and all the rest of us t>n™fc it
our duty to stand around and help him."
Of this party Mr. Bryan is the fitting and well-chosen leader.
Mr. McKinley Is such a perfect type of the business and executive
spirit of the American people that he may be said to ba a personlScatlon
of it In our public life.
- • ',: •2"v •--¦.
Mr. Bryan as perfectly represents the elements of protest, of dl«
eent. of discontent, of dreams of higher and better things not definitely
defined or well understood, but which have a good and virtuous sound
when translated Into well-rounded rhetorical periods.
It is for the country to decide which it will trust the reina of
power to— the tried executive, whose sentiments are often trite or
forced — or the untried administrator whose Meals are perfectly beau
tiful.
But It will not do for any one to assume that Mr. Bryan, because
an idealist and an esotlst, is without the wilt power and force of char
acter which are requisite to a successful management of the natlon'3
affairs. That would be a great mistake, a deception .of one's self.
There Is a widespread Impression, especially in the East, that tho
Democratic candidate for President is shallow, demagoytc; a mere
dreamer, whose dreams fail to co-ordinate, and whose lack of stamina
would make his administration at Washington a rudderless, water
logged derelict, full of surprises and dangers. _
I know Mr. Bryan well, ind I am sure this Is a gross misconception
of his character. Mr. Bryan is in earnest. He believes what he sava.
He really and truly thinks the. cold standard a rreat evil in the
world, the imperialist!? tendencies of the Republican party a menaca
to the republic. These are with him more than matters of the mouth —
they are from the heart. He may be a dreamer, but he dreams hon
estly and without the aid of self-administered narcotics.
• • •
If we consider Mr. Bryan as a speaking machine, we roust remem
ber that this Is precisely the sort of mechanism which th« circum
stances and the time have demanded of him. We must remember,
too, that he is a good machine. It was Arthur P. Gorman who said
to the writer not long ago:
"Mr. Bryan Is In one resaect the most remarkable man of the
century. He has been talking steadily for four years, and the more
he talks the stronser he sets. That is something that upsets all 1
theories and contradicts all traditions."
• • •
It Is the fashion In some rarts of the country to look upon Mr
Bryan as a dangerous radical of revolutionary tendencies. But many
of his friends complain of him that he Is not radical enough. They
would like him to favor Government ownership, but he refuses. They
talk to him of the Initiative and referendum. He waives them aside
Instead of being a Populist with Democratic leanings. Mr Bryan Is a
Democrat with a love for Populist votes. -;>
• • •
Mr. Bryan is a fatalist. He believes he Is to be President of ths
United States before he dies. He Is so confident of It that he does not
permit himself to be worried by doubts and fears, ir it dors not come
in 1900 it will come in 1904. and If not In 13W, then in 1308: for Mr.
Bryan has not the slightest notion of «tfpp!nsr aside from Democratic
leadership even If defeated next November. The Democrats who want
to defeat Mr. Bryan this year In order that their party may get rid of I
him once for all are reckoning without the knowledge or co-operation'
of Mr. Bryan.
" " Mr. Bryan Is not only a fatalist, but he is a devout follower of hia
Lord. The day does not pass In which Mr. Bryan neglects to ret down
upon his kneea and seek the guidance of the Master.
UcKINLEY, Master Manipu
lator of Men.
BRYAN, Emperor of Epi
grams.
The Candidates
of the Two
Great Parties
Described
By Men Closely
Intimate
With Both).
MONEY FOR THE JUBILEE.
yvyi ONEY for the grand celebration of Admis
/ \ sion day promises to be promptly and
* * abundantly forthcoming. At any rate a good
start has been made. The wQrk of canvassing the
city for contributions has been hardly ''more than
begun, and already a notable sum has been assured.
The response has been cordial and liberal, and there
is, therefore, a substantial basis for the expectation
that the full amount of the sum desired for the enter
prise will be subscribed in a comparatively short
time. •
There are many reasons why the business men of
the city should heartily co-operate with the Native
Sons in making a complete success of every feature
of the programme prepared for the celebration. In
the first place the occasion is one that merits com
memoration on a grand scale in order that its signi
ficance may be impressed not only upon the public of
this coast, but upon the people of the East. We are
to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of California's ad
mission as a State in the Unipn, and the event will
naturally bring about a consideration of what has
been accomplished by Californians in that half cen
tury. The story will be one of progress unparalleled
in history. We have made a development from a
pastoral condition of society to that of a highly or
gantzed community, with a wide diversity of indus
tries and interests, more rapidly and more prosper
ously than any other people. The history of the State
is brief, but it is one of which we can be justly proud,
and to which we can, with credit to ourselves, chal
lenge the attention of all on the anniversary of the
jubilee year of our statehood.
In addition to the patriotic impulses which prompt
the celebration of the day there are material advant
ages to be expected from a grand demonstration,
which will not be overlooked by men who have an
intelligent comprehension of their own interests. At
this time, when the teeming prosperity of the country
affords capital for almost every well-devised enter
prise, it is important that the attention of progressive
business men of all parts of the Union be called to the
rich resources that await development here and the
abundant opportunities for the profitable investment
of capital. The celebration, carried out on a large
and splendid scale, will serve as an advertisement not
only of what has been done in the past but of what
may be expected in the immediate future, and there
fore will be of material benefit in advancing every
industrial and commercial interest of the city and the
State.
¦ The programme planned for the occasion by the
Native Sons is an excellent one. The celebration
will extend over four, days, each of which will be
marked by some feature of special moment and at
tractiveness. For their share in the work the various
parlors in this city have set aside sums which in the
aggregate amount to upward of $100,000, and the
parlors of the other sections of the State will expend
fully as much more. Thus from the Native Sons,
acting as an order, there is to be an expenditure of
fully $200,000. For the proper decoration of the city
and similar purposes there is asked of business men,
capitalists and citizens generally $50,000 more. With
that sum a celebration can be provided which will
be national in its reputation, and which will attest at
once the prosperity, the energy and the patriotism
of Californians.
Such is the outlook. The Native Sons have done
well, and are going to have cordial assistance from
other orders and organizations in carrying out the
plan to make the celebration the most splendid and
beautiful ever witnessed on the coast.' It is now for
the citizens to do their share. Come up with the
coin. The cause is c good one, and everybody will
profit by its successful achievement.
Addrew A!! Communica'lons to W. S. LEAKE. Manager.
VLA.X A GEIVS OFFICE ™5SiS^tJ!!5fSL52i
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QtKH\n OFFICE HIS Broadwaj
C GEORGE KROGNLSS,
Manager fort'gn Advertizing, t/arquette Buitdingr. Chicago.
<Leac Distance Telephone "Central 261J.")
NEW TORI CORRESPONDENT:
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MORTON t. CRANE. Correspond int.
till *>«-»» rfp-rtr-fZ^ —Z77 llcr.t»ron-#ry. corner of C?»*. '" % *" 1
entll »:» o'clock. SCO Hayes, open until »:M o'clock. CH
McAllister, open until t.iO o'clock. CIS Larkln. <n>en until
I -*C o'clock. O*l MicMcn. or<r. until 10 o'clock. 22C1 Market,
corner Sixteenth, cpen until I o'clock. 1CS6 Valencia. op*a
until * o'clock. 104 Eley^nth. cpen until » o'clock. NW our-
Her Twecty-itccnd and Kentucky, cpen uctll i o'clock.
MONDAY JULY 30, igoo
when every youth and every maiden has a patent
larynx so constructed that by touching a button or
turning a crank in the throat he or she can produce
a sustained tone, soprano, tenor or bass, at pleasure.
The nights will be filled with music and the street
cars that infest' the day will silence their bells from
jangling and s'lently slide away.
®frc -i^&BSfefc (EaiL
WILLIAM McKINEY
WILLIAM J. BRYAN
MEET THE ISSUE FIRMLY.
BY the decision of the Supreme Court declar
ing the Stratton primary law to be unconstitu
tional a difficult situation has been presented
to the better elements of the Republican party in the
fight against the Mint saloon bosses and the corrupt
'gangs of voters that are under their control. It will,
of course, be the duty of the County Committee to
provide for holding primary elections as fairly as pos
sible under the conditions that now prevail; and there
is no reason to doubt that it will act energetically.
Everything, however, must not be, left to the com
mittee. The situation is one that calls for increased
vigilance and activity on the part of all loyal Repub
licans. The issue raised by the decision of the court
must be met fiunly. The fight for honest politics
within the Republican party must be carried on with
greater ardor than ever.
Clean politics will in this contest mean in San
Francisco a clean sweep for ' the Republican ticket.
The brilliant successes of the Republican administra
tion of national affairs, coupled with the disasters
threatened by Bryanism, naturally incline every inde
pendent citizen to ally himself with the Republicans
in the campaign; and in this city that tendency will
be increased in strength by the popular disgust at the
fiascos of Phelan's mismanagement of local affairs.
Thus the Republicans have only to eliminate the
would-be bosses from its councils and nominate good
men to carry the city by an overwhelming majority.
It is a clear case where honesty will be the best policy.
"and where compromise with dishonesty will be a
political blunder of the worst kiiui.
Such being the situation, the profession*! men, the
business men and the working men who uuke up 'he
intelligence and the virtue of the RtjwxbJr«n party
will perceive plainly the duty thit lies fcrt&W ihtnjk
Their fight is for honest ;>ri:r.sr^s Attd Art h«n«t con
vention. It may not be s^ rs<y %> «v»Aia ihoie end*
r.ow as it promised to iv «r,*;»-r :..c 5:r*:to>« hive, but
the fight is far frotn bc : .r.$ h©y«!e^ By energy and
united action the better etetKCRt* of ;V,e jwrty can
defeat the imnsrs that expose thtsa. Any caretessnres
on the part of loyal Rr,v.:V ,\v.-> xn& be taott dimer
ous now than it Would have feeeoi before, but other
wise the situation i> ret dis^antgta^ *• a '* jtrnuine
Republicans do their fuK poUtkaJ u-.;:y :he party will
be freed from the dsr.jrtrr c! KUktRg ar.y sort of
compromise with Criranuas and KeUy CMf of putting
before the people any stsch cwjwatkm earuMvlates as
Dibble and Wolfe. The ?a:h to victory along ths
road of hor.c*t politics :> still open. Let the better
elements of the party tsett the new issue larmly an>l
ali will be well.
THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, MONDAY, JULY 30, 1900.
JOHN D. SPRECKELS, Proprietor.
A BAD GUESSER
A CONTRIBUTOR to the current number of the
National Review, in discussing the relation of
the British colonies to the mother country, and
the extent to which they may strengthen the military
and naval power of the empire, quotes from a book
published in 1763 a curious prediction concerning
what were then British colonies in this country. The
title of the book is, "The Reign of George VI — 1900
to 1925," and the work is an attempt to forecast the
future, to describe the conditions of our time, just as
so many recent writers have attempted to forecast the
sort of republic we shall have in the year 2000.
In the passage quoted in the National Review the
writer says: "The population of our various posses
sions in North America is so diverse, their political
institutions so unlike, their interests so opposite, that
it is most improbable that they will ever combine
against Britain. Their numbers are growing so rap
idly that by 1900 there may be as many as eleven mil
lions of British colonists- between the St. Lawrence
and the Mississippi, but they will all be loyal subjects
of the British crown." ¦
The contrast between that prophecy and the situa
tion as it exists in this year 1900 is sufficient to con
vince any one of the wisdom of Artemus Ward's ad
vice, "Never prophesy unless you know." The di
verse populations of the British colonies did find a
cause and means for combining against Great Brit
ain, and their numbers are now in the neighborhood
of seven times eleven millions. So bad a guess con
cerning the future as seen from- the standpoint of
1763 will of course cause a smile, but after the smile
there should come a recognition of the fact that some
of our calculations of what conditions will prevail a
century from now may be just as erroneous.
- The old chronicler calculated that in this year the
chief danger to the liberties of Europe would be an
alliance between France and Russia. He did not
foresee the rise of German power, nor dream of any
such thing as a terrible Chinese complication.
Neither did he have any conception of a powerful
United States. To protect Europe against the com
bined Gauls and Cossacks he saw but one power —
that of Great Britain and her colonies, and he cheer
fully predicted that the great naval struggle between
the mighty rivals would be turned by warships built
at Boston and Quebec and sent across the Atlantic to
the aid of the mother country.
Of her extensive possessions in America in 1763
Britain now retains none of importance except Can
ada. She has, however, large colonial possessions
elsewhere, and her people are to-day making san
guine predictions of the coming of a time when from
the ports of Australia, South Africa and Canada war
ships will steam to join the fleets of Britain in battle
for naval supremacy. There is, however, a warning
in the failure of the old-time forecast. Perhaps within
a half-century, or less, those great colonies may be as
independent >of the British crown as are" the States of
Last year a great advance was made. This year the
prospects give reason to expect a further advance.
The work of the Board of Agriculture is having its
effect, and throughout the State the people are be
coming more and more interested in it. It is, indeed,
a matter that concerns all, for all are taxed to provide
the appropriations made for it. It is a plain business
proposition that those who pay to support the fair
should exert themselves to share in its benefits. It is
open to all on equal terms, and when all, in propor
tion to their means and their industrial output, take
part in it we shall have a fair that visitors from all
parts of the great West will come to see, and in which
enterprising manufacturers of all parts of the Union
will be seeking for room to make exhibits.
The one thing required to make the State Fair an
event of great importance throughout the Pacific
Coast is a keener interest on the part of the people of
California generally. The efforts made by the board
last year to arouse all sections of the State to actively
participate in the fair produced good results, but after
all were only partially successful. A comprehensive
display of the products of Californian industry, in city
and country, has yet to be made. That exhibit cannot
be forced by the State nor coaxed by the board. It
must be the outcome of a popular movement through
out the State— one in which the leading men in all
lines of production will take part. Should such a
movement be once set going its own momentum
would carry it forward rapidly, and in a time com
paratively short the California State Fair would be
one of the most notable of the annual events of the
nation.
The possibilities of the fair have long been recog
nized, but have never been fully made use of. The
State grants liberal «id and the city of Sacramento
has at all times cordially co-operated in making the
fair successful. The State Board of Agriculture has
been earnest, as a rule, in promoting the exhibitions,
and the present board has been especially active and
sagacious. In fact, what was done last year to pro
cure a thoroughly representative exhibit from every
county and every city in the State resulted in an ex
ceptionally fine exposition, so that public interest in
it was perhaps greater than ever before in our history.
There is a wide neld for growth and development
in our State Fair. No other State in the Union, not
excepting the imperial commonwealth of New York,
can achieve so much through an institution of the
kind, for no other State has such rich resources, such
varied agricultural interests and such possibilities for
diversity of industries along all lines of civilized ac
tivity. Moreover, no other State has so much to
expect in the way of benefits, immediate and wide
spread, from a comprehensive annual exposition of
f.he results of her industries. We have not only more
to show than any other State, but a greater incentive
for showing it.
REPORTS from Sacramento concerning ar
rangements now being made for the State Fair
are gratifying to ail who take an interest in that
important annual exhibition of the industries of the
State. The fair of last year was a notable improve
ment over former exhibitions, and the prospects now
give promise of a further improvement this year.
STATE FAIR PROSPECTS.
The East shows few of these favorable indications.
There business continues quiet. The bank clearings
of the country are stiU behind those of 1899, though
the decrease is materially lc?s than a few weeks ago.'
The failures, too, are larger, though, happily, are
mostly small. The iron trade is still in the dumps,
and the gTeat staples, outside of sugar, tea and coffee,
arc generally dull and easy. Wool, however, is show
ing rather more tone again. The country seems to
be doing a midsummer business considerably above
the average, but less than during the record-breaking
year of 1899. The gratifying feature of the commer
cial situation is the general confidence of the people
in the financial policy of the Government, which has
enabled us thus far this year to meet a serious decline
in prices for many staples without a tremor in the
money markets. We are sound, and our financial
policy is sound. We know it, and therefore regard
the recession from the dizzy heights of 1899 as merely
a. natural reaction after a period of feverish trade
activity, to be followed later on, doubtless, with re
newed bustle and increased prosperity.
But the outlook for prices fof farm produce in
California this year is good, independent of the Ori
ental situation. It is now evident that the enormous
crops of fruit, hay and grain predicted early in the
season are not being !.arvested. Concerns whose in
terests lie in buying our produce at low prices are
still crying heavy crop?, but those who produce those
crops know better. The wheat estimates have been
reduced from 1,000,000 tons to 650,000 tons. That
good grain hay is actually scarce is shown by an
unprecedented midsummer advance in quotations of
at least $3 per ton. Oats are rising, barley is harden
ing under an increased demand, the output of dried
apricots has shrunken from an estimate of 1200 cars
to a doubtful 900, the prune crop has decreased from
a heralded 150.000.000 pounds to not more than 125,
000,000, with announcements of continued reductions
in the yield by the Cured Fruit Association, due to
the unusual "drop"; the grape crop will certainly not
be over the average, the hop crop has been cut do;vn
a third, and so on down a long list of farm products.
This docs not mean that there will be any scarcity,
but that the trumpeted reports of enormous crop?,
made some time ago by interested concerns and in
dividuals and still being made with a persistence
•worthy of a better cause, are not in accordance with
the facts. The proof of this lies in the undeniable
fact that prices are rising. Grape^ are already being
sold at good figures; the whole dried fruit market i«
working into a stronger condition; hops are quoted
at figures higher than a few weeks ago, and, in fact,
the whole situation is showing increased strength.
This means better prices for the fruitgrower, vine
yardxst and cereal farmer later on, unless something
now unforeseen occurs, and thus indirectly better
times for the whole State. Briefly, almost all crops
ere shorter than proclaimed early in the summer,
and prices are hardening in consequence.
T — \ ROSPECTS for trade are better on the Pacific
Ly Coast, and particularly in California, than in any
*¦ other part of the United States. The wars in
the Orient are helping our State out wonderfully. We
are being called upon for all sorts of supplies— hay,
horses, oats, provisions, dried and canned fruits, coal,
clothing, miscellaneous groceries — everything, in
brief, that enters into the equipment of armies. True,
most of the clothing and ammunition are produced
in the Ea?t, but we get the lion's share or. the out
fitting. Already the beneficial effects of this military
provision are manifest in higher prices for coal, hay,
oats, horses and a number of other articles, while
advices from New York say that a Chinese war,
which now seems certain, will surely cause a brisk
demand for canned and dried fruits.
BRIGHT BUSINESS OUTLOCK.
Come up with the coin for the jubilee celebration.
It will be a long time before you have a chance to
contribute to another cne. - ¦•-,... .
The Regents of the University of California are
planning for another deficit. It might not be amiss
to vary the monotony of this yearly programme by
scheming once for a surplus.
AN AUSTRALIAN NOVELTY.
The artificial larynx promises to make music cheap
and singing a matter of a simple 'surgical operation.
Imagine, if you can, how melodious society will bz
6
AUCTION SALES.
By Emll Cohn— Monday. Ju!y 30, at 11 o'clock, rurr.ltur-, at
}TJ Broflerick Ftre«t.
AMUSEMENTS.
Tlvc'.!— "Alia-"
Alcazar — "Iioraeo and Juliet."
Columbia— "Brother Officers."
Ori tieun; — Vaudeville
Grand Opera-house— "The Great Ruiiy."
Cali:orn:a-%'"l?y the Sal Sea Waves."
• Oirir.r.>ia. corner Mason and Eddy streets— Specialties.
Cfcutec. Zoo ani Theairr — VsuJevil.e every aflernjon an3
•renlr.s.
Fischer"*— Vau3ev::>.
Sutro Baths— O:#n rights.